D2. Socialism

Nearly half a century after the Iranian Revolution, its outcome is still widely treated as inevitable. The Shah fell, the story goes, and a deeply religious society naturally produced an Islamic state. Clerical rule appears, in hindsight, as history fulfilling cultural destiny. This interpretation is politically convenient and historically wrong.

The Islamic Republic did not emerge because Iranian society was inherently predisposed toward theocracy. Nor was the victory of the clerical leadership preordained. The Revolution was a profoundly social upheaval shaped by competing class forces, organisational strengths, political miscalculations, and strategic struggles within the revolutionary camp itself.

The Revolution did not have to end with clerical rule. Its outcome was fought over and decided.

The Revolution contained democratic and egalitarian possibilities that were defeated through political struggle rather than cultural destiny.

Understanding why matters urgently today, not only for interpreting Iran’s past, but also for understanding why opposition to imperial aggression against Iran cannot be confused with political support for the regime that ultimately consolidated power.

A social revolution, not a religious eruption

The overthrow of Mohammad Reza Shah was the culmination of decades of uneven capitalist transformation imposed from above. Oil revenues financed industrialisation, urban expansion and state-led modernisation, yet political participation remained tightly controlled. Rural displacement accelerated, inequality widened, and millions were pushed into precarious urban existence.

By 1978, dissent had escaped elite circles and become mass rebellion. Demonstrations paralysed major cities, but it was the strike movement,

particularly among oil workers, that fatally undermined the monarchy. Production halted, state income collapsed, and the regime’s coercive apparatus began to fracture.

Across factories and workplaces, workers established councils known as shoras. These bodies supervised hiring, challenged management authority and, in some cases, exercised direct control over production. They emerged organically from struggle rather than religious mobilisation. For a brief historical moment, power was fragmented between a collapsing state and newly created popular institutions.

The Revolution opened a vacuum. What followed was not the automatic triumph of Islamism but a struggle over who would fill that space.

Genuine emancipation, in Iran as elsewhere, can only be the work of those struggling within society itself.

Islamist networks entered this struggle with decisive advantages. Decades of repression had shattered secular parties, socialist organisations, and independent unions. Mosques, religious charities, and clerical networks, however, survived as nationwide infrastructures embedded in everyday social life.

Religious discourse also translated diverse grievances into a shared moral language. Economic injustice, political repression and national humiliation could all be framed as symptoms of moral corruption. This allowed bazaar merchants, students, professionals and the recently urbanised poor to imagine themselves united within a single revolutionary community. Yet this unity concealed deep contradictions.

Islamist leadership mobilised popular anger against dictatorship and foreign domination while defending private property and social hierarchy. It invoked justice for the oppressed while opposing independent working-class organisations and women’s emancipation. Its strength lay precisely in bridging incompatible social interests under a common ideological umbrella.

The decisive question was not whether alliances with such forces should exist. Revolutions make alliances unavoidable. The question was how those alliances were conducted.

The alliance dilemma

Opposition to the Shah necessarily brought together secular radicals, nationalists, liberals, and religious activists. Cooperation during the struggle against dictatorship was both inevitable and legitimate. No single force could defeat the regime alone. The catastrophe emerged after victory.

For a brief historical moment, power was fragmented between a collapsing state and newly created popular institutions.

Large sections of the Iranian Left interpreted the clerical leadership primarily through its anti-imperialist rhetoric. Because it opposed U.S. influence and denounced the monarchy’s Western alignment, it was treated as a progressive partner whose authority should not be challenged during a supposedly transitional stage. Alliance gradually became political subordination.

Instead of maintaining organisational independence while cooperating in struggle, major left currents endorsed referendums legitimising clerical authority, muted criticism of repression and accepted restrictions imposed in the name of revolutionary unity. Independent criticism was postponed precisely when power was being consolidated.

The problem was not cooperation itself. Refusing a united struggle would have isolated the Left from the revolutionary masses. The disaster lay in abandoning political autonomy.

Revolutionary alliances require clarity about divergent social projects. In Iran, shared opposition to the Shah was mistaken for shared visions of the future.

The weakness of the workers’ movement deepened this imbalance. Although factory councils proliferated rapidly, they remained locally rooted and politically fragmented. No national structure emerged capable of transforming workplace militancy into an alternative centre of authority.

As analysed in studies of Iranian labour movements, workers possessed immense disruptive power but lacked durable institutions linking factories across sectors and regions. Without coordination, economic control could not become political power.

Clerical leaders moved swiftly to contain this threat. Strikes were denounced as harmful to national recovery. Appeals to Islamic unity reframed labour demands as selfish disruptions of the Revolution. Workers who had paralysed the monarchy were encouraged, and increasingly pressured, to restore production. Gradually, leverage evaporated.

Counterrevolution from within

The consolidation of clerical rule unfolded not simply through repression but through political struggle inside revolutionary institutions themselves.

Professional and managerial layers anxious about workplace democracy aligned with efforts to restore discipline. Islamic activists reshaped councils into structures loyal to the emerging state. Revolutionary committees increasingly functioned as mechanisms of central authority rather than grassroots power.

Counterrevolution did not restore the Shah’s order. It emerged from within the victorious coalition itself.

By the early 1980s, independent organisations were marginalised or destroyed. Repression followed political isolation rather than preceding it. The revolutionary opening narrowed step by step until clerical monopoly became reality.

Subsequent interpretations often fall into opposing simplifications. One portrays Islamist movements as inherently fascistic enemies, justifying alliances with authoritarian states or liberal elites. The other romanticises them as authentic anti-imperialist forces. Iran demonstrates the inadequacy of both views.

Movements rooted in social dislocation can simultaneously challenge domination and impose new forms of hierarchy. Cooperation in struggle may be necessary, but political independence is indispensable. Without it, the most organised force captures revolutionary energy and reshapes it to its own ends. The Iranian Left’s tragedy was an uncritical alliance.

Iran under attack

These historical lessons acquire renewed urgency amid ongoing military threats and attacks against Iran today.

The Islamic Republic is an authoritarian state that has repressed workers, jailed dissidents and crushed democratic movements. None of this should be minimised. Yet opposition to that regime cannot translate into support for external aggression.

Imperial intervention has never delivered emancipation in the Middle East. From Iraq to Libya, military assaults carried out in the language of liberation have destroyed societies while strengthening reactionary forces. Foreign bombardment does not empower democratic movements. It devastates the very social actors capable of producing internal change. Deliverance cannot come from imperialism.

External attack strengthens authoritarian rule by allowing regimes to present themselves as defenders of national sovereignty. It sidelines internal dissent, militarises politics and fractures civil society. Those who suffer first are workers, students and ordinary civilians, not ruling elites.

Defending Iran against imperial aggression, therefore, does not mean endorsing its rulers. It means recognising that social transformation can only emerge from struggles within society itself.

The same principle applies today as in 1979. Liberation cannot be imposed from above, whether by clerics or by foreign powers.

The endurance of the Islamic Republic should not obscure the contingency of its origins. The Revolution contained democratic and egalitarian possibilities that were defeated through political struggle rather than cultural destiny.

Recurring protest waves in Iran, labour strikes, women-led uprisings and youth mobilisation reveal tensions rooted in that unfinished revolutionary moment. The demands remain familiar: dignity, economic justice and political freedom.

Remembering that the Revolution did not have to end in clerical rule restores historical agency. Outcomes are shaped by organisation, leadership and strategy.

Iran’s experience shows that alliances are unavoidable in revolutionary moments. But whether they liberate or suffocate depends on maintaining independence, clarity, and the capacity to challenge allies once victory reshapes the terrain.

And it reminds us of something equally essential today. Authoritarian rule cannot be overthrown by bombs, sanctions or foreign intervention. Genuine emancipation, in Iran as elsewhere, can only be the work of those struggling within society itself.

Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the Tempest Collective. For more information, see “About Tempest Collective.”
Featured Image credit: Amir Hesaminejad; modified by Tempest.

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The fall of 2025 marked an escalation in political repression in the United States, targeting labor organizers, Palestine solidarity activists, and immigrant rights advocates. Two cases—Tom Alter in Texas and John Caravello in California—illustrate how this repression operates and how it can be fought.

This article argues that defense campaigns must treat the courtroom not as a site of justice, but as one terrain within a broader strategy of class struggle. This approach—what we can call revolutionary legalism—rejects both liberal faith in the courts and abstentionist refusal to engage them. Legal tactics must be subordinated to a different goal: building independent working-class power.

Two cases, one moment

Tom Alter, a tenured associate professor of history at Texas State University, labor historian, union member, and socialist activist, was fired in September 2025 after speaking at an online Revolutionary Socialism conference on his own time from his home as a private citizen. A self-described “fascist” YouTuber secretly recorded the event, edited the footage, and launched a smear campaign. Within days, Texas State President Kelly Damphousse announced on social media that Alter was fired for “inciting violence” and “jeopardizing the health and safety of the university community.” There was no hearing, no due process, just a Facebook post.

The response arrived promptly. Students protested for five days. The Texas State Employees Union (CWA Local 6186) mobilized, AAUP provided legal counsel, and major academic organizations issued statements of support. On 26 September, a district judge ordered Alter’s temporary reinstatement with back pay. The university complied formally but kept him out of the classroom and upheld the firing after a pro forma hearing. His lawsuit continues.

But the central story is what followed. Alter did not retreat; he helped launch a broad, public defense campaign.

Defense campaigns must treat the courtroom not as a site of justice, but as one terrain within a broader strategy of class struggle.

John Caravello, a philosophy lecturer at California State University Channel Islands and member of the California Faculty Association, faced a different form of repression. During an ICE raid in July 2025, he removed a tear gas canister from beneath a protester’s wheelchair. Initially charged with a misdemeanor, he was later indicted on a federal felony charge under 18 U.S.C. § 111—assaulting a federal officer with a “deadly weapon”—the very canister agents had deployed. He faced up to twenty years in prison.

The California Faculty Association responded with a public campaign, organizing rallies and condemning the charges. On April 9, 2026, a federal jury acquitted Caravello after two hours of deliberation, finding him not guilty of assault with a deadly or dangerous weapon on a federal officer. His case, however, became a rallying point. When Alter’s speaking tour reached Los Angeles, Caravello joined him on stage linking academic repression to the criminalization of immigrant solidarity.

Two different cases, two legal forms—but a common dynamic: Repression met not with silence, but with organized public resistance.

Defense campaigns as class strategy

The Committee to Defend Tom Alter (CDTA) illustrates a strategic orientation largely absent from the current U.S. Left: turning an individual grievance into a collective struggle. Instead of treating Alter’s firing as a narrow dispute over academic freedom, the campaign framed it as part of a wider pattern of repression—linking labor rights, political speech and state power.

What distinguishes the CDTA is not its legal strategy but its political one: refusing to withdraw from private litigation and insisting on building a public campaign for free speech and academic freedom. From the outset, the case was treated not as a personal matter but as a collective fight. This orientation is reflected in the committee’s deliberately open and non-sectarian structure. As Alter told Inside Higher Ed, the CDTA “includes whoever chooses to be a part of it for however long they want to be involved.” Organized around a small core of five people who work on the case weekly, participation extends outward to union members, graduate students, faculty, and community activists, with local committees formed across multiple cities—including New York, Chicago, the Bay Area, and Connecticut. This breadth is strategic. By refusing narrow political gatekeeping, the campaign expands its base and situates the case within a wider class context.

By refusing narrow political gatekeeping, the campaign expands its base and situates the [Tom Alter] case within a wider class context.

The resulting coalition is unusually broad: labor unions such as the Texas State Employees Union (TSEU) (CWA), the California Faculty Association, and the AFT; academic bodies including AAUP and major history associations; and civil liberties and Palestine solidarity organizations. This is not a single-issue campaign or a sectarian front. It is a consciously constructed alliance that insists that Alter’s right to speak, organize, and teach is a working-class issue.

Public mobilization is integral to this approach. Rallies accompanied key legal moments—from campus protests in San Marcos to demonstrations at the headquarters of Texas State University System—and unions helped organize a national speaking tour that turned the case into a vehicle for wider organizing. The goal is not just reinstatement, but the construction of networks and capacities that outlast the case itself.

Caravello’s defense followed a similar trajectory, with unions organizing public pressure and now moving toward a cross-union defense council. Together, these efforts point toward the reemergence—still embryonic—of a coordinated, labor-centered approach to political defense. In this respect, they echo the tradition of the International Labor Defense (an initiative of the early Communist International): non-partisan, expansive, and oriented not only toward legal resolution, but toward building the collective power necessary to confront repression.

The speaking tour as organizing tactic

By February 2026, Alter had turned his firing into a three-month national speaking tour (February–April 2026) that quickly expanded beyond its initial scope. What began as a “patchwork” of invitations became a coordinated, coast-to-coast campaign spanning more than nine states with stops at campuses, bookstores, bars, and community venues. He spoke at more than forty venues, including campuses such as Rutgers, Loyola, the University of Ohio, UC Berkeley, San Francisco State, San Diego State, Cal State LA, UT Austin, University of Pittsburgh, and the CUNY Graduate Center, as well as independent bookstores like Midnight Books in Los Angeles and informal venues like Sean Patrick’s in San Marcos. He shared stages with Sang Hea Kil, John Caravello, members of the CUNY Fired 4, a Prairieland defendant, union activists, and student organizers, linking his case to a wider field of struggle.

The tour had two strategic aims, neither of which was reducible to “raising awareness.” First, CDTA used the case as a lever for organizing. At each stop, attendees were encouraged to join unions, sign petitions, and participate in local defense activities. The tour did not simply draw crowds; it built connections. As Alter told Inside Higher Ed, the events consistently brought together students, faculty, and community members, strengthening campus organizing.

Crucially, the tour fed back into the union strategy. The Texas State Employees Union (TSEU) began bringing Alter to campus not only to speak about his case but also to recruit members, demonstrating in practice that a union is not a transactional service provider but a vehicle for collective struggle. In this sense, the tour served both as political education and organizational development, using a concrete case to reshape workers’ understanding of the role of unions.

The tour deliberately linked academic repression to broader attacks on immigrant communities.

That dynamic points to a broader strategic insight that liberal legalism cannot grasp. The public orientation of the CDTA—the rallies, the tour stops, the joint appearances with local activists—is not window dressing around the “real” work of litigation. It is work. When Alter speaks in a union hall in Connecticut or a bar in San Marcos, he is not just telling his story. He is modelling what resistance looks like. He is showing faculty and staff that a firing need not be tolerated in and that a defense campaign can be a platform for organizing, not just for damage control.

The results bear this out. As Labor Notes reported in November 2025: “Membership in the Texas State chapters of AAUP and the Texas State Employees Union has doubled since Alter’s firing as workers unite to defend academic freedom and democratic rights across the state.” That doubling did not come from a clever legal brief or a favorable ruling. It came because the unions—TSEU and AAUP Texas—moved quickly to help form and support the CDTA and go public, because Alter got on a plane, stood on stages, and asked people to join their unions. The courtroom did not build that membership. The speaking tour did.

Second, the tour deliberately linked academic repression to broader attacks on immigrant communities, Palestine solidarity activists, and labor militancy. When UT Austin canceled his April 22 event, citing “security concerns” just days after hosting Clarence Thomas, the TSEU relocated the event to a nearby bar, turning administrative repression into an organizing opportunity.

This is defense work as class struggle. The objective is not simply to win a legal case, but to build infrastructure—to leave behind stronger unions, more militant organizations, and a network capable of responding collectively when repression strikes again.

A century of revolutionary legalism

The CDTA’s approach is not without precedent. For nearly a century, the U.S. Left has grappled with how to turn legal defense into political power—with varying degrees of success.

Lessons from the ILD

The International Labor Defense, founded in 1925 as a political solidarity and legal arm of the Comintern, remains the most developed model we have for this kind of work. It was not a spontaneous outpouring of outrage. It was an institution—a permanent defense organization with a national office, full-time staff, a monthly magazine (Labor Defender), and a budget. Within a year of its founding, the ILD had 156 branches and 20,000 individual members, with 75,000 more affiliated through union and community endorsements1For ILD membership and structure, see Marxists.org ILD entry and Bryan D. Palmer, James P. Cannon and the Origins of the American Revolutionary Left, 1890-1929 (2007), Chapter 9..

The ILD’s principles are worth restating.

Non-partisanship. The ILD did not demand political loyalty. At its founding, James Cannon and Bill Haywood identified 106 “class war prisoners” in U.S. jails—striking miners, Wobblies, anarchists, and anti-fascist immigrants. None were members of the Communist Party, yet the ILD defended them all. This was not ecumenical sentimentality. It was strategic clarity: the enemy is the capitalist class. A historical caveat is necessary: The ILD’s non-partisanship was strongest in its early years, from 1925 to 1927. As Stalinization intensified, the organization became more sectarian—a reminder that all defense work must guard against bureaucratic capture.2On the ILD’s early non-partisanship and later Stalinization, see Palmer (2007) and the Labor Defender archives.

Mass Mobilization. In the Sacco and Vanzetti campaign, Cannon rejected liberal faith in legal appeals. After the Massachusetts Supreme Court denied a new trial in 1927, he wrote in the Labor Defender: “The power of the workers is the court of last resort to which our appeal must be made.”3James P. Cannon, “From the Supreme Court of the capitalists to the Supreme Court of the laboring masses,” Labor Defender, May 1927. He was explicit about what this meant organizationally: not legal briefs, but strikes. “We must confidently proceed at all costs to still further arouse and organize the anger of the working men and women against the slaughter of the two labor fighters and assist it to take the form of huge mass demonstrations and effective strikes.”4James P. Cannon, “A campaign of the mass movement,” Labor Defender, September 1927.

Against the liberal “soft pedal,” Cannon drew a sharp line between class-struggle defense and liberal reformism. He identified two competing policies within the Sacco-Vanzetti movement. The first—his own—puts the center of gravity in the protest movement… puts all faith in the power of the masses and no faith whatever in the justice of the courts. The second, which he called “the policy of ‘respectability,’ of the ‘soft pedal’ and of ridiculous illusions about ‘justice’ from the courts of the enemy,” relied primarily on legal proceedings and sought to obscure the issue of class struggle.5James P. Cannon, “Who can save Sacco and Vanzetti?” Labor Defender, January 1927.

Political Education. In his 1949 speech on the trial of the Stalinist leaders—a case he opposed even as he condemned Stalinism—Cannon articulated a revolutionary approach to political trials. The Stalinists, he argued, were indeed criminals, but “they are being tried in the wrong court” for the wrong crime. “The very provision of the Constitution… was designed specifically to prevent Congress from passing laws which would proscribe the ‘advocacy’ of any doctrine. But this indictment under the Smith Act… is an indictment against speaking and writing.”

