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Radical Democracy, Autonomy, Earthy Governance & Climate Justice: a virtual re-encounter #03 - 13/07/2026 In 2025, the Global of and its allies organized various gatherings in different parts of the world. Following our last virtual gathering, this session brings together participants from the encounter we held on GTAGTAalternativesGTAalternativesGTAGTAalternativesalternativesAlternativesAlternativesalternativesAlternativesalternativesTapestryAlternativesalternativesalternativesGTAGTAalternat…

GE Vernova is taking reservations for 2031 deliveries now, said CEO Scott Strazik. He spoke of an increasingly diverse customer base, including data centers.

Global hunger declined for the third year in a row, but nearly one-third of the world’s population still cannot afford a healthy diet, according to a new United Nations report.

The new State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World (SOFI) report finds that an estimated 7.8 percent of the world’s population experienced hunger in 2025, down from 8.6 percent in 2022—a reduction of 43 million people.

Although progress is slow, Maximo Torero, Chief Economist for the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), welcomes the news. 

“The surprising part, which puts us in a very positive mood, is the fact that in all regions we are seeing a decline,” Torero tells Food Tank. Due to population growth, Africa is now home to the highest number of hungry people. But the percentage of people experiencing hunger on the continent has stabilized, even falling slightly for the first time in ten years. 

The world remains far off track from ending hunger by 2030, however. U.N. projections show that there will likely be between 500–522 million people in chronic undernourishment by the end of the decade. These numbers will be heavily impacted by how nations navigate shocks created by the closing of the Strait of Hormuz, which severely limited access to fuel and fertilizer.

“It’s close to impossible to achieve zero hunger by 2030,” Torero tells Food Tank. “But the goal is to reduce as much as we can, and if we can achieve zero hunger by 2050, I think that would be great.”

The report also reveals that around one-third of the global population can’t afford a healthy diet. The cost now sits around $4.28 per day. That’s 25 percent more than it was in 2020 and “significantly higher” than the extreme poverty line of $3.00, Torero explains. 

The U.N. calls on governments to take action to make the foods that are most expensive and nutrient-dense—including fruits, vegetables, and animal-source foods—more affordable. Improving storage, roads, and seed quality can have a significant impact, Torero says. Improving trade and repurposing subsidies offer governments other interventions. 

Healthy school meals are also worth investing in for the generational impacts. “That will help you to reduce the problem of undernourishment in children. It will help you reduce the problem of overweight and obesity in children,” Torero tells Food Tank. “But at the same time you are assuring that these kids’ cognitive ability is growing over time…it’s also their capacity in the future to evolve that will bring a lot of benefits to the country.” 

Watch the full conversation with Maximo Torero on “Food Talk with Dani Nierenberg” to hear more about the solutions that can make a healthy diet accessible to all, what the decline in development assistance means for ending hunger, and the countries that are leading the way on reducing food and nutrition insecurity.

Articles like the one you just read are made possible through the generosity of Food Tank members. Can we please count on you to be part of our growing movement? Become a member today by clicking here.

Photo courtesy of Shi, Unsplash

The post Global Hunger Falls for Third Straight Year, But Zero Hunger by 2030 Remains Out of Reach appeared first on Food Tank.

EWG names former California pesticide regulator Emily Bryson senior policy director Anthony Lacey July 23, 2026

SACRAMENTO – The Environmental Working Group today announced that Emily Bryson, a veteran environmental scientist and former senior leader at the California Department of Pesticide Regulation, has joined the organization as senior policy director for California.

At EWG, Bryson will help lead the organization’s California regulatory agenda, with a particular focus on pesticides, public health and advancement of stronger protections for farmworkers, consumers and communities.

Bryson brings to EWG nearly a decade of experience at the nation’s leading pesticide regulatory agency. In that role she helped develop science-based policies to reduce pesticide exposure, strengthen protections for agricultural workers and guide the state’s response to emerging technologies.

“Emily’s experience is exactly what EWG needs as we continue to push for stronger protections from harmful chemicals across California,” said Bernadette Del Chiaro, EWG’s senior vice president for California. 

“She understands the science, regulatory process and real-world impacts toxic chemicals have on workers, communities and consumers. Emily’s expertise strengthens an already strong EWG team, particularly as California continues to lead the nation on public health policy.”