For Cannon, the purpose of a political trial was never to prove innocence within the framework of the enemy. It was to turn the courtroom into a platform: “We will go in that courtroom not as defendants at all, but as accusers of the prosecutors and the system they represent.” His testimony in the Smith Act trial of 1941, published as Socialism on Trial, is a classic example of this approach.

Material Aid. The ILD sent $5 per month ($95 adjusted to today) to each of more than 100 prisoners and $20 ($380) to dependent families; at Christmas, it sent $50 to families and $25 to prisoners. “It must be recorded to the shame of the labor movement that poverty, hardship, and neglect have too often been the fate of dependent families,” the ILD declared. This was not charity. It was a statement: the working class takes care of its own.6On ILD material aid and financial transparency, see Palmer (2007) and the Labor Defender archives.

The 1960s–70s resurgence of political defense

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, a wave of political trials tested the idea that mass defense could transform legal proceedings. The Chicago Conspiracy Trial (1969–70) saw eight antiwar activists—including Bobby Seale, Jerry Rubin and Abbie Hoffman—use the courtroom as a platform to indict the Vietnam War rather than to prove their innocence. The defense attorney William Kunstler turned the proceedings into political theater. Although five were initially convicted, the Seventh Circuit reversed all convictions in 1972, citing judicial bias.

The campaign to free Angela Davis (1970–72) went further, systematically integrating legal defense with mass mobilization. Facing capital charges tied to the Marin County courthouse shootout, Davis was placed on the FBI’s Ten Most Wanted list before her arrest. The defense campaign refused to treat the case as a narrow legal matter. The “Free Angela” movement mobilized worldwide, organizing rallies, fundraisers, and educational events that turned her prosecution into a global referendum on racism and political repression. As Charlene Mitchell, who led the National United Committee to Free Angela Davis, concluded: “The major lesson we learned was that the legal and mass defense of political prisoners is an inseparable entity; that you cannot free a political prisoner in the courtroom alone, and you cannot, without a good, political legal defense in the courtroom, make a mass defense.”

Davis herself understood this double orientation. As she later recalled, “the lawyers would have to understand from the outset that what happened in the courtroom would, of necessity, be related and coordinated with the campaign in the streets.” The legal defense was inseparable from mass pressure, which helped frame the trial not as an isolated criminal case, but as a political indictment of the carceral state. Her acquittal in 1972 was widely understood as a victory both inside and outside the courtroom.

The liberal settlement trap

But not every defense campaign maintained this orientation. The most instructive warning story dates back to the mid-1970s. In the wake of Watergate, the FBI and CIA underwent unprecedented public scrutiny. The Carter administration responded not by dismantling the surveillance apparatus, but by restoring its legitimacy. New “guidelines” were introduced, and a secret federal wiretap court was established—one that has never denied a government request in practice. The goal was to convince the public that abuses were over and that the “new FBI” could be trusted.

In this context, the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) filed a lawsuit against the FBI alleging a decades-long campaign of infiltration, disruption and frame-ups. The government sought to settle, offering standard terms: modest compensation, a promise to “abide by the law” and an implicit agreement to ratify the legitimacy of the reformed security apparatus. Many accepted similar agreements. Jane Fonda settled her case in 1979.7See Larry Seigle, “Workers’ Rights versus the Secret Police,” in Jayko, ed., FBI on Trial, Pathfinder, 1988, pp. 214-248. The ACLU negotiated settlements that effectively gave political cover to the very institutions it exposed. The price was political, not just financial. As one participant on the SWP’s legal team observed, such agreements helped convince the public that the “new FBI” deserved confidence.

The SWP refused any settlement that would legitimize the state’s narrative. What it sought in court was not mainly financial compensation but a political and constitutional affirmation that advocating socialism and the revolutionary replacement of capitalism was protected under the Bill of Rights. Attorney Leonard Boudin and SWP leaders stressed the fundamental issue: whether individuals and organizations could legally organize for socialism without state surveillance, harassment, or prosecution.

Judge Griesa’s 1986 ruling was a political victory for the entire socialist movement. It declared the FBI’s infiltration and surveillance of the SWP unconstitutional and a violation of First Amendment rights. For the first time, it was established that government informants inside a political organization could themselves constitute a constitutional violation. The court awarded $264,000 in damages to the party and issued an injunction barring the government from using illegally obtained files. The case took fifteen years. Victory required patience, persistence, and a clear political perspective.

Revolutionary legalism as a programmatic alternative

The concept of revolutionary legalism is not new. It was first systematically theorized by Piotr Stutchka, the first Soviet People’s Commissar for Justice, and debated by his younger colleague Evgeny Pashukanis. Drawing on Lenin’s tactical use of tsarist courts and the Duma, Pashukanis argued that a revolutionary party must avoid two errors: fetishizing legal forms (treating courts as neutral arbiters of justice) and the “fetishist denial of legality” (refusing to use legal weapons at all). Pashukanis wrote that Lenin “knew not only how mercilessly to expose tsarist, bourgeois etc. legality, but also how to use it, where it was necessary and when it was necessary.” This is revolutionary legalism: using bourgeois legal forms tactically, without mistaking them for instruments of justice or sources of legitimacy. This dialectical approach has seen a revival in recent years as neoliberal capitalism and the rise of authoritarian populism have drastically eroded democratic rights, forcing socialists to rediscover the Leninist art of fighting on every terrain.8Igor Shoikhedbrod, “Revolution or legality? Confronting the spectre of Marx in Habermas’s legal philosophy,” Contemporary Political Theory 20, no. 1 (2021): 72-95.

The courtroom is a battlefield, not a sanctuary. This distinction defines revolutionary legalism. It does not reject the use of courts, but refuses to treat them as neutral arbitrators or sources of legitimacy. Against liberal legalism, which seeks vindication through procedure, and against forms of movement lawyering, which can drift toward settlement as an endpoint, revolutionary legalism subordinates legal methods to the construction of political power. The question is not simply whether to win, but how and at what political cost.

Private negotiations create settlements. Public fights produce power.

This orientation has concrete consequences. First, discovery is a weapon. Subpoenas, depositions, and document requests should be used to expose how repression is organized, not just to build a case. Second, hearings are organizing opportunities. Every court date should be paired with public mobilization, turning legal proceedings into moments of political confrontation. Third, settlements must be judged politically. A good settlement contains no gag order, admits no legitimacy to the state’s original repressive action, and leaves a public record.

Agreements that restore institutional legitimacy without shifting the balance of power are defeats, regardless of compensation. Transparency, accountability, and structural concessions must be non-negotiable terms.

The Alter case poses these questions in real time. The lesson is to use the state’s own procedures to expose its operations while building power outside the courtroom.

When Texas State offered a post hoc “hearing,” it was an attempt to launder an illegal firing through procedural form. When administrators upheld the decision, they bet that the process itself would exhaust resistance. The response has moved in the opposite direction. Rather than retreat into litigation, the campaign has expanded outward, using the case not only to fight for reinstatement but also to expose the political forces behind the firing and to build the capacity to resist the next attack.

The lesson is obvious. Private negotiations create settlements. Public fights produce power.

The limits of the courtroom

The most persistent illusion social activists face is that “the law” stands above class struggle. It does not. The law codifies existing property relations and is enforced by courts and police, who answer to the same state.

First, the courts are not neutral. They protect property and class privilege. They do not dispense justice; they manage a crisis. A judge may rule for Alter—and that would matter—but it does not mean the courts are on our side. It means that, in this instance, the contradictions of bourgeois democracy worked in our favor.

When Cannon wrote that “the power of the workers is the court of last resort,” he was not dismissing legal tactics.9James P. Cannon, “The power of the workers is the court of last resort,” Labor Defender, September 1927. He insisted that no procedural victory matters unless it is backed by organized capacity outside the courtroom. The rule of law protects the ruled only when the ruled are organized enough to make violations costly. This does not mean refusing to use the courts. It means entering them with clarity: as a tactic, not a strategy; as one front in a struggle that will be decided in unions, workplaces, and the streets.

The rule of law protects the ruled only when the ruled are organized enough to make violations costly.

Second, legal victories do not translate to class power. Even if Alter is reinstated, Texas State remains a capitalist institution. Even if the AAUP secures reforms, administrators will still face donors and political pressure. The point of a defense campaign is not simply to win a better deal, but to build the capacity to fight—and ultimately to challenge the class structure itself.

Third, the state learns and adapts. After the SWP lawsuits of the 1970s, the FBI did not stop spying; it refined its methods. The same will happen here. No defense campaign can permanently restrain repression. At best, it can buy time, create space, and help organize the forces capable of confronting repression and its core roots.

This is why the CDTA’s focus on building infrastructure matters more than the lawsuit’s outcome. If Alter loses his case but leaves behind a functioning cross-union defense council and a network of organizers prepared to respond to repression, the campaign will have succeeded. If he wins but the organization dissolves, the state will return stronger, and the Left will start from zero.

Conclusion: Building the capacity to fight

The ILD slogan—”An injury to one is an injury to all”—is an organizing principle. The fight for immigrant rights, academic freedom, Palestinian solidarity, and union organizing is one and the same.

The significance of the Alter and Caravello cases lies in the strategies they have generated. They show how defense campaigns can become sites of political recomposition—bringing together unions, activists, and communities in common struggle. The question is not whether repression will continue—it will. The question is whether the Left will be prepared to respond.

Revolutionary legalism rests on a simple premise: the courtroom is only one battlefield. The decisive terrain lies elsewhere—in the working class’s capacity to organize, mobilize, and act collectively. Defense campaigns that grasp this can turn moments of repression into opportunities for growth.

What would it take to build a permanent defense infrastructure today? Not a single centralized organization, but a network: regional defense committees linked through unions, civil liberties groups, and community organizations, with a shared playbook for rapid response. The CDTA’s “patchwork” model—local committees across multiple cities—is a starting point. The next step is to formalize coordination so that when one sector is targeted, others mobilize immediately.

The trial will come. The state will escalate. The university will try to wait out the campaign. But if the networks being built now endure—if unions, academic associations, and community organizations remain active—the outcome of the case will not be the sole measure of success.

The real victory will be the infrastructure that endures when the case is closed. The real victory will be a Left that knows how to defend itself.

The Committee to Defend Tom Alter continues to organize. To sign the statement of support, to request an endorsement from your organization, or to get involved in local organizing, visit defendtomalter.org.

Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the Tempest Collective. For more information, see “About Tempest Collective.”
Featured Image credit: Karolus_BR; modified by Tempest.

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Popularitas Spaceman tidak hanya didukung oleh tampilannya yang menarik, tetapi juga karena permainan ini memberikan pengalaman interaktif yang berbeda dibandingkan permainan digital lainnya. Hal tersebut menjadikan Spaceman sebagai salah satu pilihan hiburan yang banyak dibicarakan oleh berbagai kalangan.

Terbang Tinggi Bersama Spaceman Raih Kemenangan Melalui Strategi

Keberhasilan dalam bermain Spaceman bukan hanya dipengaruhi oleh keberuntungan semata. Pemahaman terhadap mekanisme permainan menjadi faktor penting yang dapat membantu pemain mengambil keputusan secara lebih rasional.

Salah satu pendekatan yang banyak diterapkan adalah menentukan target sejak awal sebelum permainan dimulai. Dengan memiliki batas kemenangan maupun batas risiko, pemain dapat menjaga konsistensi tanpa mudah terbawa emosi ketika permainan berlangsung.

Selain itu, pengelolaan modal juga memiliki peran yang sangat penting. Mengatur nominal permainan sesuai kemampuan akan membantu menjaga keseimbangan sehingga pengalaman bermain tetap terasa nyaman. Pendekatan ini sering menjadi rekomendasi dari pemain berpengalaman karena mampu mengurangi keputusan impulsif yang berpotensi meningkatkan risiko.

Pentingnya Memahami Pola Permainan

Setiap permainan digital memiliki karakteristik tersendiri, termasuk Spaceman. Oleh sebab itu, memahami pola permainan menjadi langkah yang bijak sebelum mulai bermain secara aktif.

Banyak pemain meluangkan waktu untuk mengamati ritme permainan terlebih dahulu. Walaupun hasil setiap putaran bersifat independen dan tidak dapat dipastikan, proses observasi dapat membantu pemain lebih memahami dinamika permainan sehingga keputusan yang diambil terasa lebih terukur.

Pendekatan analitis seperti ini menunjukkan bahwa pengalaman dan pemahaman terhadap mekanisme permainan memiliki nilai yang tidak kalah penting dibandingkan sekadar mengejar hasil instan.

Pengalaman Bermain yang Bertanggung Jawab

pengalaman bermain yang positif selalu didukung oleh pengambilan keputusan yang bertanggung jawab. Menentukan batas waktu bermain, mengelola anggaran, serta memahami aturan permainan merupakan bagian dari praktik yang lebih bijaksana.

Pemain yang memiliki disiplin umumnya lebih mampu menikmati setiap sesi permainan tanpa tekanan berlebihan. Dengan demikian, aktivitas bermain tetap menjadi bentuk hiburan digital yang menyenangkan sekaligus terkendali.

Selain itu, memilih platform yang memiliki sistem keamanan yang baik, layanan pelanggan responsif, serta informasi permainan yang transparan juga menjadi aspek penting dalam menciptakan pengalaman pengguna yang lebih terpercaya.

Kesimpulan

Tema “Terbang Tinggi Bersama Spaceman Raih Kemenangan” menggambarkan semangat untuk mencapai hasil terbaik melalui persiapan, strategi, dan pengambilan keputusan yang tepat. Memahami mekanisme permainan, menerapkan pengelolaan modal yang disiplin, serta bermain secara bertanggung jawab merupakan fondasi penting dalam memperoleh pengalaman bermain yang lebih optimal.

Boots Riley’s new film, I Love Boosters, is a Robin Hood story about a crew of “boosters”—people who steal high-end clothing and resell it at affordable prices to working-class people who otherwise couldn’t afford it. The result is a beautiful, playful, funny, didactic, Afro-surrealist film with an earworm score by Tune-Yards. It’s a satirical comedy packed with practical special effects. It is also an unapologetically socialist film from an openly Marxist director.

The movie takes on the cost-of-living crisis, alienation, sweatshop labor, corporate control of the media, labor exploitation at home and abroad, and the predatory self-help industry. More importantly, it is crystal clear about its proposed solution: collective action by class-conscious workers.

Set in the San Francisco Bay Area, the film follows Corvette (Keke Taylor), an aspiring fashion designer struggling to survive while living in an abandoned fried chicken restaurant. Along with her friends Sade (Naomi Ackie) and Mariah (Taylour Paige), they make up the Velvet Gang. Their primary target for boosting is Metro Designers, a fast-fashion chain specializing in monochromatic clothing. The chain is owned by Christie Smith (Demi Moore), a workaholic designer who seems to live in an especially angry TED talk.

Once Christie becomes aware that Metro Designers is being targeted, the feud turns increasingly personal. To gather intelligence, members of the gang take jobs at Metro Designers, where they witness firsthand the unfair and often illegal tactics used to exploit workers. They also meet Violeta (Eiza González), who is attempting to organize a union at the company. Soon the Velvet Gang joins forces with Jianhu (Poppy Liu), a worker at one of Christie’s Chinese garment factories with her own reasons to bring down the fashion mogul. Armed with a convenient teleportation device, the group launches an escalating campaign to empty every Metro Designers store in the Bay Area.

This is a long-overdue movie. You may have heard of Nana Duffour’s excellent 2025 short film Rainbow Girls, which also follows a group of young femme shoplifters in the Bay Area. These two films were conceived and produced entirely independently. As Duffour wrote, “What I’ve come to understand is that when two filmmakers independently look at the hyper-gentrification of the Bay Area, the crushing weight of late-stage capitalism, and the rebellious art of boosting luxury goods, and decide to make a movie about it—that’s not a case of copycats. That is a cultural distress signal. It means a story is begging to be told.”

One of I Love Boosters‘s most striking qualities is its overwhelmingly woman-led cast. While several men play memorable supporting roles—LaKeith Stanfield is particularly entertaining as Pinky Ring Guy, a literal sex demon—they are all in supporting roles. In fact, I Love Boosters joins a very small club that passes the reverse Bechdel Test: in the handful of scenes in which two men speak to each other, they only talk about women—or the women’s revenge scheme. This represents a notable and welcome shift from Riley’s previous film, Sorry to Bother You, which only has two named female characters, who do not speak to each other at all.

Spoiler alert

I Love Boosters is a surreal film with a flamboyant visual style and an abundance of wild ideas, though it is not unique in that regard. Films such as Everything Everywhere All at Once similarly combine absurdity with a flamboyant fashion sense (they both share the same costume designer, Shirley Kurata).

What makes I Love Boosters distinctive is the clarity of its class politics.Throughout the film, Christie Smith is revealed to be the real thief. She steals design ideas from aspiring artists, as well as  wages and dignity from her retail employees through exploitative labor practices, and profits from starvation wages paid to workers in her overseas factories. When she is informed that the chemicals used to sandblast her designer jeans are causing lung cancer among factory workers—including Jianhu’s family—her response is indignant rage at being bothered.

The film’s final act offers a direct answer to these injustices: unionization, mass strikes, and the overthrow of capitalism. It turns out that the teleportation device that allows Jianhu to travel between China and Oakland has two additional settings. One, “Deconstruction,” can reduce concrete walls to piles of stone. The other, “Situation Acceleration,” intensifies contradictions in a distinctly dialectical manner. When amplified and combined with the teleportation function, the device triggers a worldwide surge in class consciousness. As the film ends we learn that revolutionary movements are spreading around the world.

This film is not perfect. There is a lot going on in this movie, which can make the plot feel overstuffed and rushed, especially the second act. Most of the practical effects feel fresh and vibrant in a way that CGI cannot replicate (see Mad Max: Fury Road for other examples of this). But the extended claymation sequence is a bit jarring and does not match the visual style of the rest of the movie, much as I enjoyed it.

Make sure to watch through the end credits for an explanation of dialectics from a stoner union organizer set in a hair salon. And if you haven’t seen Sorry to Bother You or Riley’s Hulu series I’m a Virgo, then add them to your list. They should be required watching for any political activist.

Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the Tempest Collective. For more information, see “About Tempest Collective.”
Featured Image credit: Señor Codo; modified by Tempest.

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The stakes of a state theoretical category

Over the past decade, the American Left has often used the term “fascism” to describe the emerging regime in the United States, and this has been quite understandable. All around us there has been visible disdain for legal procedures, cultivation of a leadership cult, the use of paramilitary symbols in security forces, the escalation of the machinery of deportation, and a culture-war mentality. Still, equating these developments with fascism can do more harm than good by muddying understanding. In the Marxist-historical tradition—from Trotsky to Poulantzas to Paxton—fascism refers to a specific type of movement: a mass-mobilizing force of the petty bourgeoisie, organized outside of parliamentary politics, fused with parts of capital to suppress a working class facing a revolutionary or near-revolutionary crisis (Trotsky 1934; Poulantzas 1970; Paxton 2004).

The current American situation doesn’t meet those conditions. The working class isn’t organized for revolution; the petty bourgeoisie doesn’t have the necessary extra-parliamentary units; and capital is not suffering the profitability crisis that led German and Italian industries toward fascism in the interwar period.

Calling the current regime as fascist might be a misstep, and labeling it as populist authoritarianism might miss some important nuances. What we’re really looking at is a more specific category—one that reflects how the executive power has become more independent from different class factions within an exhausted hegemonic bloc while also becoming more personal and patrimonial in its approach to state administration. I refer to this as “patrimonial Bonapartism,” which combines insights from two major theories: the Marxist view of Bonapartism as a unique form of capitalist state rule and Weber’s analysis of patrimonialism as a special mode of governance. I believe that bringing these two ideas together helps us better understand what’s happening in the United States, compare it with other cases, and start thinking strategically about what the future might hold.

The origins of Bonapartism as a Marxist category

The category of Bonapartism comes into Marxist analysis through Marx’s influential pamphlets covering France from 1848 to 1851: “The Class Struggles in France,” “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,” and later, “The Civil War in France” (Marx 1850; Marx 1852; Marx 1871). These writings primarily explore the idea of state autonomy. By the time Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte orchestrated his coup in December 1851 and was proclaimed emperor just a year later, the French bourgeoisie had largely overcome the proletarian uprising of June 1848. Instead of governing directly, the bourgeoisie ceded political power to a regime that suspended parliament, weakened the party system, and concentrated administrative control in an executive supported by a “society of December 10”—a group of displaced adventurers, financial speculators, and noble remnants that Marx vividly describes (Marx 1852, Ch. 5).

Marx’s analysis turns on a paradox. The Bonapartist state is, in its political form, autonomous from the bourgeoisie: it disciplines them, taxes them, and deals with them through the prefectural apparatus. However, in its social content, it is a state that serves the general interest of capital. Bonaparte protects property; he crushes the workers’ movement; he opens the way for the second industrial revolution under Haussmann and the Crédit Mobilier. The autonomy is real but conditional. It rests on a peculiar conjuncture: a working class strong enough to threaten the bourgeoisie but not strong enough to take power, and a bourgeoisie too divided to rule directly. Into that vacuum steps the executive, claiming to stand above class to represent the nation—most especially the parcelized peasantry, which Marx famously likens to a “sack of potatoes,” incapable of self-representation and therefore requiring a representative who lords over them (Marx 1852, Ch. 7).

This is the original sense of Bonapartism: a particular form of capitalist state in which the executive, surrounded by a personal apparatus, achieves real autonomy from the dominant class while serving its general interest. Hal Draper’s reconstruction of Marx’s state theory establishes that Marx and Engels treated this phenomenon not as an anomaly but as a recurring form of the bourgeois state under conditions of class equilibrium (Draper 1977). Engels generalized the category in his analysis of Bismarck’s Germany, where he saw a similar structural logic at work in a different historical setting (Engels 1884). The category was thus, from its first elaboration, intended as a portable analytical tool rather than a description of a single regime.

Leon Trotsky decisively extended the category in the 1930s. Confronting the rise of fascism, Trotsky was concerned to distinguish Bonapartism, a form of normal bourgeois rule under crisis, from fascism proper, which involved the destruction of working-class organization by an extra-parliamentary mass movement (Trotsky 1934). For Trotsky, the regimes of Brüning, Papen, and Schleicher in late Weimar were Bonapartist preludes; Hitler’s regime, once consolidated, was something qualitatively different. The Bonapartist regime, Trotsky argued, was an emergency form of rule, inherently transitional, pointing either back toward parliamentary normality or forward into fascism. Trotsky also, controversially, stretched the category to characterize Stalin’s bureaucratic regime in The Revolution Betrayed, arguing that Stalinism represented a Bonapartism sui generis, the autonomization of a bureaucratic stratum from both classes in a workers’ state (Trotsky 1937). Whatever one makes of the Soviet application, the methodological move is important: Bonapartism became, for Trotsky and his successors, a tool for contemplating state autonomy in moments of class equilibrium and crisis.

The next major theoretical extension comes from Nicos Poulantzas. Across Political power and Social Classes, Fascism and Dictatorship, and State Power and Socialism, Poulantzas systematized Marxist state theory and gave Bonapartism a structural rather than purely conjunctural meaning (Poulantzas 1968; Poulantzas 1970; Poulantzas 1978). For Poulantzas, the bourgeois state always exhibits a relative autonomy from the dominant class, because it must organize the class as a whole against the centrifugal tendencies of its competing fractions. Bonapartism, then, refers to a period in which the relative autonomy of the state becomes intensified. During this time, the executive concentrates power, parliamentary mediation breaks down, and the state apparatus becomes the primary site of conflict among class fractions. In his late work, Poulantzas proposed that this had become the normal form of the developed capitalist state under late capitalism, a regime he called “authoritarian statism,” characterized by the decline of parliamentary institutions, the concentration of power in the executive, the fusion of party and state, and the decline of formal legal procedure (Poulantzas 1978). In this account, authoritarian statism is described as Bonapartism that has become permanent and pervasive, serving as the underlying tone of advanced capitalist rule rather than merely as an expression of a crisis episode.

Bob Jessop’s strategic-relational reconstruction of Poulantzas’s framework has advanced this analysis, insisting that the state must be understood not as a thing but as a social relation, more precisely, as the institutional materialization of a balance of class forces (Jessop 1990; Jessop 2016). On this account, Bonapartism, whether episodic or structural, is the institutional crystallization of a particular conjuncture of forces, and it has its contradictions, its conditions of reproduction, and its forms of crisis. This is the Marxist inheritance on which the present analysis builds.

The Weberian Inheritance and the Patrimonial Moment

To this Marxist tradition, I want to graft a category drawn from Max Weber, one that the Marxist literature has been slow to integrate: patrimonialism. In Economy and Society, Weber distinguishes three pure types of legitimate domination: legal-rational, traditional, and charismatic, and within traditional domination, he develops patrimonialism as the dominant form of pre-modern rule (Weber 1922). Patrimonial domination rests on the personal loyalty of officials to the ruler; the apparatus of administration is treated as the ruler’s personal household; offices are dispensed as favors and held at the ruler’s pleasure; there is no clear distinction between the private wealth of the ruler and the public revenue of the polity; and rule-bound, predictable, legal-rational procedure is subordinated to the personal will of the patron.

Weber developed the category to analyze pre-modern empires, sultanates, and feudal kingships. However, Weberian scholarship in the second half of the twentieth century, particularly that of Shmuel Eisenstadt, extended the concept to analyze post-colonial regimes in which a formally modern, legal-rational state apparatus operated alongside or beneath a system of personal rule, clientelism, and rent extraction (Eisenstadt 1973). Michael Bratton and Nicolas van de Walle (1997) specifically developed the category of neopatrimonialism in the comparative politics literature on Africa. It was refined methodologically by Gero Erdmann and Ulf Engel (2007). This literature establishes that patrimonialism is not confined to pre-modern formations: It can be the dominant administrative principle within ostensibly modern states, hollowing out the formal apparatus from within while preserving its outer forms.

It is worth distinguishing patrimonialism in this sense from Weber’s other category of personal rule, charismatic domination, since contemporary analyses of Trumpism frequently conflate the two. Charismatic domination, in Weber’s account, rests on the personal devotion of followers to a leader whose authority derives from his perceived extraordinary qualities; it is inherently unstable, episodic, and prone to be “routinized” into one of the other forms over time (Weber 1922). The American regime exhibits charismatic elements in its legitimation: the cult of personality, the rally form, and the perceived extraordinary qualities of the leader. But its administrative substance is patrimonial. The two layers must be kept analytically distinct: Charisma is the legitimating idiom by which a patrimonial-Bonapartist regime addresses its mass base, while patrimonialism is the actual principle on which the administrative apparatus is being remade. The conflation matters strategically. If one mistakes the regime for a purely charismatic phenomenon, one expects its collapse to follow the personal political fortunes of the leader. If one understands the patrimonial substance, one recognizes that an architecture of personal-loyalty administration is being built that may survive, in altered form, even through significant changes in personnel at the top.

To say that the United States today is undergoing a patrimonial-Bonapartist transformation is to say two things simultaneously: that the executive has acquired real autonomy from the established class-fractional coalitions of the neoliberal order and that the administrative apparatus is being remade on patrimonial principles, with personal loyalty replacing rule-bound office-holding as the central administrative criterion.

Patrimonialism, in this synthesis, names a mode of administration: the principle on which the personnel, budgets, rule-following, and loyalty relations of the state apparatus are organized. Bonapartism, by contrast, names a political form: the relationship between the executive and the contending class fractions of the dominant bloc. The two operate at different levels of abstraction, and that is precisely why they can be fused. To say that the United States today is undergoing a patrimonial-Bonapartist transformation is to say two things simultaneously: that the executive has acquired real autonomy from the established class-fractional coalitions of the neoliberal order and that the administrative apparatus is being remade on patrimonial principles, with personal loyalty replacing rule-bound office-holding as the central administrative criterion.

Historical examples and the comparative register

Before turning to the American case, it is worth running through several historical and contemporary examples that fall within the synthetic category, since the comparative register is what makes the framework analytically productive.

The original case, Louis Bonaparte’s France from 1851 to 1870, already exhibits both moments. Marx’s society of December 10, Bonaparte’s personal retinue, is patrimonial in its essence: a household of personal clients, financiers, military adventurers, and political opportunists who depend on the ruler for their position and whose function is to staff the state apparatus on principles of personal loyalty rather than meritocratic competence (Marx 1852). The Second Empire’s economic policy, concessions to favored financiers, contracts dispensed through personal channels, and the rebuilding of Paris organized through Bonapartist patronage are patrimonial in their concrete operation, even as the political form is Bonapartist in Marx’s strict sense. The Second Empire, then, is not merely Bonapartism; it is already patrimonial Bonapartism, though the Marxist tradition has tended to read only the Bonapartist moment.

The Latin American caudillo tradition supplies a register but a distinct one. From Rosas in Argentina to Vargas in Brazil to Perón again in his second turn, Latin American politics has known many regimes in which executive concentration, personal rule, and patrimonial administration coexisted with formally republican institutions. These cases differ from European Bonapartism in their relation to the world economy. They were, for the most part, semi-peripheral or peripheral states, often dependent on commodity exports, and the autonomy of their executives was conditioned by that dependency in ways with no direct American analog.

Vladimir Putin’s Russia exemplifies the cleanest contemporary case of developed-capitalist patrimonial Bonapartism, but we must handle the comparison with care. Putin’s regime exhibits, with textbook clarity, the autonomization of the executive from the contending oligarchic fractions of the 1990s; the personalization of administration around a network of siloviki and personal clients; the fusion of family wealth with state office; the use of state resources as personal levers; and the relative subordination of capital to political access. The Russian case differs from any prospective American case in its semi-peripheral position in the world system and in its specific path of regime formation out of the Soviet collapse, but the structural logic is recognizably similar.

Silvio Berlusconi’s three turns as Italian prime minister between 1994 and 2011 constitute a more telling rehearsal of the form within a Western liberal democracy. Berlusconi entered politics from the private media-industrial complex he had built; his governments used state office to defend his personal business interests; he packed the administration with personal clients; and his legal-political combat against the magistracy prefigured many of the conflicts that have since recurred in the United States. The Italian case is instructive because it shows the form arising not from regime breakdown but from the exhaustion of an established party system: the collapse of the Christian Democrats and Socialists in the Mani Pulite crisis created the vacuum into which Berlusconi stepped, just as the exhaustion of the post-1980 American party-political order has created the vacuum into which Trumpism has expanded.

Tayyip Erdoğan’s Turkey supplies an intermediate case between the personalistic but episodically institutional Italian variant and the more deeply institutionalized Hungarian variant. Since his initial accession through the AKP in 2003, through the constitutional referendum of 2017, through the consolidation of presidential rule, and through the wholesale remaking of the judicial and educational apparatus, Erdoğan has built a patrimonial-Bonapartist regime in a NATO member state that retains formal elections and a residual opposition (Esen and Gumuscu 2016). The Turkish case is instructive because it exemplifies a state that, like the United States, is an important regional power with significant military assets, is entangled in international institutional architectures, and has a politically active capital fraction (the so-called Anatolian tigers) that has developed as a political-economically of the ruling party, serving as a clear analogue to certain American capital fractions whose growth has been politically mediated.

Narendra Modi’s India, similarly, has entailed the patrimonial reorganization of a major capitalist democracy whose institutional architecture is far more complex than that of the small post-communist states most often studied in the comparative literature. Modi’s regime has bound itself to specific capital fractions, the Adani and Ambani groups of family-dynastic conglomerates, in a way that recalls Bonaparte’s society of December 10 in its essentials: the use of state office to favor a personal-political coalition of capital, with the public revenue and regulatory apparatus serving as instruments of personal-political accumulation (Crabtree 2018). The Indian case, similar to the Turkish case, is enlightening for Americans because it demonstrates how the form arises not from regime breakdown but from the patrimonial transformation of a large, complex capitalist democracy during an organic crisis.

Viktor Orbán’s Hungary represented the most institutionalized variant. Orbán’s regime did not merely concentrate executive power; it rebuilt the administrative state, the judiciary, the universities, and the media on principles of personal and partisan loyalty (Scheppele 2018). Where Berlusconi remained primarily a personal-dynastic political entrepreneur whose regime did not survive his political eclipse, Orbán built an institutional architecture intended to outlast him. The Hungarian case is the model toward which American patrimonial Bonapartism may evolve if its early phase consolidates, and it is the case most closely studied by the American right intelligentsia associated with the current administration.

The American conjuncture

What conjunctural conditions have produced the American variant of this form?

The first is the exhaustion of the neoliberal order that has organized American politics since roughly 1980. The bipartisan coalition that produced NAFTA, financial deregulation, the welfare reforms of the 1990s, and the long wars of the post-2001 period began coming apart in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis and has not been reconstituted. Neither party has been able to assemble a stable governing program responsive to the conditions of low growth, declining real wages for the working majority, capital’s drift toward rentierism and political access, and the secular decline of American hegemony abroad. This is what Gramsci called an “organic crisis,” a crisis of the relationship between rulers and ruled in which the inherited political forms can no longer organize consent. However, no new form has yet stabilized (Gramsci 1971, 275–6). Trumpism is best understood as the political form that has arisen within this organic crisis: not its resolution but its prolongation under new auspices.

The second is the long-run hollowing of American state capacity. Wolfgang Streeck’s work on the consolidation state describes the secular transformation of advanced-capitalist states under the discipline of bond markets. However, the underlying logic has also been at work in the American case, converting states from “tax states” that respond to citizen-democratic demands into “debt states” that respond to creditor demands (Streeck 2014; Streeck 2016). The American administrative state in 2026 is the product of forty years of cumulative privatization, contracting out, hiring freezes, the politicization of senior career positions, and the substitution of consultancy networks for permanent civil service capacity. This environment is the soil into which patrimonial principles have penetrated. The civil-service density that could resist personal-loyalty administration is significantly lower than it was even in the 1970s, not to mention the New Deal apparatus established by Roosevelt and the long Cold War security state that consolidated around it.

The third condition is the transformation of the Republican Party from an organized party of capital, with its own internal discipline and class-fractional coalitions, into something closer to a personal vehicle for the leader. The conservative legal movement, the corporate donor network, the evangelical organizational infrastructure, and the talk-radio and cable-news complex have not disappeared. However, the party’s relationship with these constituencies has been reversed. Where the party’s leadership once disciplined these constituencies into a coalition, the leader now disciplines the party against them, retaining their support by delivering on selected priorities while subordinating their organizational autonomy to his personal political vehicle. This is the patrimonialization of a major bourgeois party, a development with no real precedent in modern American political history.

The fourth condition is the specific accumulation regime within which all of this is occurring. I have argued elsewhere that this is best called “political capitalism”: an accumulation regime in which appropriation through political access, tariffs, sanctions, regulatory favor, subsidized contracts, and public-private deals becomes a primary route for the rentier fractions of capital, displacing competitive accumulation as the dominant mode. (Riley and Brenner 2022 develop a closely related argument under a slightly different label.) Patrimonial rule is functional for this regime in a way it could not be for a competitive-industrial accumulation regime. When access to the executive becomes a prime means of appropriation, the executive’s autonomy and personalization become valuable to the fractions of capital that benefit. This is the class content of the American form.

The fifth condition is strategic-imperial. The American imperial state is undergoing a transition from rules-based multilateral hegemony—the form constructed after 1945 and renovated after 1991—to a hub-and-spoke bilateralism in which the United States maintains its power through personal deals with subordinate strongmen—transactional rather than rules-based, with the leader himself as the central interlocutor. This shift is consistent with the domestic state form: patrimonial rule at home and patrimonial empire abroad are the same political logic operating at different scales. Whether this is the political form of a hegemon managing its own decline—a cheaper, more transactional imperial economy of force—or a contingent political form that happens to fit a moment is, in my view, the central question of Marxist analysis of American empire. Arrighi’s framework of hegemonic transition supplies the materialist version of the first reading (Arrighi 1994; Arrighi 2007). In this interpretation, the patrimonial-Bonapartist form serves as the political-administrative framework for the United States’ transition from a hegemonic to a multipolar world economy.

The patrimonial-Bonapartist form serves as the political-administrative framework for the United States’ transition from a hegemonic to a multipolar world economy.

What does the American case look like in its concrete operation? It is worth being specific. We see the appointment of senior administrators based on personal loyalty rather than expertise; the use of pardons as commodities for personal allies; the dissolution of the conventional boundary between family business and state office; the assault on the civil service via the elimination of career protections and the reclassification of senior positions as political appointments; the use of tariffs not as instruments of industrial strategy but as personal levers for extracting concessions from foreign governments and domestic firms; the cultivation of personal loyalty within the security apparatus and the displacement of professional military and intelligence leadership; and the open use of the Department of Justice as an instrument of personal vendetta. These are not isolated abuses, but the systematic features of a regime being remade on patrimonial principles.

The assault on the federal civil service is the most consequential institutional dimension of this transformation. The Schedule F executive order, originally promulgated in 2020 and revived in 2025, reclassifies tens of thousands of senior career positions as political appointments removable at the president’s discretion. This is an administrative measure that converts an ostensibly merit-based bureaucracy into a patrimonial household in a single stroke. Combined with the reorganization of agencies along loyalty-political lines, the systematic dismissal of inspectors general, the politicization of military and intelligence commands, and the use of executive orders to bypass legislative authorization on questions of staffing and policy, the cumulative effect has been the most rapid transformation of the federal administrative apparatus since the New Deal, but in the opposite direction. Where the New Deal built a permanent administrative state on legal-rational principles, the present transformation dissolves that state into a network of personal-political appointments responsive to executive will. This represents the literal patrimonialization of the administrative apparatus.