Protecting agricultural workers

Bryson most recently served as a supervising senior environmental scientist in the DPR’s Worker Health and Safety Branch. While there, she managed a team of scientists conducting pesticide exposure studies and developing regulations to better protect agricultural workers. 

During her tenure, she led initiatives to modernize pesticide mitigation efforts, supervised scientific research measuring occupational pesticide exposure, and worked with stakeholders across government, academia, agriculture, labor organizations and public health.

She also founded and chaired DPR’s Emerging Technologies Workgroup and represented the department on numerous state and federal advisory committees addressing pesticide safety, agricultural innovation and worker protections.

Earlier in her career, Bryson authored studies evaluating pesticide exposure among agricultural workers, helped develop worker safety regulations and conducted outreach to farmworkers and agricultural communities throughout California. Her public health research has also examined links between environmental pesticide exposure and autoimmune diseases in children.

Safeguards against harmful pesticides

“I've spent my career working to ensure pesticide policies are grounded in sound science and protect the people most at risk from exposure,” said Bryson. “EWG has been a leading voice for healthier food, safer farming and stronger protections from harmful chemicals for decades. 

“I'm excited to join such an outstanding team and help advance policies that better protect workers, families and the environment,” she added.

Bryson earned a master’s degree of public health in environmental health from San Diego State University and a bachelor’s degree in anthropology from California State University, Long Beach.

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The Environmental Working Group is a nonprofit, non-partisan organization that empowers people to live healthier lives in a healthier environment. Through research, advocacy and unique education tools, EWG drives consumer choice and civic action. Visit www.ewg.org for more information.

Areas of Focus California Veteran scientist brings nearly a decade of experience protecting farmworkers and advancing pesticide safeguards Press Contact Alex Formuzis alex@ewg.org (202) 667-6982 July 23, 2026

In 2025, the Trump administration spent more taxpayer dollars on no-bid contracts than any other one-year period in the last 10 years, according to an analysis by the Project on Government Oversight (POGO).

No-bid contracts are contracts that the government arranges without a competitive bidding process, which takes place to maximize taxpayers’ value and maintain transparency. In 2025, the federal government spent nearly $263 billion on no-bid contracts. According to POGO, the administration is on track to spend $300 billion in 2026.

When narrowed down to no-bid contracts at the National Park Service, the ongoing overhaul of the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool accounts for nearly all no-bid contract spending. Interior Secretary Doug Burgum and President Trump have spent $16.4 million on the Reflecting Pool renovation, and it still isn’t complete.

Photo essay: Utahns gather across the state to show support for national monuments

Nearly a thousand people gathered across the state of Utah on Monday to protest President Donald Trump’s illegal attempt to slash Bears Ears and Grand Staircase-Escalante national monuments by roughly 90 percent each. Center for Western Priorities Communications Director Kate Groetzinger wrote a blog post featuring powerful photos from the protests.

Quick hits Most Utahns want to protect their national monuments. Trump had other plans

Grist

The recreation sites threatened by Trump’s national monument shrinkage

Wes Siler’s Newsletter

Jonathan Jarvis: Your fee dollars are not working

Jonathan’s Substack

Cost of no-bid contracts like Reflecting Pool renovation hit 10-year high

MS NOW

Grand Teton National Park could near visitation record due to booming early summer

Jackson Hole News & Guide

Colorado drought increasingly linked to long-term climate change

Colorado Sun

BLM rule changes to allow more cattle grazing on public lands in the West

Oregon Public Broadcasting

The Supreme Court shrunk clean water protections in the West. Colorado and New Mexico are restoring them

KUNC

Quote of the day

Your fee dollars are no longer working for you, but instead working at the whim of the President. As a result, projects across the National Park System that are truly in need of repair go unfinished.”

—Jonathan B. Jarvis, former director of the National Park Service, Jonathan’s Substack

Picture This @nationalparkservice

The raccoon is a remarkable creature.

Part acrobat.
Part detective.
Part influencer 
Part trash can consultant.

For ages, raccoons have been perfecting their craft: climbing trees, solving problems, exploring forests, and inspecting anything that looks even remotely interesting. Same. Minus the tree part.