The class beneficiaries are not the bourgeoisie as a whole but a determinate fraction: the politically connected rentiers; the family-capitalist and dynastic-firm fractions; and the new-tech and crypto fractions whose accumulation has been most dependent on political-regulatory favor; and the energy and military-industrial fractions whose interests align with the imperial reorientation. By contrast, the regime’s principal capitalist opponents have been the fractions of capital most disciplined by the bond markets and most exposed to global supply chains. However, their opposition has been sporadic and limited, as they lack a political vehicle to defect to.

The tensions of the form

Patrimonial Bonapartism is not a stable equilibrium. It carries within it real tensions that bear on its future.

The first is theoretical and points to a possible misreading. Classical Bonapartism presupposes a modernizing, rationalizing state apparatus—the prefectoral system in France and the imperial bureaucracy in Germany. The autonomy of the executive was, in classical Bonapartism, made possible by the existence of a developed legal-rational administration. Patrimonialism is, by contrast, the dissolution of that administration into personal-loyalty networks. So, when we describe a single regime as both Bonapartist and patrimonial, we are either describing a stable hybrid in which the autonomous executive captures and patrimonializes a still-functioning apparatus or a transitional form in which the political moment of Bonapartist concentration is the prelude to a deeper hollowing of the rational-legal state. The second reading is, I believe, closer to the truth of the American case, and it implies that we are not yet at the equilibrium point of the form but in its phase of active state destruction.

The second is the class-content tension. Bonapartism is supposed to be relatively autonomous yet ultimately functional for capital in general. Patrimonial rule, by contrast, is functional for a specific fraction. There are moments at which significant fractions of capital have opposed the regime’s policies, with the bond market’s intermittent disciplining of tariff policy as the clearest example. The repeated testing of limits and the regime’s retreat from its most extreme positions during bond market revolts indicate that capital generally retains a structural veto power. However, the fact that the limits keep being tested indicates that the regime is willing to push the relationship further than any postwar American regime has. Whether this represents capital reorganizing itself, building a state form adequate to the new political-capitalist accumulation regime, or a fractional capture of the state at the longer-term expense of total social capital is the central question of class analysis.

The third is the succession problem. Patrimonial regimes are notoriously brittle at the death or political eclipse of the patrimon. The personal-loyalty structure of the apparatus, the absence of institutionalized rules for succession, the family-dynastic ambitions of the ruler’s circle, and the rivalry of subordinate lieutenants all conspire to produce succession crises. The literature on neopatrimonialism in Africa documents this with grim clarity (Bratton and van de Walle 1997). The American case will face this problem within a determinate political horizon: the constitutional limit on presidential terms, however contested; the leader’s age and health; and the absence of an obvious successor who commands the same personal authority. How the regime will manage this transition, whether through a designated dynastic successor, a partial restoration of party-political mediation, or a deeper authoritarian institutionalization on the Hungarian model, is among the most important open questions of American politics.

The fourth is the comparative-conjunctural question. The Hungarian model of institutionalization through judicial and constitutional reconstruction has been studied by American conservative intellectuals associated with the regime, and elements of it have been imported into the United States. However, the American context is different in important respects: the federal structure, the relative independence of state-level political systems, the continuing institutional weight of capital fractions opposed to the regime, the residual organizational density of the labor movement and the social movements, and the simple fact that the United States is a hegemonic state with imperial responsibilities and not a small open economy. These factors may make full Hungarian-style consolidation more difficult, or they may produce a distinctively American variant of the form whose features are not yet fully visible.

The fifth is legitimation. Postwar American politics has rested on a specific form of legal-rational legitimation: the claim that authority is exercised through rule-bound, constitutionally constrained, professionally administered procedures. Patrimonial Bonapartism cannot continue to claim that form of legitimation, since its administrative substance contradicts it. The regime has been visibly groping for alternative legitimizing idioms: the charismatic-populist register addressed to its mass base, the civilizational-nationalist register addressed to elements of the right intelligentsia, the transactional-deal-making register addressed to the business class, and the providential-religious register addressed to evangelical constituencies. None of these has the unifying capacity of the legal-rational legitimacy it is displacing. This deficiency is a structural weakness of the form, and it is one of the conditions on which a counter-hegemonic project might be built.

Futures

What, then, are the plausible trajectories?

The first is intensification toward institutionalized authoritarianism on the Hungarian model: a consolidated patrimonial Bonapartism. This requires that the regime succeed in remaking the federal judiciary, universities, civil service, and federal apparatus to a degree that endures political transition. The regime must successfully delegitimate the opposition party or politically constrain it from full alternation. Moreover, it requires that the major factions of capital that have not endorsed the regime nevertheless accommodate themselves to it. This trajectory is possible but not guaranteed; the federal structure and the residual political density of the opposition both work against it.

The second is a succession crisis and regime instability: patrimonial Bonapartism in collapse. This trajectory follows if the regime fails to manage its succession, if the personal-loyalty networks fragment in factional conflict, or if the leader’s eclipse produces a vacuum that no designated successor can fill. The historical record of this trajectory is well documented in the neopatrimonialism literature: Eegimes built on personal rule tend to undergo turbulent transitions (Bratton and van de Walle 1997). The American outcome of such a transition is impossible to predict in detail. However, it is likely to involve a partial restoration of party-political mediation under conditions of significantly weakened administrative capacity and democratic legitimacy.

The third, and to my mind, the most probable, medium-term scenario is a prolonged organic crisis without resolution. Neither the consolidation of the regime into a stable authoritarian institutional architecture nor the restoration of the antecedent neoliberal-democratic order is fully achievable in the medium term, given the underlying conditions of secular American decline, capital’s fractured strategic orientation, and the weakness of organized political alternatives to the regime’s right. We will likely see, in this scenario, a continuing oscillation between phases of intensified patrimonial rule and phases of partial institutional restoration, with the underlying state apparatus becoming progressively less capacitated and the political form becoming progressively less recognizable as the postwar American republic.

The strategic terrain on which the socialist Left must operate is the possibility of an organized political alternative built out of the working class, the social movements, and the residual democratic-republican forces.

The fourth, which is the strategic terrain on which the socialist left must operate, is the possibility of an organized political alternative built out of the working class, the social movements, and the residual democratic-republican forces. This alternative takes the regime’s patrimonial-Bonapartist character seriously. It frames its political project as a defense and renovation of democratic-republican institutions in the service of a working-class program. This is not the same as a popular front of “democracy against authoritarianism,” which dissolves class content into a constitutional defense. It is also different from a third-camp abstentionism that treats the conflict between patrimonial Bonapartism and the residual democratic order as a quarrel of bourgeois fractions in which the workers’ movement has no stake. It is, rather, a political project that recognizes the regime as a determinate enemy of the working class, since its assault on the civil service, on labor enforcement, and on the public goods that working-class life depends on is not collateral but central, while refusing to subordinate the workers’ movement to the political vehicles of the displaced neoliberal order.

A serious socialist political project in this conjuncture must operate on several fronts simultaneously. It must defend the legal-rational institutions of the residual American republic—the civil service, the courts, the universities, and the regulatory state—not because these institutions, in their existing form, fully serve working-class interests, but because their destruction strengthens patrimonial rule and weakens the working class’s capacity to compel reform. The destruction of the National Labor Relations Board’s enforcement capacity, the gutting of OSHA, and the politicization of immigration enforcement against workers and their families: these are not collateral consequences of a regime focused elsewhere. They are central elements of a regime whose class character, in its everyday operation, is anti-working class.

It must, at the same time, refuse the political subordination that the “defense of democracy” framing demands. The neoliberal-democratic order that the regime has displaced was itself in deep crisis, and its restoration on its old terms is neither possible nor desirable. The political project of subordinating the workers’ movement to the Democratic Party’s restorationist agenda, one that has organized much of the institutional Left over the past decade, is a strategic dead end. It can neither defeat the regime decisively nor offer the working class a political instrument adequate to the conditions of organic crisis.

The third front is the slow, difficult work of building, within and against the existing parties, an independent political vehicle of the working class, a vehicle that takes seriously the patrimonial-Bonapartist character of the regime, that organizes for the defense and renovation of democratic-republican institutions in the service of a working-class program, and that begins, gradually, to compete for political authority based on a different resolution of the organic crisis. The conditions for such a project are unfavorable; they were unfavorable for most of the great party-building efforts of the past two centuries. The category of patrimonial Bonapartism does not, by itself, deliver such a project. However, it specifies the regime we are confronting, and a clear specification of the enemy is the first condition of strategic clarity. The category is, in the end, a Marxist contribution to that clarity, and the use we put it to will determine whether the next phase of American politics is one in which the working class is a strategic subject or merely a spectator at its own defeat.

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Maxwin merupakan singkatan dari Maximum Win, yaitu batas kemenangan tertinggi yang dapat diperoleh dalam satu permainan atau satu putaran sesuai ketentuan yang telah ditetapkan oleh pengembang game. Nilai kemenangan maksimal ini berbeda-beda pada setiap judul permainan dan biasanya dinyatakan dalam kelipatan nilai taruhan.

Memahami Cara Kerja Permainan Slot

Permainan slot modern menggunakan teknologi Random Number Generator (RNG), yaitu sistem yang menghasilkan kombinasi simbol secara acak. Dengan sistem tersebut, setiap putaran bersifat independen dan tidak dipengaruhi oleh hasil putaran sebelumnya. Artinya, tidak ada pola atau waktu tertentu yang dapat menjamin kemenangan.

Apa yang Dimaksud dengan RTP dan Volatilitas?

Selain Maxwin, terdapat dua istilah yang sering dijumpai, yaitu RTP (Return to Player) dan volatilitas.

RTP merupakan persentase teoritis dari total taruhan yang dikembalikan kepada pemain dalam jangka panjang. Misalnya, RTP sebesar 96% bukan berarti setiap pemain akan menerima kembali 96% dari uang yang dipertaruhkan, melainkan merupakan nilai statistik berdasarkan jutaan putaran.

Pentingnya Bermain Secara Bertanggung Jawab

Para ahli mengingatkan bahwa permainan slot pada dasarnya dirancang sebagai bentuk hiburan dan tetap mengandung unsur risiko finansial. Oleh karena itu, pemain disarankan untuk:

• Menentukan batas anggaran sebelum bermain.
• Tidak mengejar kerugian dengan terus meningkatkan taruhan.

Kesalahan yang Sering Dilakukan Pemula

Pengamat industri hiburan online menyebutkan bahwa banyak pemain baru masih memiliki beberapa kesalahpahaman mengenai permainan slot, di antaranya:

1. Menganggap terdapat pola pasti untuk memperoleh Maxwin.
2. Percaya bahwa kemenangan dapat diprediksi berdasarkan jam bermain.
3. Tidak memahami aturan permainan sebelum memulai.
4. Bermain tanpa menetapkan batas anggaran maupun waktu.

Padahal, karena menggunakan sistem RNG, hasil setiap putaran tetap bersifat acak dan tidak dapat dipastikan sebelumnya.

Kesimpulan

Istilah Maxwin merupakan bagian dari mekanisme permainan slot yang mengacu pada batas kemenangan maksimum yang tersedia dalam suatu permainan. Namun, keberadaan Maxwin tidak berarti kemenangan tersebut mudah diperoleh. Setiap hasil permainan tetap ditentukan oleh sistem RNG yang bekerja secara acak.

Bagi pemula, memahami konsep dasar seperti RTP, volatilitas, paylines, serta fitur bonus akan membantu mengenali cara kerja permainan secara lebih objektif. Yang tidak kalah penting, selalu mengutamakan permainan yang bertanggung jawab dengan menetapkan batas waktu dan anggaran agar aktivitas bermain tetap berada dalam koridor hiburan.

ROYALGACOR berupaya menghadirkan sistem yang mudah dipahami tanpa mengurangi kelengkapan fitur yang tersedia. Pengguna dapat menemukan berbagai menu secara lebih terstruktur sehingga proses pencarian informasi maupun penggunaan layanan menjadi lebih efisien.

Pendekatan seperti ini memberikan manfaat yang cukup besar. Waktu yang dibutuhkan untuk memahami cara kerja platform menjadi lebih singkat, sementara risiko terjadinya kesalahan saat mengakses berbagai fitur juga dapat diminimalkan.

Stabilitas Sistem Mendukung Pengalaman Pengguna

Selain kemudahan penggunaan, stabilitas layanan merupakan faktor yang tidak kalah penting. Platform digital yang mampu menjaga performa secara konsisten cenderung memperoleh tingkat kepuasan pengguna yang lebih tinggi.

ROYALGACOR berupaya menghadirkan sistem yang tetap responsif ketika diakses melalui berbagai perangkat. Optimalisasi ini memungkinkan pengguna memperoleh pengalaman yang relatif stabil baik menggunakan komputer maupun perangkat seluler.

Meski demikian, performa sebuah layanan tetap dipengaruhi oleh berbagai faktor eksternal, seperti kualitas jaringan internet, kapasitas perangkat yang digunakan, hingga kondisi lalu lintas data pada waktu tertentu. Oleh karena itu, pengalaman setiap pengguna dapat berbeda meskipun mengakses platform yang sama.

Layanan Pelanggan yang Responsif

Dalam dunia layanan digital, dukungan pelanggan memiliki peran yang sangat penting. Tidak semua kendala dapat diselesaikan secara mandiri, sehingga keberadaan tim bantuan menjadi salah satu indikator kualitas pelayanan.

ROYALGACOR menyediakan layanan pelanggan yang ditujukan untuk membantu pengguna memperoleh informasi maupun solusi ketika menghadapi kendala tertentu. Respons yang cepat dapat membantu mengurangi waktu tunggu sekaligus meningkatkan rasa percaya terhadap layanan yang digunakan.

Di sisi lain, efektivitas layanan pelanggan juga bergantung pada kompleksitas permasalahan yang dihadapi. Pertanyaan yang bersifat umum biasanya dapat diselesaikan lebih cepat dibandingkan kasus yang memerlukan proses verifikasi tambahan.

Fitur yang Terus Mengikuti Perkembangan

Perubahan kebutuhan pengguna mendorong platform untuk terus melakukan pembaruan. Inovasi tidak selalu berarti menghadirkan fitur baru dalam jumlah banyak, melainkan juga menyempurnakan sistem yang sudah ada agar semakin relevan dengan kebutuhan saat ini.

ROYALGACOR menunjukkan upaya pengembangan melalui penyempurnaan berbagai aspek layanan, mulai dari peningkatan kenyamanan penggunaan hingga optimalisasi performa sistem. Langkah semacam ini penting karena ekspektasi pengguna terhadap layanan digital terus meningkat dari waktu ke waktu.

Meskipun demikian, setiap pembaruan juga memiliki tantangan tersendiri. Adaptasi pengguna terhadap perubahan antarmuka maupun fitur baru memerlukan waktu, sehingga proses pengembangan perlu dilakukan secara bertahap agar tetap memberikan pengalaman yang positif.

Keamanan Menjadi Fondasi Kepercayaan

Keamanan merupakan salah satu aspek yang tidak dapat dipisahkan dari layanan digital modern. Pengguna semakin sadar akan pentingnya perlindungan data sehingga mereka cenderung memilih platform yang memberikan perhatian terhadap aspek keamanan.

ROYALGACOR berupaya membangun lingkungan layanan yang lebih aman melalui pengelolaan sistem yang mendukung perlindungan aktivitas pengguna. Selain itu, kesadaran pengguna juga memiliki peran penting dalam menjaga keamanan akun, misalnya dengan menggunakan kata sandi yang kuat dan tidak membagikan informasi pribadi kepada pihak lain.

Kolaborasi antara sistem keamanan platform dan kebiasaan pengguna yang bijak menjadi kombinasi yang mampu menciptakan pengalaman digital yang lebih nyaman.

Peluang Pengembangan di Masa Mendatang

Persaingan layanan digital akan terus mengalami perubahan seiring berkembangnya teknologi. Platform yang mampu beradaptasi dengan cepat biasanya memiliki peluang lebih besar untuk mempertahankan loyalitas pengguna.

ROYALGACOR memiliki kesempatan untuk terus meningkatkan kualitas layanannya melalui inovasi yang berorientasi pada kebutuhan pengguna. Pengembangan teknologi, peningkatan performa sistem, serta penyempurnaan pengalaman pengguna menjadi beberapa aspek yang berpotensi memberikan nilai tambah di masa depan.

Namun demikian, keberhasilan pengembangan tidak hanya ditentukan oleh inovasi teknologi. Kemampuan memahami masukan pengguna dan menerapkannya dalam proses penyempurnaan layanan juga menjadi faktor yang tidak kalah penting.

Penutup

Keunggulan sebuah platform digital tidak hanya tercermin dari banyaknya fitur yang ditawarkan, melainkan juga dari bagaimana seluruh layanan tersebut mampu bekerja secara selaras dalam memberikan pengalaman yang nyaman, efisien, dan mudah diakses. ROYALGACOR menunjukkan upaya untuk menghadirkan layanan yang berfokus pada kemudahan penggunaan, stabilitas sistem, dukungan pelanggan, serta pengembangan yang berkelanjutan.

Pada akhirnya, penilaian terhadap kualitas sebuah layanan tetap bergantung pada pengalaman masing-masing pengguna. Dengan memahami berbagai aspek yang memengaruhi kinerja platform, pengguna dapat menilai secara lebih objektif apakah layanan yang tersedia telah sesuai dengan kebutuhan dan harapan mereka dalam memanfaatkan layanan digital.

This article will focus broadly on “the Resistance” (the movements and constellation of forces that have grown up in opposition to the Trump administration and its authoritarian efforts), its political dynamics, and the role and posture of the revolutionary Left.

I start here because this new reality defines and delimits the nature of the class struggle in the United States.

Among other things, the second Trump administration (Trump II) represents the most significant one-sided class attack by the U.S. state and capital since the global economic crisis in 2008. Whatever its populist veneer, this is a government of and by the billionaires. To provide just one glaring example, as Thomas Hummel argued last summer in reflecting on the first six months of the administration, Trump’s “Big Beautiful Bill” carried “the largest transfer of wealth from the very poorest to the very richest in the country’s history, while at the same time it allocates $75 billion to ICE, in effect massively expanding what has effectively become a state gestapo.”

Now approaching eighteen months of Trump II, the attacks on Medicaid and food subsidies for the poorest of working class people in the United States have not yet been fully felt. The impact on the broader working class is being widely felt and continues apace, escalated by Trump’s trade and imperial policies. Last year’s decimation of the unionized federal work force is the single largest union busting operation for decades. Most significantly, the fascistic and racist violence directed at immigrant workers is the greatest qualitative escalation of an assault on this part of the working class since the mid-1990s, if not earlier.

All of this needs to be placed in the broader crisis of late neoliberalism. For capital, the challenges of re-establishing systemic profitability in a global system marked by sluggish growth, at best, and built on unsustainable and contradictory fiscal and monetary policy, has provided an opening to the far right. The results internationally have been a spectacular, dangerous, and reciprocally impactful reworking of the global imperialist system.

In the United States we are witnessing the demolition of the post–World War II state and political order. As a result, some of the most acute fights over the last few years, and therefore some of the biggest social movements, have been about basic democratic rights—the right to organize, assemble, and protest (for example, the Palestine movement and campus repression generally), the right to basic bodily autonomy and freedom (trans health care), the right to representation and equal protection under the law (attacks on voting rights and so-called DEI, fights against racial profiling and warrantless invasions by ICE). These are foundational class questions.

As Tempest argued in an editorial in February 2025,

We should understand struggles against identity-based oppression as struggles against capital’s socio-material relations…

Donald Trump’s recent barrage of executive orders—which have targeted workers, immigrants, queer and trans folks, women, and those who are racially oppressed—give lie to the fact that struggles against oppression can either be tabled in favor of class-wide demands or somehow fought indirectly.

In addition, an even cursory assessment of recent “workplace” struggles— for example the nurses’ strike in New York City, the educators’ strike in San Francisco, the meat packing strike in the Midwest, or ongoing oil workers bargaining nationally—shows these to be fundamentally conditioned by the dynamic of Trump II and the post-2008 fallout. This is also true of the political developments and struggles within key unions such as UAW and the Teamsters.

The cross-class “Resistance”

Taken as a whole, the breadth and depth of these attacks and the struggles that follow, also mean that the Resistance has been likewise broad and cross-class. Even more than is generally true in our undemocratic capitalist republic, the opposition to this authoritarian trajectory in all its myriad forms has a mass character. The majority of the population opposes what is unfolding. The recent turnout at the mass No Kings protests is one good indication.

This has inevitably meant that the perspectives and strategies of the different parts of this broad, cross-class movement is being contested. Different parts of the movement reflect different politics and different class interests. Rather than stand on the sidelines of these broad mobilizations because of their liberal character and ties to the Democratic Party, the Left, including revolutionaries,  must be present and fight for our approach as a distinct current.

The recent experience in Minneapolis is instructive. All of these streams of social and class attacks converged in Minnesota, culminating in mass protests that forced Trump to retreat, fire his commander of the Border Patrol, Greg Bovino, sideline Secretary of Homeland Security, Kristi Noem, and withdraw hundreds of ICE and Border Patrol agents. This uprising against ICE was based on a much more developed infrastructure of resistance forged over the last couple of decades. This was built through the George Floyd uprising against police brutality, union organizing and strikes, immigrant rights struggles, and indigenous-led climate justice campaigns.

And at the turn of the new year in the Twin Cities, the different perspectives and strategies played out, with efforts of the Left to consolidate workers’ assemblies and to continue to build more lasting infrastructure. At the same time, those sections of the resistance most closely aligned with the Democratic Party leadership (the mayor of Minneapolis, the Governor of Minnesota, the leadership of the police and sheriffs offices) sought to demobilize the movements, and prioritized stability and a return to an unsustainable status quo.

Yet whatever challenges exist in Minneapolis, the dynamic was in advance of most of the rest of the United States. In reality, there is a continuum across the country in the development of infrastructures of resistance. Most parts of the country lack the scope of organization that had been previously built in the Twin Cities. And like the rest of the United States, the militant minority and revolutionary Left remain small in the Twin Cities. This hampers the organization and politics of the resistance.

Local character and the fight to build a national resistance

Even granting the national character of Indivisible and the more nascent May Day Strong, the overarching dynamic of the Resistance is the extent to which it is defined by local and regional constellations of forces and organizations. Unfortunately, the Left lacks a counterpart to  national organizations such as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, Congress of Racial Equality, or Students for a Democratic Society. This is especially lamentable in the lack of any national immigrant rights formation that could have taken the lead in the response to the ICE invasions and abductions.

While it is possible to generalize about certain common approaches within the Resistance generally, the contest over how best to build the Resistance, and therefore what the class struggle will look like in its specificity, depends on the relative balance of power among those organizing on the ground in a given city or region.

It is clear that dynamics in any given place can be highly contingent. Some of this is a result of how acute an attack a given city has faced. The invasions by ICE and the National Guard in Chicago, Los Angeles, Minneapolis, Portland, Washington, D.C., Charlotte, Memphis, New Orleans, and beyond, have forced a higher level of organization and political contestation over the response of the movements. The extent to which Burlington, Vermont, has been at the center of important and high-profile struggles around immigration detention has impacted the character of its coalitions. Similarly, the decades of experience of immigrant rights organizing, and the memory of the protests of 2006, in Chicago, Los Angeles, and San Diego, inevitably impacts the dynamics there.

We also should not underestimate the impact of the Palestine solidarity movement on the current organization and politics of the Resistance . Finally, the relative strength of the organized Left and its revolutionary and reformist wings plays a role that is often overlooked.

Unionization and the role of the unions

It is also important to note the role of the trade unions. This is especially true because it has been where the trade union forces are more advanced in organization and politics that they can have a more decisive role in giving political direction and shape to the local Resistance movements. Chicago, and the Chicago Teachers’ Union, offers the best example.

Despite the adverse political conditions nationally—including the composition of Trump’s National Labor Relations Board and the massive attacks on the size of the federal work force—the broader political radicalization has led to an increase in organizing and in overall unionization rates and density. In 2025, 16.5 million workers in the United States were represented by a union—an increase of 463,000 from 2024 and the highest number in 16 years. This represents 11.2% of all wage and salary workers, up from 11.1% in 2024.

This growth was roughly equal in the public (236,000) and private (227,000) sectors. Construction and Health and Social Services accounted for 70 percent of the private sector increases.

Nonetheless, the level of strike activity paints a more ambivalent picture with overall strike numbers either flat or down slightly. As Kim Moody argues, in recent years, “Strikes are, with rare exceptions, limited to when contracts expire and new ones are negotiated. That means labor’s most powerful weapon against capital is limited to a prearranged schedule like the union’s convention or the monthly local membership meeting.”

Thus, despite the uptick in union organizing, the role of the unions and their leaderships varies greatly but is consistently delimited by their structural role as essentially defensive organs of the working class. Especially in the context of the all out attacks of the far right and state, in the absence of significant pressure from broader movement and Left forces, the strategic and tactical conservatism of the union leaderships, and the depth of their historic ties to the Democratic Party coalition, will negatively impact their role in a local Resistance.

Thus, the role of organized labor, and the relative success or weakness historically of the Left in building rank-and-file organization and class struggle and social justice unionism, impacts what roles the unions play, and therefore what is possible in Chicago, Los Angeles, Minneapolis, or San Francisco as opposed to New York City, to give one example.

One of the impacts of this dynamic with the unions is that the calls for a general strike largely exist at the level of agitation, and have not yet manifested themselves in a realistic prospect for an actual general strike led by the trade union movement. This is not to minimize the importance—or breadth—of the actions in Minneapolis in January 2026 and its significance in raising expectations. Rather, it is to recognize the challenges we face if our aim is truly a South Korea–style mass strike (to give but one recent historical example).

Efforts to build national organization

Despite the inevitable local character of the broader resistance efforts, there is an ongoing struggle to forge new national organizations and coalitions and therefore a new Left. The two main organized currents of the national resistance are Indivisible and May Day Strong.

Indivisible was formed by two Democratic Party organizers who explicitly conceived the project to galvanize its base in struggle and then turn it to elections to defeat Trump and Republicans. It has staged the massive No Kings rallies. But, because of its ties to the Democratic Party, it has tended to exclude Palestine solidarity activists and has proved reluctant to even include opposition to the war on Iran. Its strategy is to turn those millions into campaigners for the Democrats in the midterms and 2028 presidential elections.

As we know from bitter experience, the Democrats offer no alternative for the vast majority. The people on those demonstrations are open to much more radical ideas and strategies, however, and should not be written off or left with no alternative but the liberal politics on offer from the front of the march.

May Day Strong was spearheaded by the Chicago Teachers’ Union. It has brought together unions, immigrant rights groups, other social movement organizations, and NGOs in a potential united front of working-class forces.

May Day Strong does include Indivisible and another liberal formation, 5051, and it is limited by the horizons of the left union bureaucracy. Nevertheless, it has taken an initial call by the UAW leadership, and helped put May Day back on the map, encouraged solidarity schools to prepare unions to stage political strikes against Trump, and pushed the slogan “no work, no school, no shopping” for this year’s May Day.10 Recent reports from May Day Strong is that they have decided to back off this slogan nationally out of opposition from the leadership of the National Education Association. Further evidence of the ambivalent role played by the trade union leadership. And in Chicago, the CTU and its May Day coalition are campaigning for the mayor to shut down the schools, and therefore to shut down the city, in a backdoor mass strike.

May Day Strong is the key national vehicle to advance the argument for a general strike to challenge Trump’s increasingly authoritarian regime. Its explicit model is the South Korean strike that blocked a coup and toppled the government. That said, it is not immune from cooptation by the Democrats through the trade union officialdom’s alliance with the party. And it does not exist in all cities and towns.

Despite its limitations, the Left should take up the May Day Strong banner, as it facilitates our ability to highlight the qualitatively new nature of the attacks of the far right and therefore the need for much higher levels of class struggle and strike action. Our challenge is how to forge similar local formations aligned with the national coalition. For the moment, it is our best shot to agitate for mass working-class action to topple the Trump regime and what it represents.

At a much more modest level, and with an eye to both strengthening the revolutionary left pole of the resistance and helping build a more coherent national face to this resistance, for the last year Tempest has been part of building the United Left Platform. The ULP was launched by five revolutionary and independent socialist organizations (International Marxist Humanist Organization, Socialist Horizon, Solidarity, Workers Voice, and Tempest), with a sixth (Speak Out Socialists) subsequently joining.

The driving motivation behind the ULP was two-fold. First, to amplify revolutionary perspectives and strategy in the Resistance. Second, to help build common defense in the context of “the unprecedented authoritarian assaults facing the left, oppressed communities, and the working class as a whole in the U.S.” In addition to some joint propaganda and meetings, the ULP helped launch the Committee to Defend Tom Alter, which has proven to be a vibrant and successful effort to defend one of the many victims of the authoritarian assaults.

Competing perspectives and strategies within “the Resistance”

At the risk of over generalizing, there are four main political tendencies within (and in relationship with) the Resistance. It is worth reiterating that often people have a mix of consciousness and will share aspects of each. This is part of the reason why there is space for political contestation among these trends.

First is the right-wing of the movement, best represented by the national leadership of No Kings and Indivisible. It is inevitably and unwaveringly pro-Democratic Party, and therefore electoralist. These forces often conceive of the fight as one of “rescuing democracy,” with the assumption that the U.S. state pre-Trump is what we are fighting for, a restoration of the post-World War II status quo. This is often (though unfortunately not exclusively) the side of the movement which encourages the use of U.S. flags in the demonstrations, who will discourage the discussion of purportedly “divisive” issues—like imperialism, Palestine, or trans rights—and whose purpose is to get Democrats elected.

As a distinct current within this first tendency, the social democrats share with the liberals a commitment to the Democratic Party and electoralism, though often couched as a strategic or tactical choice.

Second, the popular front wing of the movement, as against the liberals and (usually) the social democrats, conceives of their approach as a Marxist one built on a legacy of the (official Stalinist) Communist Party. They share a perspective of a defense of democracy, not based on a principled defense of popular democratic rights but on the idea that any project of building socialism has to be taken in stages. And that a “democratic” capitalist stage has to be consolidated before a real fight for socialism can be engaged. To this end, these forces actively and explicitly seek to build a cross-class political coalition with a “progressive” section of the bourgeoisie.

In the United States, this has meant building a political coalition with that section of the “progressive” capital that supports the Democratic Party and historically subordinates all other goals to winning elections. In its recent iteration, many of the forces supporting this strategy, including some of the leadership of May Day Strong, acknowledge the importance of independent class activity and strike action, but have historically ended up subordinating this to a pro-Democratic Party electoralism.

The third trend that is identifiable and worth mentioning is one that can be described as “ultraleft.” It often rejects participation in the broader Resistance because of its liberal or social democratic leadership. As a result, it can often focus on more adventurist activism at the expense of building the mass movement. In choosing to focus on a more comfortable or familiar, pre-existing radical milieu, and too often in choosing to conflate radical tactics for socialist strategy, it mistakenly foregoes politically contesting leadership of the class movement as a whole.

While it is understandable for newly radicalizing people to want to take action, and unconditionally reject the politics of the pro-Democratic Party trends, this current often ends up writing off the possibility of both winning other people who are newly radicalizing from our right2The biography of one of the leading organizers of the 1934 Teamsters strike in Minneapolis, Farrell Dobbs, offers a useful reminder of how people’s ideas develop in the course of struggle. Dobbs was a registered Republican, voting for Herbert Hoover in both the 1928 and 1932 elections. He was won from that position, to the politics of revolutionary socialism, in the course of the strike and spent the rest of his life as a leader of the Trotskyist movement. and the tactical importance of legal mass action.

Whatever our criticisms of its leadership, and the reactionary character of some of the liberal politics and tactics—insisting on not having speakers at rallies in some cases and in others platforming Democratic Party officials, refusing to countenance demands around Palestine, wrapping propaganda and demands in the U.S. flag, concessions around national and so-called border security, a refusal to acknowledge the crimes of U.S. imperialism— we should recognize the value of this mass action as a response to the class attacks and Trump II. The Left must use these mass protests as a place to meet, engage, and most importantly, organize people who are looking to take the struggle, in all its limitations, in a better direction.

Tempest is committed to a different, fourth, strategy, a United Front approach, one premised on a consistent and principled engagement with the class struggle on all fronts, including the defense of democratic rights, while rebuilding independent organizations of the working class and oppressed communities.

This is a strategy for forging coalitions for activism and action, and will inevitably mean working with forces to our right, while remaining opposed to electoralism and any subordination to the Democratic Party. It also means fighting for open, democratic organizing spaces where different political currents can freely argue for the best ideas, strategies, and tactics.

Given the relative size and weakness of the revolutionary Left, we see the importance of engaging the class struggle—with these goals in mind, and without hiding our principles—in as broad a political front as possible to best achieve our ends. This means working with other forces that do not necessarily share our politics and approach, in the interest of building our collective organizational capacity and winning discrete fights, all while helping to clarify and win an argument about what will best take the working-class movement forward. In this process we should be focused on helping to organize our class and social forces to build a new political party; one focused not primarily on elections but on giving voice and organizational weight to class and social struggle. This includes working to build both a principled revolutionary socialist organization and, using the United Front approach, to build broader socialist, worker, and popular organizations.

While it is true that the initial formulation of the theory of the United Front— in the early 1920s at a period of mass workers parties and with revolution on the agenda—is quite different from our own, the lessons from the period, and the approach overall, remain very relevant.

The post-2008 political radicalization has taken place in a period of overall weakness of the organized forces of the Left and after decades of largely one-sided neoliberal class war in most Western capitalist countries. The United Front approach is important in this moment precisely because it provides revolutionaries a road map for engaging in the broader class struggle. It gives us a chance to stand side-by-side with those newly participating in these struggles. And this allows us to engage and win activists who, given the weakness and lack of continuity of the organized Left, may have little theoretical, historical, and/or practical organizing experience.

Just as importantly, it also allows us to learn the lessons we collectively need to build stronger and more implanted organizations on the Left. In this, we should not shy from the value and importance of building self-consciously revolutionary organizations such as Tempest, so long as we are winning people based on this broader perspective and its importance in helping build a broad, effective Left and working-class movement and lasting infrastructures of dissent.

Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the Tempest Collective. For more information, see “About Tempest Collective.”
Featured Image credit: Myotus; modified by Tempest.

The post Tempest, the United Front approach, and “the Resistance” appeared first on Tempest.

When Vegan (his combat nickname) first tells me about himself, it is 2024, and summer can still be felt in Ukraine. He has found time to talk because, as part of a rotation, he has temporarily been pulled back from the front. He is the spokesperson for Ekoplatforma, a Ukrainian eco-anarchist organization bringing together soldiers and activists. He runs its Instagram account. Vegan is very young. Perhaps too young. He is 19. “I volunteered in 2022. In 2023 I signed a contract. The beginning of my service was not entirely legal,” he says with a smile.

Ekoplatforma is one of many small left-wing initiatives operating in Ukraine under the broad umbrella of the anti-authoritarian movement. These groups, often made up of only a few people, stand out for their clearly defined views; they prefer cooperation within networks of small, ideologically precise entities that do not compromise, rather than forming one larger, more politically moderate bloc. Among them are radical vegans, squatters, LGBTQ+ organizations and tenants’ movements.

From the outside, many of these circles may seem radical, even exotic. Ekoplatforma stands out in particular for its unusual style of communication: a combination of military aesthetics, animated characters drawn from Japanese anime and drawings of animals. The group makes no secret of its sympathy for Ted Kaczynski, known as the Unabomber, quotes Mao Zedong, and some of its actions could be described as eco-terrorism. They use a green-and-black flag cut diagonally, referring to the traditions of anarcho-primitivist movements.

Although they report events from the front, they just as often address issues related to animal rights, share information about left-wing cultural initiatives or even youth basketball tournaments in Odesa. This vivid, at times ironic way of running social media clearly contrasts with the typical heroic-patriotic narrative of right-wing military groups.

“A perfectly prepared ambush”

Soldiers connected with Ekoplatforma publish body-camera recordings from the battlefield online, adding provocative comments such as:

Our perfectly prepared ambush turned into a real nightmare for Russian infantry. After approaching the enemy, we opened fire at close range, immediately eliminating the attackers. In this way we managed to reduce the number of non-vegans on the planet >smiling emoji<.

The recordings show the bodies of killed Russian soldiers.

At the same time, these same soldiers became known for actions rescuing animals left behind in areas under evacuation. Often, with their commanders’ consent, they encouraged other members of their units to take part in such operations. In the rush that accompanied the evacuation of towns threatened by fighting, many people left pets and farm animals in homes, farmsteads, and farms. For many of them, this meant a slow death from hunger and thirst. Depending on the situation, the animals rescued by the soldiers were taken deeper into the country to organizations involved in animal protection, or at least released into forests, which gave them even a small chance of survival.