They have the hands of a tiny burglar, the mask of a woodland outlaw, and the confidence of someone who leaves a Teams meeting the instant it appears to be over, disappearing into the night (or next call) before anyone can say, “Thanks, everyone.”

Each day (and mostly night), raccoons go about their important raccoon business, looking curious, clever, and occasionally like they were just caught doing something they absolutely knew they shouldn’t have been doing. FREEZE! They usually don’t seek fame or recognition. They simply continue their lifelong mission of exploring, investigating, and making humans wonder, “How did you even get in there?”

Remember, it’s best to admire raccoons and other wildlife from a distance. They’re fascinating neighbors, even if they have questionable boundaries, a suspicious interest in your trash, and absolutely no concern for your personal property. But they’re still wild animals. Help keep them wild by storing food properly, securing coolers and trash, and not giving them a reason to become professional campsite investigators.

NPS Images

 

(Featured image: Liner peeling off the bottom of the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool. Photo by Aaron Weiss, Center for Western Prioriteis)

The post Trump admin spends record amount of taxpayer money on no-bid contracts appeared first on Center for Western Priorities.

This week, let’s talk to Steve Davis of Smart Growth America about the group’s most-recent edition of Dangerous by Design — the annual report on pedestrian traffic deaths in the United States and why we don’t improve safety.

But if you know anything about Talking Headways, you know we give you three ways to enjoy our content:

• Check out the unedited transcript, which may have some AI typos.
• Use your ears and the audio player below:

• Or you could read the cleaned-up transcript, which begins now:

Jeff Wood: There are actual consequences for not spending money or not getting the results that you want. So in transportation policy, how do we get real tangible consequences for folks that are underperforming in terms of safety. Because they’re obviously saying “safety,” but they’re not doing anything about it. For instance, when the speed limit went to 55 miles per hour, the government took away money if states didn’t do it.

In soccer, a team gets relegated to the lower level if it’s in the bottom three of a division. And so that team loses money from the TV contract. And so there is something to say about having some consequences, like the ability to say, “You didn’t do this correctly, and so until you improve we can’t help you in this instance” or, “We can’t help you more until you improve,” or something along those lines.

Steve Davis: We have a rough outline for what that could look like if we put any teeth on the system. Bear with me. We’re at the very tail end of the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act that was passed in 2021 as part of a big infrastructure package, right? But go back to 2012.

The thing that all the states and AASHTO, their trade organization, has always wanted forever (and they will never stop asking for this), is more flexibility in how they spend the money. The federal transportation program is essentially a federally funded, state-administered block grant program. There are some restrictions on the funding, but for the most part, the feds hand blank checks to states. There’s not a lot of performance required.

So after years of saying, “We want more flexibility, we want more flexibility,” the law in 2012, MAP-21, essentially created a new structure for measuring safety performance. States were going to have to set targets each year for how many people are gonna die on their roadways.

And they did that. But the whole process got incredibly watered down during the rulemaking process. And essentially it is now a pretty worthless paperwork exercise that honestly we would be better off without.

The only use of this process right now is that it gives us some transparency into which states are at least thinking about safety in an ambitious way. If you go to the FHWA dashboard for all of these performance measures, you can see what states are doing. But 15, 20 states are still setting targets in the wrong direction: “In the next year, we are planning for more people to die on our roadways.”

And the problem with this system is that there’s no penalties. A state is free to say more people are going to die and continue to get an increased amount of federal funding.

When you meet those targets, you don’t get penalized. And you don’t get a reward if you’re a state that sets targets for fewer people to die on their roadways. Some states are indeed spending money to get to that outcome.

The main problem is that we’re getting an incredibly bad return on the money that we’re sending to states and even to metro areas. We’ve spent a trillion dollars in federal surface transportation funding over the last 20, 30 years and what do we have: The engineers say that our roads and bridges are in roughly the same shape as they were back then.

Safety has only continued to get worse and worse. Why are we pumping more money into a program that is not oriented around accomplishing anything.

We don’t even have to be prescriptive about how you get there, but we do need to say, “You have to reduce traffic fatalities or you’re going to lose money. And here is a whole suite of ways and solutions that are proven for things that you can go and do to make your streets and roads safer and try to get to those reductions that you say is your top priority.”