Vegan—like his comrades from Ekoplatforma and other green activists scattered across many units throughout Ukraine—also encourage other soldiers to adopt his model of eating. Ekoplatforma’s posts and materials contain detailed instructions on how to maintain a vegan diet even during direct combat operations. Some of the food is self-purchased or taken from captured Russian rations, which “often contain one-third vegan products,” says Vegan. “Usually, however, there is plenty of vegan food in the trenches: fresh vegetables, canned food, Huel.’

More than a squad

Although Vegan gives me the exact number of people who are members of Ekoplatforma, he asks me not to state it publicly. “You can write that there are a few more of us than a close circle of friends, but fewer than a large organization. There are more of us than a small squad, but fewer than a platoon.”

Before the war we were active in several cities, mainly in Odesa. We dealt with street protests, performances and art. We organized exhibitions, published zines and, as far as possible, carried out social work: We helped homeless people and animals, and distributed free vegan food. A few of us had experience of the war in Donbas, but most were civilian activists. When the war (meaning the escalation in 2022) broke out, half of us joined the army and the other half volunteered for other tasks.

Vegan smiles sadly: “Now it doesn’t matter. All the men from Ekoplatforma are already in the army, scattered among different units.”

Now we work with solidarity and anti-authoritarian groups, both on the front and in social activity. We work with the Resistance Committee (also called the anti-authoritarian platoon—a volunteer unit made up of anarchists, active since the beginning of the 2022 war), SAD (Street Aid Daily, an aid group operating in Odesa), the Akhmat collective… it is hard to list them all. The scale of mutual aid is enormous. We support one another through front-line experience, training, organizing fundraisers and exchanging knowledge, but we also continue the work we did before: Our civilian members or people on rotation get involved in publishing zines, doing graffiti and murals, helping squats, or organizing free shops where we distribute aid to people in need.

Vegan Two, or Alfarius

Vegan does not want to give his real name. His friend, another member of Ekoplatforma, who finds time to talk in the first months of 2025, also hesitates for a long moment. Many of you know his face—he was depicted in one of the works by David Chychan, the Ukrainian anarchist artist and soldier killed in August 2025. His combat nickname is also Vegan. “Our name is Legion,” the second Vegan laughs. “If you are the only vegan in the company and you also speak up about animal rights, it somehow sticks. Several of us got that nickname from our comrades. But you can call me Alfarius or Omegon; that is the nickname I use online,” he says, referring to a pop-cultural motif from Warhammer 40k.

A large part of Ekoplatforma’s communication is based on pop culture: games, anime, memes. All the members I have met are very young and very ideological, while at the same time keeping a strong distance from the “seriousness” of the uniform. This prevents them from becoming pompous. They paint their grenades and magazines in colorful patterns. Their Instagram accounts have thousands of followers. In the photographs, frames from the war and destroyed Russian equipment are interwoven with shots in which they wear animal costumes. In one photo, Alfarius poses with a rifle against a white wall, looking straight into the lens; in another, he attends a protest wearing a giraffe-head hat; in yet another he is with his unit during heavy fighting for Kherson. His saved stories contain motifs from Warhammer and his favorite series. Contrary to what someone might think of them, they are not paper soldiers. They have fought on the hardest fronts of this war: in Donbas, Kursk Oblast, and Kherson. Many of them have been wounded, often more than once.

In 2025 Alfarius is 23; he has served since 2022 and also volunteered. He has been a member of Ekoplatforma—and a vegan—for more than seven years. His real name is Gerard, or Gera for short.

I cannot tell you everything I do on and off the front, but in simple terms I am a contract soldier and an eco-activist. I always wanted to be in the middle of the action and feel that I had an impact on reality—whether that meant distributing food to homeless people, vegan and ecological protests and initiatives, or fighting the invader.

Anarchist education

Alfarius sounds like a participant in an academic seminar or a warrior-poet when he writes to me from his positions in Kursk Oblast:

My main everyday interest is spreading vegan and anti-authoritarian values, ideas and practices in every environment, both civilian and military. I would also like to look at the existing problems in these structures, analyzing them through the prism of an anti-civilizational and anti-technological approach.

In our conversations Alfarius emphasizes that he believes in, and promotes, a vision of the army based on horizontal, personal relations between soldiers rather than an authoritarian vision of a hierarchical military. A war of materiel, based on technology that kills people en masse, seems equally inhuman to him.

In fact, life in the army can strengthen you in being an anarchist. Many people who previously had no developed political views began, under our influence, to lean toward our ideas. In the army you see the negative aspects of strict hierarchy. You see officers who do not care about soldiers. In the units where we are, we often manage—or at least try—to build better relationships, in which soldiers and officers talk to one another about decisions and risks. Usually, in the Ukrainian army there is, despite everything, more freedom than in the old and academic structures of European or NATO armies. But this freedom and flexibility of structures also has its bad side: Many processes often do not work as they should, information is not properly processed, standards are not maintained.

Vegan grows serious. “After all, an anti-authoritarian model of the army is not about chaos and lack of organization. Our goal is to limit oppression or internal violence, which are so common in traditional, hierarchical military structures.”

Asked whether they had ever served together as one unit and how such a unit coped on the battlefield, he replies:

No, in fact we never fought as one unit. One of our comrades served in the anti-authoritarian platoon at the very beginning of the war, before its reorganization. I and another comrade from Ekoplatforma were assigned for a while to a regular unit where anarchists from other collectives also served. We stuck together. At the turn of 2023 and 2024 I was transferred to another unit, but my last combat mission was carried out together with that guy from Ekoplatforma.’

Vegan’s tone changes for the first time during the conversation. For most of the talk he had smiled and joked; we were somewhere between exchanging anecdotes and an academic left-wing discussion. Now, for the first time, clear sadness can be heard in his voice.

“Contrary to appearances, it is not nice to be at war with friends. At first it is good, because you support each other, but later it is hard to deal with the grief when they die. It overwhelms you and pulls you away from your tasks,” and when he speaks of tasks, it seems he means both his mission as a Ukrainian soldier and as a green anarchist shaping the attitudes of other soldiers. “That is why it makes no sense to have an anarchist battalion. It is much better to have anarchists in many battalions.”

I know that for Vegan and his comrades from Ekoplatforma, work on the vision of the society that will emerge after the war is as important as the fight against the Russians. Ekoplatforma’s social media and those of related anti-authoritarian groups show what matters to them: an egalitarian society without leaders and strict hierarchy, workers’ rights, the right to housing, the struggle for animal rights (even in the middle of war), veganism, and the restoration of nature destroyed by war and industry. Publishing zines, distributing free food to homeless people, or organizing the “first anti-authoritarian basketball tournament in Odesa.”

Asked whether he believes anarchism or opposition to authoritarianism fits the Ukrainian national character in some special way (in the context of the history of Nestor Makhno and the Black factions—Ukrainian anarcho-communists during the Russian Civil War—or the strong tradition of Slavic anarchist movements), Alfarius answers:

You know, people talk a lot about Ukrainians “longing for freedom,” but in practice I do not feel that we perceive radical ideas such as anti-authoritarianism, veganism or anarchism differently or more deeply than other Europeans. The anarchist or anti-authoritarian movement has always been active in Ukraine, but it has always consisted of a small group of devoted people.

“I would very much like to give you a different answer, but after getting to know similar groups in other countries, it is hard for me to point to any significant difference,” Vegan says, spreading his hands.

War in the streets

Far-right and left-wing groups in Ukraine were very popular before the war. Perhaps their appeal resulted from the disappointment mainstream politics had delivered to most Ukrainians; the extensive social activity carried out by such entities was also significant. In a country with a very low level of access to free social services, both right-wing initiatives—such as the Azov-linked Kozatska Khata, a former squat turned cultural center in Kyiv, which offers, among other things, free language lessons, sports classes and tutoring—and the artistic and social activity of left-wing groups fill an important gap. If you are a young person with the will to learn or act, but without resources, such initiatives provide you with a space to do so. If life has knocked you down, they will feed you and give you a place to sleep for a while.

Alfarius says:

In my youth, from my teenage years onward, I spent a lot of time in street confrontations with the far right. There was a lot of violence in that. Honestly, I will say that it ended in different ways. Apart from taking part in vegan circles and Ekoplatforma, I was also a member of other anarchist groups. We sometimes blocked right-wing raids on squats. Besides fights with nationalists, we also blocked evictions and supported workers’ protests against exploiters. Very often we fought greedy developers who wanted to evict people or destroy green areas. We also distributed food; for years we helped homeless people.

The struggle for hearts and minds led to tensions and street clashes between nationalist and right-wing circles and leftists even before the war. Beatings and acts of vandalism were an everyday reality before 2022. After the outbreak of the war, however, tensions eased.

“There is no point comparing the level of street confrontation before the war and now. Of course, there will always be young Nazis looking for trouble, but that is irrelevant. They have no idea how much harm they can do themselves by acting this way, and we try not to be provoked more than necessary,” says Vegan.

The problem, after all, is the external enemy: Both sides realize that it is mainly provocateurs and Russia’s allies who benefit from their internal fights.

From time to time, however, open clashes between Ukrainian left-wing and right-wing organizations occur again. In May 2024 in Odesa, a group of Ukrainian nationalists attacked the launch of a left-wing magazine organized by a number of anti-authoritarian organizations. The attackers took several copies of the magazine and burned them; they also clashed with the organizers of the event. There were scuffles and pepper spray was used, as a result of which, among others, two soldiers from Ekoplatforma who were attending the event during rehabilitation after being wounded at the front were injured. The organization points out that since the beginning of 2024 the number of similar attacks has increased — and more and more attacks from the right are aimed at feminist, LGBTQ and ecological initiatives. Ekoplatforma commented on the attack on its official Instagram account:

Right now we are all fighting an existential threat from Russia, which wants to bring torture, oppression, homophobia, and authoritarian rule here, while Ukrainian right-wing youth decide that the best response is to beat their own people in the name of  >traditional values<. They do not see that their actions serve the same thing Russia wants here: racism, authoritarian values and homophobia.

I am going back to work

At the beginning of 2025 Vegan ends up in a hospital in Sumy Oblast—he has a shrapnel fragment in his leg.

“Nothing serious,” he says. “I will rest for a while and go back to work.”

The stories and recordings he passes on to me make a huge impression. They describe fighting in Donbas, in Kursk Oblast and on other sections of the front. One story in particular stays with me: a tragic mistake experienced by one of his comrades. A lone Ukrainian soldier, belonging to the Ekoplatforma collective, was withdrawing from a position during shelling in one of the Donbas villages. In the night and chaos he pulled along—as he thought—his companion. They ran several hundred meters together before stopping and realizing that they were on opposite sides. Both grabbed their weapons; the eco-anarchist fired first.

Alfarius does not say it outright, but he implies that he served in assault units. He did not take part in the animal-rescue actions in combat areas that Ekoplatforma boasted about on social media. He describes the landscape of the places where he has fought in recent months:

In most of the places where I served, living animals were practically never seen. Sometimes there may have been cats. I remember one that the guys from another unit had taken in. I offered to help evacuate it out of the combat zone, but they refused; they preferred it to stay close to them. Usually, where we were sent, the destruction was so great that any life ceased to exist. Everything died or fled. Only the organisms most adapted to survival remained: mice, rats. And us.

Something else is striking here: although these are representatives of one of the most left-wing circles in Ukraine, certain patterns remain unchanged. Like ordinary soldiers or guys from more right-wing units, some members of Ekoplatforma also use words such as “pidar” and “fag” for Russian soldiers. I know, however, that this has nothing to do with homophobia. “That is just how people speak. It has nothing to do with orientation; it is simply an insult,” they explain to me.

What strikes me most in conversations with them, however, is how strongly the army shapes language. People who, in everyday life, write with enormous empathy about the rights of animals, women or minorities, who can become furious about injustices that an average observer would shrug off, completely change their tone when speaking about war. Vegan, Alfarius and their comrades create beautiful, poetic posts and photographs showing devastated areas abandoned by humans and slowly reclaimed by nature. These images bring to mind the famous passage from Palahniuk’s Fight Club about deer wandering through a ruined Rockefeller Center years after the collapse of civilization.

Yet when they talk about the fighting itself, their language becomes technical. “Zachystyt”—to clear—is the word they use to describe killing Russians. They also use it when referring to the deaths of their comrades: “The occupier attempted to clear our position.” “Going around the APC, I entered the enemy trenches from the side they did not expect and cleared the right side.” Waging war is “work” for them: Vegan, Alfarius and the rest of Ekoplatforma “go to work,” just as artillery, air defense, and other units work.

I ask them about their vision of the future. How do they see their own future—and the future of their values—after the war ends?

“I don’t believe in a quick peace, and I don’t think about it,” Vegan tells me.

I don’t think about what will happen after the war. I’m afraid that even if it ends, it will in fact continue in another form—frozen for a while—and Russia will attack again. That’s why I don’t want to think about what comes afterward.

Gera, Alfarius, however, has a more concrete vision:

After the war, I will actively engage in vegan and anarchist activism. I would like to promote primitivism, a return to roots and a simple life. To live with friends in a community we create together, and to help others establish similar temporary autonomous zones where the ideals of ecological living, anarchism, and cooperativism can be put into practice.

Several months after finishing work on the first version of the text, while scrolling through Instagram, I come across a new post by Ekoplatforma. “You cannot save nature without saving Ukraine and rebuilding a healthy society,” one of the guys writes on Ekoplatforma’s profile, as if answering all the questions.

Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the Tempest Collective. For more information, see “About Tempest Collective.”
Featured Image credit: U.S. Army 81SBCT by Staff Sgt. David Carnahan; modified by Tempest.

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Fakta Penting Mengenai RTP

Return to Player merupakan persentase teoretis yang menggambarkan seberapa besar total taruhan diproyeksikan kembali kepada pemain dalam jangka panjang.

Sebagai ilustrasi, apabila sebuah permainan memiliki RTP sebesar 96 persen, bukan berarti setiap pemain akan memperoleh kembali 96 persen dari modal yang digunakan. Nilai tersebut merupakan hasil perhitungan statistik berdasarkan jutaan bahkan miliaran simulasi putaran yang dilakukan selama proses pengujian permainan.

Artinya, dalam praktik nyata, hasil yang diperoleh setiap pemain dapat berbeda secara signifikan. Ada pemain yang memperoleh hasil lebih tinggi dari nilai RTP, sementara pemain lain bisa mendapatkan hasil yang jauh lebih rendah dalam periode permainan tertentu.

Fakta inilah yang sering kali tidak dipahami secara utuh sehingga memunculkan berbagai asumsi yang kurang tepat di kalangan pengguna.

Mengungkap Peran Volatilitas dalam Pola Permainan

Selain RTP, volatilitas menjadi indikator kedua yang memiliki pengaruh terhadap karakteristik permainan slot digital.

Volatilitas tidak berkaitan dengan besarnya peluang menang, melainkan menggambarkan pola distribusi hadiah selama permainan berlangsung.

Permainan dengan volatilitas rendah umumnya memberikan kemenangan dalam frekuensi yang lebih sering, namun nominal hadiahnya relatif kecil. Sebaliknya, permainan dengan volatilitas tinggi cenderung menghadirkan kemenangan yang lebih jarang, tetapi memiliki potensi hadiah yang lebih besar ketika kombinasi tertentu berhasil diperoleh.

Perbedaan karakteristik tersebut membuat setiap permainan memiliki pengalaman yang berbeda bagi pemain, meskipun nilai RTP yang ditampilkan relatif sama.

Mengapa RTP dan Volatilitas Sering Disalahartikan

Hasil pengamatan terhadap berbagai forum diskusi pemain menunjukkan adanya kecenderungan menghubungkan RTP dengan peluang kemenangan instan. Tidak sedikit pula konten yang menampilkan daftar permainan dengan RTP tinggi tanpa memberikan penjelasan mengenai konsep statistik yang mendasarinya.

Di sisi lain, istilah volatilitas juga kerap dipersepsikan sebagai ukuran tingkat kesulitan permainan. Padahal volatilitas lebih tepat dipahami sebagai pola distribusi kemenangan, bukan ukuran kemampuan pemain untuk memperoleh hasil tertentu.

Fenomena tersebut diperkuat oleh banyaknya informasi yang beredar di media sosial tanpa disertai konteks teknis yang memadai. Akibatnya, pemain baru sering memperoleh pemahaman yang kurang lengkap sebelum mencoba suatu permainan.

Berbagai Sudut Pandang Mengenai Penggunaan RTP

Dari perspektif pengembang permainan, RTP merupakan parameter matematis yang digunakan untuk menjaga keseimbangan sistem permainan sesuai rancangan awal.

Sementara itu, operator platform memanfaatkan informasi tersebut sebagai bentuk transparansi kepada pengguna agar karakteristik setiap permainan dapat diketahui sebelum dimainkan.

Di sisi pemain, RTP sering dipandang sebagai acuan dalam memilih permainan yang dianggap lebih menguntungkan. Namun para analis industri menilai bahwa indikator tersebut sebaiknya digunakan sebagai referensi tambahan, bukan sebagai dasar utama dalam memperkirakan hasil permainan individual.

Pendekatan yang lebih objektif adalah memahami RTP bersamaan dengan volatilitas, mekanisme bonus, fitur permainan, serta preferensi masing-masing pengguna.

Hubungan RTP, Volatilitas, dan Random Number Generator

Salah satu aspek yang tidak kalah penting adalah keberadaan sistem Random Number Generator (RNG). Teknologi ini bertugas menghasilkan setiap putaran secara acak dan independen.

Dengan adanya RNG, hasil putaran sebelumnya tidak memengaruhi hasil putaran berikutnya. Oleh karena itu, tidak terdapat pola tertentu yang dapat menjamin kemenangan hanya berdasarkan riwayat permainan sebelumnya.

Dalam konteks tersebut, RTP dan volatilitas tidak mengubah sifat acak dari setiap putaran. Keduanya hanya memberikan gambaran mengenai karakteristik permainan berdasarkan perhitungan matematis dalam jangka panjang.

Pentingnya Literasi Informasi Bagi Pengguna

Meningkatnya akses terhadap berbagai informasi digital membuat pemain memiliki lebih banyak referensi sebelum memilih permainan. Namun, kemudahan memperoleh informasi juga membawa tantangan berupa penyebaran klaim yang belum tentu didukung oleh penjelasan teknis yang memadai.

Karena itu, literasi digital menjadi faktor penting agar pengguna mampu membedakan antara data statistik, opini komunitas, strategi pribadi, dan informasi promosi. Memahami perbedaan tersebut membantu pemain mengambil keputusan berdasarkan informasi yang lebih akurat serta menghindari kesimpulan yang tidak didukung oleh fakta.

Kesimpulan

Penelusuran terhadap berbagai aspek RTP dan volatilitas menunjukkan bahwa kedua indikator tersebut memiliki fungsi sebagai informasi statistik untuk membantu memahami karakteristik permainan, bukan sebagai alat untuk memprediksi hasil pada setiap sesi permainan.

RTP memberikan gambaran mengenai tingkat pengembalian teoretis dalam jangka panjang, sedangkan volatilitas menjelaskan pola distribusi kemenangan yang mungkin terjadi selama permainan berlangsung. Ketika dipahami secara bersamaan, keduanya dapat menjadi referensi yang lebih bermanfaat bagi pemain dalam mengenali karakteristik suatu permainan.

Pada akhirnya, pemahaman yang komprehensif mengenai RTP, volatilitas, serta mekanisme acak melalui Random Number Generator menjadi landasan penting untuk menafsirkan informasi secara objektif. Pendekatan berbasis fakta dan literasi yang baik akan membantu pengguna menyaring berbagai klaim yang beredar sekaligus membangun pemahaman yang lebih realistis terhadap cara kerja permainan slot digital

Akses Cepat Melalui Berbagai Perangkat

Perubahan pola penggunaan internet mendorong banyak platform untuk mengembangkan layanan yang fleksibel. ROYALGACOR menghadirkan sistem yang mampu menyesuaikan tampilan secara otomatis berdasarkan ukuran layar perangkat.

Responsivitas tersebut memungkinkan pengguna tetap memperoleh pengalaman yang konsisten saat berpindah dari komputer ke tablet maupun telepon pintar. Seluruh menu tetap mudah dijangkau tanpa perlu melakukan pengaturan tambahan.

Optimalisasi ini juga berdampak pada waktu muat halaman yang lebih singkat, sehingga proses berpindah antarfitur berlangsung lebih lancar dan efisien.

Informasi yang Disajikan Secara Terorganisasi

Selain menghadirkan berbagai fitur, ROYALGACOR juga menampilkan informasi dalam format yang mudah dipahami. Setiap kategori memiliki penjelasan yang sistematis sehingga pengguna dapat mengenali fungsi maupun tujuan dari masing-masing layanan.

Penyajian informasi yang terstruktur memberikan nilai tambah karena pengguna tidak perlu menafsirkan berbagai istilah teknis secara mandiri. Seluruh informasi ditampilkan dengan bahasa yang ringkas namun tetap informatif.

Pendekatan tersebut membantu menciptakan pengalaman eksplorasi yang lebih efektif sekaligus meningkatkan kenyamanan selama menggunakan platform.

Optimalisasi Kecepatan dan Stabilitas Sistem

Kecepatan akses menjadi salah satu faktor yang sangat menentukan kualitas pengalaman digital. Platform yang lambat sering kali mengurangi kenyamanan pengguna, terutama ketika berpindah dari satu menu ke menu lainnya.

ROYALGACOR mengoptimalkan performa sistem agar proses pemuatan halaman berlangsung lebih cepat. Stabilitas layanan juga menjadi perhatian utama sehingga pengguna dapat mengakses berbagai fitur secara lebih konsisten.

Performa yang baik tidak hanya meningkatkan efisiensi, tetapi juga memberikan kesan profesional terhadap keseluruhan layanan yang tersedia.

Kesimpulan

ROYALGACOR menghadirkan berbagai fitur yang dirancang untuk mendukung pengalaman digital yang praktis, responsif, dan mudah dipahami. Mulai dari antarmuka yang modern, navigasi yang terstruktur, optimalisasi kecepatan sistem, hingga penyajian informasi yang rapi, seluruh elemen disusun untuk memberikan kemudahan dalam menjelajahi setiap layanan yang tersedia.

Memahami fungsi masing-masing fitur merupakan langkah penting agar pengguna dapat memanfaatkan platform secara maksimal. Dengan eksplorasi yang tepat, setiap fasilitas dapat digunakan sesuai kebutuhan sehingga pengalaman menggunakan ROYALGACOR menjadi lebih efisien, nyaman, dan informatif. Artikel ini diharapkan dapat menjadi panduan awal bagi siapa pun yang ingin mengenal lebih jauh berbagai fitur unggulan yang ditawarkan platform tersebut.

Berdasarkan informasi yang beredar, ROYALGACOR memperkenalkan diri sebagai platform hiburan daring yang menyediakan berbagai kategori permainan, mulai dari permainan bergaya slot hingga layanan lain yang berkaitan dengan taruhan digital. Dalam materi yang dipublikasikan, platform tersebut mencantumkan sejumlah fitur seperti permainan kasino, sportsbook, layanan pelanggan, serta sistem transaksi bagi pengguna.

Namun, keberadaan sebuah platform daring tidak hanya dapat dinilai dari daftar fitur yang ditampilkan. Faktor lain seperti transparansi pengelola, keamanan data, legalitas operasional, serta rekam jejak layanan menjadi bagian penting yang perlu diperiksa oleh masyarakat.

Pemeriksaan Informasi Menjadi Langkah Utama

Dalam perkembangan industri layanan daring, tampilan profesional dan banyaknya fitur belum selalu menjadi indikator utama tingkat kepercayaan sebuah platform. Beberapa layanan berbasis internet dapat menggunakan strategi pemasaran yang menonjolkan kemudahan akses maupun berbagai fasilitas, tetapi pengguna tetap perlu melakukan verifikasi secara mandiri.

Salah satu pemeriksa situs pihak ketiga, ScamAdviser, memberikan catatan berbeda terhadap beberapa domain yang menggunakan nama serupa ROYALGACOR. Salah satu domain mendapatkan peringatan terkait sejumlah faktor seperti identitas pemilik yang tidak terlihat, usia domain, serta indikator yang dianggap perlu diperhatikan sebelum digunakan.

Temuan tersebut tidak secara otomatis membuktikan suatu layanan bermasalah, tetapi menjadi pengingat bahwa pemeriksaan keamanan tetap diperlukan, terutama ketika pengguna diminta memberikan data pribadi atau melakukan transaksi keuangan.

Keamanan Data dan Transaksi Jadi Perhatian

Salah satu aspek yang sering menjadi sorotan dalam platform daring adalah perlindungan informasi pengguna. Data seperti identitas akun, metode pembayaran, hingga riwayat aktivitas merupakan informasi yang memiliki nilai penting.

Pengguna disarankan memahami bagaimana sebuah platform mengelola data, apakah memiliki kebijakan privasi yang jelas, serta bagaimana mekanisme perlindungan yang diterapkan. Selain itu, penggunaan kata sandi yang kuat dan kewaspadaan terhadap tautan tidak resmi juga menjadi langkah dasar dalam menjaga keamanan akun.

Memahami Klaim dan Realitas di Lapangan

ROYALGACOR menampilkan berbagai klaim mengenai pengalaman bermain, variasi permainan, hingga layanan yang tersedia bagi pengguna. Namun, klaim promosi perlu dibedakan dengan informasi yang dapat diverifikasi secara independen.

Dalam praktiknya, setiap layanan berbasis permainan berisiko memiliki tantangan tersendiri, termasuk risiko kerugian finansial, ketergantungan penggunaan, maupun penyalahgunaan data apabila keamanan tidak diperhatikan.

Karena itu, pemahaman terhadap mekanisme layanan, aturan penggunaan, serta batasan pribadi menjadi bagian penting sebelum seseorang memutuskan menggunakan sebuah platform.

Kesimpulan

ROYALGACOR menjadi salah satu nama yang menarik perhatian dalam pembahasan mengenai platform permainan daring. Informasi mengenai fitur dan layanan memang tersedia, tetapi pengguna tetap perlu melakukan pemeriksaan lebih lanjut terkait keamanan, kredibilitas, dan transparansi sebelum mengambil keputusan.

Di tengah perkembangan layanan berbasis internet yang semakin luas, sikap kritis dan kemampuan memilah informasi menjadi faktor utama agar pengguna dapat memahami sebuah platform secara lebih menyeluruh, bukan hanya berdasarkan tampilan atau klaim yang ditawarkan.

Perkembangan Teknologi Mengubah Wajah Permainan Digital

Transformasi teknologi telah membawa perubahan besar dalam industri hiburan digital. Jika dahulu permainan berbasis internet hanya mengandalkan tampilan sederhana dengan fitur yang terbatas, kini berbagai platform menghadirkan pengalaman yang jauh lebih interaktif, cepat, dan responsif. Salah satu istilah yang semakin sering muncul dalam pembahasan dunia permainan digital adalah Slot Maxwin, yang dikenal sebagai bagian dari evolusi permainan modern dengan dukungan teknologi terkini.

Istilah Slot Maxwin sendiri merujuk pada permainan digital yang menawarkan peluang hadiah besar melalui sistem permainan yang telah dirancang menggunakan teknologi mutakhir. Popularitasnya tidak hanya dipengaruhi oleh potensi hadiah, tetapi juga oleh kualitas visual, stabilitas sistem, hingga kemudahan akses melalui berbagai perangkat digital.

Seiring meningkatnya penggunaan smartphone, jaringan internet berkecepatan tinggi, dan komputasi berbasis cloud, pengalaman bermain kini menjadi lebih lancar dibandingkan beberapa tahun lalu. Inilah yang membuat permainan digital modern mampu menjangkau lebih banyak pengguna dari berbagai kalangan.

Teknologi Modern di Balik Slot Maxwin Digital

Perkembangan Slot Maxwin tidak terlepas dari berbagai inovasi teknologi yang terus diperbarui oleh pengembang perangkat lunak. Setiap elemen permainan dirancang agar mampu memberikan pengalaman yang nyaman sekaligus menarik bagi pengguna.

1. Grafis Berkualitas Tinggi

Salah satu perubahan paling mencolok adalah peningkatan kualitas grafis. Permainan modern kini menggunakan teknologi visual beresolusi tinggi dengan animasi yang lebih halus. Setiap detail mulai dari karakter, efek kemenangan, hingga latar permainan dibuat sedemikian rupa agar menciptakan pengalaman yang lebih imersif.

Teknologi rendering terbaru memungkinkan tampilan tetap tajam baik dimainkan melalui komputer maupun perangkat seluler.

2. Audio Interaktif

Selain visual, kualitas suara juga mengalami perkembangan signifikan. Efek audio dirancang mengikuti setiap aktivitas pemain sehingga permainan terasa lebih hidup.

Musik latar yang dinamis dipadukan dengan efek suara khusus ketika fitur bonus atau kemenangan muncul mampu meningkatkan suasana bermain secara keseluruhan.

3. Sistem Responsif Multi-Platform

Saat ini sebagian besar permainan Slot Maxwin telah menggunakan desain responsif. Teknologi ini memungkinkan permainan berjalan optimal pada berbagai ukuran layar tanpa mengurangi kualitas tampilan.

Baik menggunakan Android, iPhone, tablet, maupun komputer desktop, pengguna tetap memperoleh pengalaman bermain yang relatif konsisten.

Peran Random Number Generator (RNG)

Salah satu teknologi yang menjadi fondasi permainan digital modern adalah Random Number Generator (RNG). Sistem ini bertugas menghasilkan kombinasi angka secara acak dalam setiap putaran permainan.

Dengan adanya RNG, hasil setiap putaran bersifat independen sehingga tidak dipengaruhi oleh hasil sebelumnya maupun berikutnya. Teknologi ini digunakan untuk menjaga konsistensi mekanisme permainan sesuai desain yang telah ditetapkan oleh pengembang.

Keberadaan RNG juga menjadi salah satu indikator bahwa permainan modern memanfaatkan sistem komputasi yang lebih kompleks dibandingkan permainan digital generasi awal.

Kesimpulan

Slot Maxwin digital mencerminkan bagaimana kemajuan teknologi telah mengubah pengalaman bermain menjadi lebih modern, interaktif, dan mudah diakses. Berbagai inovasi seperti grafis berkualitas tinggi, sistem Random Number Generator (RNG), komputasi awan, kecerdasan buatan, desain responsif, serta penguatan keamanan digital menjadi fondasi utama yang mendukung perkembangan permainan saat ini.

Dengan terus berkembangnya teknologi informasi, permainan digital diperkirakan akan menghadirkan pengalaman yang semakin personal, efisien, dan inovatif. Bagi pengguna, memahami teknologi di balik permainan tidak hanya menambah wawasan, tetapi juga memberikan gambaran mengenai bagaimana industri hiburan digital terus beradaptasi mengikuti kemajuan zaman.

Salah satu alasan yang paling sering dikemukakan pengguna adalah kemudahan mengakses permainan kapan saja. Berkat dukungan teknologi berbasis web maupun aplikasi seluler, pemain tidak lagi dibatasi oleh perangkat tertentu ataupun lokasi tertentu. Selama tersedia koneksi internet yang stabil, permainan dapat dinikmati dengan praktis.

Selain itu, proses navigasi yang semakin sederhana turut meningkatkan kenyamanan. Antarmuka modern dirancang agar mudah dipahami oleh pengguna baru tanpa mengurangi pengalaman bagi pemain yang telah berpengalaman. Perpaduan antara desain responsif dan performa yang stabil menjadikan aktivitas bermain terasa lebih efisien.

Visual Interaktif yang Menambah Daya Tarik

Aspek visual memiliki peran penting dalam mempertahankan minat pengguna internet. Slot Maxwin umumnya menghadirkan grafis berkualitas tinggi yang dipadukan dengan animasi halus serta efek suara yang mendukung suasana permainan.

Beragam tema juga menjadi nilai tambah tersendiri. Mulai dari nuansa petualangan, budaya klasik, mitologi, hingga futuristik, setiap permainan menawarkan identitas visual yang berbeda. Variasi tersebut membuat pengguna tidak mudah merasa jenuh karena selalu tersedia pilihan baru yang dapat dicoba.

Di sisi lain, perkembangan teknologi grafis memungkinkan pengalaman bermain menjadi semakin imersif. Detail warna, transisi animasi, serta kualitas ilustrasi yang terus meningkat menciptakan kesan profesional yang mampu menarik perhatian berbagai kalangan pengguna.

Sistem Permainan yang Lebih Dinamis

Tidak sedikit pengguna internet menyukai permainan yang menawarkan variasi mekanisme. Slot Maxwin menghadirkan berbagai fitur tambahan seperti putaran bonus, pengganda hadiah, simbol khusus, hingga mode permainan tertentu yang membuat setiap sesi memiliki dinamika berbeda.

Keberagaman fitur tersebut menciptakan pengalaman yang tidak monoton. Setiap putaran dapat menghadirkan kemungkinan yang berbeda sehingga pengguna terdorong untuk terus mengeksplorasi berbagai kombinasi yang tersedia.

Selain menghadirkan tantangan, sistem permainan yang variatif juga memberikan sensasi tersendiri bagi mereka yang menikmati unsur strategi sederhana dalam menentukan waktu bermain maupun memilih jenis permainan yang sesuai dengan preferensi masing-masing.

Pengaruh Komunitas Digital

Fenomena meningkatnya popularitas Slot Maxwin tidak dapat dipisahkan dari berkembangnya komunitas internet. Forum diskusi, grup media sosial, hingga platform berbagi video menjadi tempat pengguna saling bertukar pengalaman, berbagi informasi, maupun memberikan ulasan mengenai berbagai permainan.

Rekomendasi dari sesama pengguna sering kali memiliki pengaruh yang cukup besar. Ketika sebuah permainan memperoleh banyak ulasan positif, rasa penasaran calon pemain pun ikut meningkat. Efek ini menciptakan penyebaran informasi yang berlangsung secara organik.

Tidak hanya itu, konten kreator juga berkontribusi memperluas jangkauan informasi melalui pembahasan fitur, ulasan visual, hingga pengalaman bermain yang mereka bagikan kepada audiens. Kehadiran berbagai sumber informasi tersebut membantu pengguna memperoleh gambaran sebelum mencoba sebuah permainan.

Inovasi yang Terus Berkembang

Industri hiburan digital dikenal sebagai sektor yang bergerak sangat cepat. Pengembang terus menghadirkan pembaruan agar pengguna memperoleh pengalaman yang lebih menarik dibandingkan sebelumnya.

Inovasi tidak hanya terlihat dari sisi tampilan, tetapi juga pada peningkatan performa sistem, optimalisasi kecepatan loading, kompatibilitas dengan berbagai perangkat, serta penyempurnaan antarmuka. Langkah tersebut dilakukan untuk menjaga kenyamanan pengguna sekaligus mengikuti perkembangan teknologi yang terus berubah.

Kemampuan beradaptasi inilah yang menjadi salah satu faktor penting mengapa Slot Maxwin mampu mempertahankan daya tariknya di tengah persaingan hiburan digital yang semakin ketat.

Fleksibilitas dalam Menyesuaikan Preferensi Pengguna

Setiap pengguna internet memiliki karakter dan kebiasaan yang berbeda. Ada yang menyukai permainan singkat sebagai hiburan di sela aktivitas, sementara sebagian lainnya lebih menikmati sesi bermain yang berlangsung lebih lama.

Keberagaman pilihan permainan memberikan fleksibilitas kepada pengguna untuk menentukan pengalaman yang sesuai dengan preferensi masing-masing. Faktor tersebut membuat Slot Maxwin mampu menjangkau berbagai kelompok pengguna dengan kebutuhan yang beragam.

Di samping itu, perkembangan teknologi personalisasi memungkinkan rekomendasi permainan menjadi lebih relevan. Pengguna dapat menemukan pilihan yang sesuai dengan minat mereka tanpa harus menghabiskan banyak waktu melakukan pencarian.

Peran Teknologi dalam Meningkatkan Pengalaman Bermain

Perkembangan infrastruktur digital turut memberikan dampak positif terhadap kualitas layanan. Kecepatan internet yang semakin baik, perangkat dengan spesifikasi tinggi, serta teknologi komputasi modern membuat permainan berjalan lebih lancar dan responsif.

Pengalaman pengguna juga semakin meningkat berkat optimalisasi pada sisi keamanan data, stabilitas server, dan efisiensi sistem. Kombinasi tersebut menciptakan lingkungan digital yang lebih nyaman sehingga pengguna dapat menikmati hiburan dengan gangguan yang lebih minim.

Selain aspek teknis, inovasi pada desain pengalaman pengguna (user experience) terus menjadi perhatian utama. Tata letak yang intuitif, navigasi yang jelas, dan waktu respons yang cepat memberikan nilai tambah yang semakin diapresiasi oleh pengguna internet masa kini.

Kesimpulan

Popularitas Slot Maxwin di kalangan pengguna internet lahir dari perpaduan berbagai faktor yang saling mendukung. Kemudahan akses, tampilan visual yang menarik, variasi mekanisme permainan, perkembangan komunitas digital, hingga inovasi teknologi menjadi elemen penting yang membentuk daya tariknya.

Seiring meningkatnya kebutuhan masyarakat terhadap hiburan digital yang praktis dan interaktif, kategori permainan ini diperkirakan akan terus memperoleh perhatian. Meskipun demikian, setiap pengguna tetap perlu menjadikan aktivitas bermain sebagai bentuk hiburan yang dilakukan secara bijak, dengan mengutamakan pengelolaan waktu dan penggunaan yang bertanggung jawab agar pengalaman digital tetap positif dan seimbang.

Tempest: Thanks, Izzy, for taking the time to talk with me about your work with the group of activists that have been resisting the detention, and building solidarity with the detainees at the Delaney Hall facility in Newark, New Jersey. Could you start by describing, first of all, what’s happening on the inside and why people have been mobilizing in support on the outside?

Izzy: So, at Delaney Hall some of the people being held there, the hostages, went on a hunger strike and a work strike because they’re being paid less than a dollar a day to maintain the facility, and this is intolerable. Their demands are posted on Cosecha NJ’s site — they are specifically demanding the release of the elderly and minors and people whose health is in jeopardy. And they want [New Jersey] Governor Mikie Sherrill to come and see their conditions. Their demands boil down to freedom, right? Everyone needs to be free.

But it is not only a hunger strike, it is also a labor strike. And the operator of the facility is GEO Group, which is a for-profit operator that the federal government is paying to hold these people. And so the activists have gone on site to support the strikers in their resistance to GEO Group and their exploitation by the people who are holding them in detention.

Tempest: Can you say any more about why activists have chosen to come out in solidarity and mobilize outside the facility? What does this particular struggle represent for people? What motivated you to go out and what’s it been like out there?

Izzy: I was actually quite motivated by seeing friends who have gone there and the way that we can physically manifest this kind of resistance, to these kinds of totalitarian moves, with our physical presence. The people inside Delaney Hall don’t have a choice about being there, but we can choose to be there and be present with them, and that feels better to me than staying far away and consuming news about it. Seeing people report from on the ground just became harder and harder for me to stay away. If the question is, why was I out there, I felt like I had to be.

The people inside Delaney Hall don’t have a choice about being there, but we can choose to be there and be present with them, and that feels better to me than staying far away and consuming news about it.

And it felt risky, and it felt legally risky. It felt physically risky, and nowhere near as dangerous as what the hostages inside are enduring. And seeing for myself what that physical situation is. It’s an industrial strip. I understand that there was an action filed today for a health inspection at the location because there’s not supposed to be human habitation out there. When city and state actors…are now trying to get access to the space in court in order to check that it is actually reasonable to hold human beings there, like that really resonates for me. It is not an easy place to be.

Tempest: Along those lines, it’s striking to me that both Governor Sherrill and Newark Mayor Ras Baraka are progressives or liberal leaders in a so-called blue state. They’re Democratic Party figures with a national profile, which echoes some of the dynamics in Minneapolis, where there was also liberal Democratic Party leadership. And now, in Newark, it’s Baraka who’s imposed the curfew and Sherrill that’s decided to call in the state troops to enforce it and police the protesters. What does that say to you both personally, and what does it possibly suggest for the Left in terms of strategy?

Izzy: What upsets me most coming from these electeds is the misinformation that they are promoting coming from whatever law enforcement is telling them about what’s happening there and why. What they are describing doesn’t match what I saw. When I saw violence, it was violence coming from law enforcement. And when I was injured, it was law enforcement putting their hands on me. What the electeds are saying about what was happening to me and the other activists there just isn’t truthful. Strategically, what to do when politicians are lying is a really good question. But knowing the truth for ourselves is at least a starting place.

What upsets me most…is the misinformation that the [electeds] are promoting coming from whatever law enforcement is telling them…What they are describing doesn’t match what I saw. When I saw violence, it was violence coming from law enforcement. And when I was injured, it was law enforcement putting their hands on me.

Tempest: It’s striking that some of the major confrontations with ICE have happened in liberal states, that the Trump administration has thrown down a gauntlet to these “blue states.” So then the question becomes, what do we as a movement make of that, what lessons do we draw from that?

Izzy: Yeah. What I would say is, while I live in a blue state, I have loved ones in red states, and what I draw from that is you organize where you are, and you hold space where you are. When DHS is bringing this level of violence right here in our neighborhoods, then this is where we confront them.

Tempest: Can you say a few things about what it looked like outside Delaney Hall when you were there and what you experienced?

Izzy: The Delaney Hall facility is out in an industrial park outside of Newark. Supplies have to be shuttled in. At the south end of the facility, there is a driveway where hostages are brought in and out of the building. And one of the strategic goals…was to witness and potentially disrupt the transfer of hostages in and out of Delaney Hall, especially hunger strikers. At least one organizer [from inside the facility] was removed from Delaney Hall to some other location. Having an understanding, on the part of those outside, about what might be happening to the organizers and to the hunger strikers is one of the goals. When I was there, there was a focus on that access point where we’ve seen buses and vans coming in and out and wanting to have a sense of whether people are being moved.That’s what I was working on while I was there, observing vehicles coming in and out to have a sense of how people are being moved around. And so the night I was there, the protesters were occupying the lane of traffic facing Delaney Hall, and then the other lane of traffic was being held open for the trucks…And there were activist marshals that were working to try to slow the trucks down and keep the activists safe from trucks and cars racing through. I’d been told that the previous night that ICE agents had tried to push activists into the traffic as it came through. And I saw a situation where an activist was…on the ground very near a truck, and for a moment it looked like maybe their leg had been run over.They were okay. But it was a dangerous situation.

And law enforcement was not trying to keep anybody that I could see safe. They were creating even more dangerous conditions on top of semis barreling down on us on the road and we didn’t know when they were going to try to push us out into that lane of traffic.

And there’s a lot of preparation for those mobilizing outside at Delaney Hall because the support is not really there on the ground other than what [people bring to the family tent] and what activists bring, and the New Jersey police have been destroying the water, supplies and first aid supplies that activists have brought, as part of the police clearing the area.

Tempest: And to what extent are activist and family member networks being built, where ties of solidarity are being created and connections made on the ground to help strengthen the organizing going forward?

Izzy: It’s very clear that this is a moment, out at Delaney Hall, where activists from all over the region are finding each other and finding a common project to work on, building connections and building trust. And that’s happening out there on this desolate and dangerous road, and that feels important.

Tempest: So what opportunities might be offered here, in building on these connections and those movement spaces?

Izzy: Well, I don’t really want to frame a hunger strike for release from appalling and inhumane conditions as an opportunity.

Tempest: You can see this in campaigns in solidarity with people behind bars, that there’s a synergy and comradeship between what those who are incarcerated are struggling to achieve behind bars and what people are doing on the outside. There’s potentially an opportunity to build cohesive movements and to shine a light on what people behind bars have experienced.

Izzy: My understanding is that the hunger strikers are taking our presence there as supportive and as following their lead. And it is a bigger need than just, like, the North Jersey folks should be expected to shoulder. We’re a big city and we can get to Newark, to the extent we can, to show our support. We know that the people inside could see the activists out their windows, and I think one of the reasons that law enforcement demanded that the governor clear the activists out was so that the hunger strikers couldn’t see that they had support.

And what I saw on the ground, makes me think that the law enforcement actions with the horses and the mass arrests was about characterizing the activists in certain ways and about making us invisible to the leaders of this particular action [inside Delaney Hall].

Tempest: So where do you see the struggle going, the movement for justice for the strikers, the detainees and their families, and also for the activists on the inside. Clearly elected officials – with the curfews and armed troopers — are trying to shut down the solidarity protests. But at the same time, the hunger strikes have spread nationally. At Delaney Hall, there was a teenage hunger striker who was just released [and others have followed since the interview took place]. What are your thoughts on where this might be going, both locally and more broadly?

Izzy: I think that this kind of activism works. I think that by shining a light out there we continue to build the case to abolish ICE right now. The electeds who think that they can successfully characterize this protest as disorderly or violent or any of that without accounting for the disorder and violence of ICE, and ICE agents, and the abductions on our streets, in our neighborhoods, I don’t know why they think we’re going to be that easily deceived because it’s perfectly obvious who the perpetrators are here.

I was thinking today about how I have survived a cancer diagnosis. I have survived parenting a child through junior high. If these goons think that I’m impressed by whatever fascist ethno-state they think they’re building for my benefit as a middle-aged white woman, they don’t have any idea what middle-aged white women want, what we’re capable of, and what is pissing us off right now. What I’ve been through, I was not afraid of what they had to offer, which was just dumb brutality.

If these goons think that I’m impressed by whatever fascist ethno-state they think they’re building for my benefit as a middle-aged white woman, they don’t have any idea …what we’re capable of…I was not afraid of what they had to offer, which was just dumb brutality.

Tempest: It feels to me right now like Delaney Hall represents or is reverberating for people the way Minneapolis did,  almost a shorthand for police violence, racism and standing up to ICE. It seems likely that people will continue to be in the streets.

Izzy: Yeah, if they’re gonna keep giving us these symbolic moments, I think they are vastly overestimating their ability to wear us. So, look up the families of the strikers, learn about what they’re facing and how to support those families. There’s fundraising for commissary. Connect with your friends and neighbors and let them know that this is something you care about. You may be surprised that they care about it too. And whatever your local strategy is for building something that resists all of this, that’s the thing you should be chasing.

Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the Tempest Collective. For more information, see “About Tempest Collective.”
Featured Image credit: Jwswikiuser191; modified by Tempest.

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Bucking a decades-long trend of sidelining questions of international solidarity and silencing Palestine liberation, delegates to the 39th UAW Constitutional Convention in Detroit, Michigan voted June 18 to divest from Israel bonds. The UAW reportedly holds at least $400,000 in these investments. Delegates from Unite all Workers for Democracy (UAWD), the class struggle movement of the UAW, representing UAW members across the country, led the effort to divest.

UAW members have been fighting to divest dues money from Israel bonds for over fifty years. In the 1970s, the UAW Arab Workers Caucus picketed UAW events, struck, and organized for the 1974 UAW Constitutional Convention demanding divestment. Workers redoubled their efforts after the apartheid state escalated its genocide in October 2023.

UAWD developed and organized to advance a class struggle program of Constitutional amendments, grounded in UAWD’s principles of rank-and-file militancy, workers’ democracy and workplace control, international working class solidarity, and political independence. The program includes a stronger version of the divestment amendment to end the UAW’s complicity with Israeli genocide and end imperialist wars. UAWD members brought the amendment to membership meetings in several locals across the country. Members at locals 869, 1115, 2320, 2325, and 7902 voted to send versions of the amendment to the Convention.

UAW leadership initially excluded divestment from the Convention’s agenda. On Wednesday, June 17 UAWD member Olga Karounos, a legal services worker from New York, made a motion to call the amendment out of committee. 147 delegates stood in support, clearing the 128 required to agendize the amendment. The amendment was debated and adopted by the Convention Thursday, June 18 with 321 votes in favor and 287 against. A previous UAW Executive Board vote on divestment failed on May 3, 2024. The vote came after sustained worker pressure and demands for action on the issue from multiple union locals.

Since its founding in 2004, Labor for Palestine has led the effort within the U.S. labor movement to honor the Palestinian-led Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) picket line. Labor for Palestine has organized protests and resolutions in the UAW and in unions across the labor movement, and many of the UAWD members who advanced the divestment amendment are also long-time Labor for Palestine members.

Earlier in the day on Wednesday, UAWD member Mike Davis, a parts manufacturing worker from Ohio, made a motion to call the stronger pro-Palestine amendment to the floor. In addition to forcing divestment, UAWD’s amendment to End Complicity With Israeli Genocide and Imperialist Wars would support workers who strike to interrupt weapons flows to Israel, set endorsement criteria for politicians, and cut ties with the apartheid Histadrut labor organization. 69 delegates stood in support of Davis’ motion, falling short of the 128 required.

The Proposed Resolutions booklet from the 39th UAW Constitutional Convention and UAWD’s class struggle unionism buttons. Photo credit: UAWD.

The stronger version of the UAWD amendment would’ve enabled weapons workers in the U.S. to take action to shut down the flow of weapons to Israel by giving them job and pay protections while striking or if they face retaliation. UAW’s divestment shows the potential for greater militancy and labor solidarity action within U.S. unions, coming as the working class around the world has mobilized to fight genocide. The pro-Palestine movement in the United States has won the divestment of public investment funds in Michigan, Minnesota, North Carolina, and New York City. Workers in Belgium, France, Greece, Morocco, Spain, Italy, Sweden, and beyond have even refused to handle weapons and Israeli-bound cargo.

UAWD delegates also brought amendments to fight layoffs and ICE to the Convention. UAW leadership also excluded these resolutions from the agenda and UAWD delegates called for them to be debated. These amendments, and the stronger pro-Palestine amendment, threatened to disrupt production and labor-management agreements that maintain labor peace.

UAWD’s amendment to Fight Layoffs with Work Sharing would require UAW negotiators to bargain work sharing provisions, spreading available work across the entire bargaining unit instead of throwing some workers out of a job. The resolution notes that “thousands of UAW members have recently been laid off at John Deere, Stellantis, General Motors, Ultium, and numerous IPS facilities.” On Tuesday, June 16 UAWD member Margie Thornton, a legal services worker from Colorado, made a motion to call it out of committee. 62 delegates stood in support, failing short of the 128 required.

UAWD’s amendment to Abolish ICE and Fight State Attacks on Workers would trigger membership meetings to discuss striking in the event of ICE attacks in the area. UAW Local 2325 has already implemented a similar structure. On Tuesday, June 16 UAWD supporter Andrew Eichen made a motion to call it out of committee. 162 delegates stood in support, clearing the 128 required. Shawn Fain’s United caucus, the renamed Administration Caucus that ruled the UAW through top-down repression for decades, organized against the resolution in their Wednesday morning meeting. As has been the practice for years, delegates were urged to attend the caucus meeting to hear recommendations from top UAW leadership if they want to secure future jobs on UAW staff. The amendment was debated and ultimately voted down Thursday, June 18, following impassioned speeches about the importance of building working-class capacity to shut down production with political strikes.

This Constitutional Convention was the second attended by UAWD, and the first since UAWD split last year after a faction of former leaders’ failed attempt to dissolve the organization. At the 2022 Convention, UAWD called out three amendments from committee, a first in the modern era for the historically undemocratic UAW Convention setting. UAWD’s amendment to begin the calculation of strike pay on the first day of a strike, instead of the eighth day, passed unanimously after top UAW leadership had tried to block it procedurally.

Unite all Workers for Democracy (UAWD) is the class struggle movement of the UAW. UAWD members across the country organized in their locals to send class struggle amendments to the Convention and ran as delegates from their locals.

Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the Tempest Collective. For more information, see “About Tempest Collective.”
Featured Image credit: Daily Struggle; modified by Tempest.

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The United Left Platform and its constituent organizations (Workers Voice, Solidarity, Tempest, Speak Out Socialists, International Marxist Humanist Organization, Socialist Horizon) stand in solidarity with workers, activists and organizers in Minneapolis and Michigan facing egregious state repression for protesting the ICE occupation of the Twin Cities and the genocide in Gaza.

Fifteen activists and organizers in Minnesota involved with the city-wide protests against the ICE occupation of Minneapolis and St. Paul–including the murder of Alex Pretti and Renée Good—are facing new federal indictments. The charges are a massive escalation against the right to protest in the United States. While no charges have been brought against the state murderers of Pretti and Good, long-standing community activists face potential long-term prison sentences for standing with their community to defend it from state violence.

In Michigan, eight pro-Palestinian activists have been indicted, charged with conspiring to run a criminal intimidation campaign against University officials while protesting the genocide in Gaza. As reported by the Guardian newspaper, the indictment “appears to be among the more aggressive prosecutorial actions taken by the federal government against pro-Paletistinian activists.” (See Pro-Palestinian activists accused of intimidation campaign against University of Michigan officials.)

These indictments represent an attempt to shut down all opposition to the current U.S. state’s attacks on workers, students, immigrants and the oppressed. The ULP also underscores what has been written about the Minnesota case by the labor group Workers Resist:

These prosecutions must be viewed not simply as cases against fifteen individuals, but as an attack on the broader movement that emerged to defend immigrant communities and resist authoritarian policies. If the government succeeds in establishing that organizing, coordinating, and mobilizing communities in defense of their neighbors can be treated as criminal conduct, the implications will extend far beyond these defendants.
—Workers Resist Statement on the Federal Indictments of Anti-ICE Activists

The United Left Platform supports all efforts to defend the Minnesota Fifteen and the Michigan Eight. The ULP and its member groups stand in a tradition of organized self-defense that has been used historically by the U.S. Left when the state seeks to repress dissent, silence opposition, and criminalize free speech and protest. The ULP has actively supported the Committee to Defend Tom Alter, which has publicly defended Alter, a tenured University professor fired for speaking at a Socialism conference.

We call on activists, trade unionists, students, organizers and people everywhere to condemn these attacks on free speech and to defend the right of people everywhere to organize and defend themselves. An injury to one is an injury to all.

Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the Tempest Collective. For more information, see “About Tempest Collective.”
Featured Image credit: Fibonacci Blue; modified by Tempest.

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What: a United Left Platform event to discuss the recent uprising in Bolivia and its impact both there and on the fight against imperialism and the far right internationally.

When: Friday, June 26, 2026 8pm ET/ 7pm CT/ 5pm

Where: Zoom. Please register at tinyurl.com/BOLIVIAULP

A central part of the anti-working-class offensive of the Trump administration has been to deepen Washington’s extreme extractivism and plunder in Latin America.

To assert the dominance of U.S. big business over Chinese corporations in the southern hemisphere, the U.S. government has been fighting to prop up right wing regimes they view as allies. But the working masses, women, labor unions, indigenous nations, and other social movements have not surrendered. In Bolivia, miners, Indigenous communities, farmers, and organized labor have been carrying out a nationwide rebellion, marked by road blockades, strikes, independent assemblies, and mass mobilizations, all with the aim of forcing the resignation of Trump favorite President Rodrigo Paz.

The Bolivian masses are opening a new era of struggle in Latin America, an era that can also reshape the capacity of U.S. activists to defeat reaction and chart a course independent of the corporate political parties. Join us to learn about this important struggle and its relevance for activists in the U.S.

Join this United Left Platform event and hear:

• Aldierio, a metalworker, member of the national leadership of CSP-CONLUTAS, and a militant of the International Workers League and the United Socialist Workers Party (Brazil), currently in Bolivia.
• Jose Villa of the Bolivian MST (Movimiento 
Socialista de Trabajadores)
• A representative of the United Left Platform, U.S., a collaboration of revolutionary socialist organizations committed to political independence, a strategic focus on social struggle and mass action, and democratic organizing in all efforts.

Register for the event this Friday here!

Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the Tempest Collective. For more information, see “About Tempest Collective.”
Featured Image credit: United Left Platform; modified by Tempest.

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