Recommended ‘Big Brother’ At U.S. DOT: Bike Lanes Aren’t Just ‘DEI,’ They’re Also Unsafe Gersh Kuntzman July 17, 2026

With so much riding on America's AI ambitions, utility workforce strategy must have a place alongside generation, transmission and capital planning, writes Stefan Hirniak, president of Specialist Staffing Group US.

The past 30-40 years have been hard on people and their relationships with neighbors and communities. Powerful interests have driven a wedge between people and divided us by promoting self-centeredness and antisocial beliefs. But there are many smart ways we can push this anti-community thinking with grace and empowerment — including the promotion of green spaces.

Dear Dr. Green,

My town has been pretty good about preserving green spaces, but lately the more MAGA-influenced people in town object (strongly!) to spending any tax dollars on things that don’t benefit them directly. Isn’t there evidence that green space psychologically benefits a community? Lower crime, less stress, better health, etc.?

 

Hello Friend,

If only more people would be as caring about their communities. Many people reading this might feel the same frustration and puzzlement over community members who don’t seem to care about community resources.

Yes, there’s strong evidence that green spaces and environmentally sound civil engineering in towns and cities create more wholesome places to live for everyone.

Sadly, cash-strapped municipal governments often see funding for green spaces as the easiest thing to cut from annual budgets. That’s why so many local parks (not to mention national public lands) are in disrepair or unsafe. But an analysis published this May by the Trust for Public Land found every dollar invested in local parks and recreation generates at least $3 in economic benefits, including several ways they help people psychologically.

Let’s look at some science-based arguments for green spaces as a community benefit and help make a case for spending community resources.

The evidence that green space psychologically benefits communities — and the scientific evidence that supports community funding:

Green spaces  can be defined as public places where open areas are dedicated to community benefit. These can include parks, designated trails, playgrounds, shade trees, dog parks, and outdoor seating. Productive green spaces improve air and water quality and support local pollinators and other wildlife.

Image by Christel from Pixabay

 

 

A widely cited study published in 2018 detailed the community benefits of green spaces on mental and physical health. Further scientific studies clearly show that daily exposure to green spaces has been linked to improved physical and mental well-being, reduced levels of stress, enhanced brain function, and increased physical activity. Green spaces also reduce violent crime, anxieties, and fears by creating a place for communities to get together and feel safe while outdoors. The effect has been documented worldwide. See our resource list below for more information.

Parks and forests get the most attention when it comes to green spaces, but here are some other ideas for green spaces to offer to your town or city council support, some of which may not even require funding from local governments:

• Community Gardens are shared parcels of land cultivated by a group of people rather than a single individual. These spaces allow participants to grow fresh fruits, vegetables, and flowers, while promoting food security, social interaction, and environmental sustainability.

Image by Tharushi Jayawardana from Pixabay

• Individual Plots are parcels of land subdivided into smaller sections and each gardener or a family is responsible for managing their own plot and keeps the harvest it yields.
• Collective/Cooperative Gardens are land parcels that are tended by a community group. All participants share the labor, and the harvest belongs to everyone.
• Youth Gardens can provide education for youth and are maintained by schools, universities, or nonprofits specifically to teach children about nature, nutrition, and agriculture in a social setting.

Image by Fabien from Pixabay

 

• Green Roofs and Walls involves planting vegetation on top of buildings or vertically on facades and lining streets with trees to encourage walking and cool down summer heat that rises at night from cement and asphalt.

Image by Fabien from Pixabay

• Protected Nature Preserves can be designed to conserve native and local flora and fauna plus provide education about them.

These kinds of green spaces are important for creating a pleasant living space for the whole community and improving the environment in your locale. Green spaces also provide community connection by gathering people together, reducing isolation, and fostering a sense of shared civic pride. The health and well-being of entire communities is boosted through promotion of outdoor physical activity, stress reduction, education, and enhanced mental health.

Coming up:

Shortly after submitting their original question, this week’s reader followed up and asked:

I guess my secondary question is, can sharing this science help persuade these anti-tax activists?

We’ll address that question in our next column, where we’ll learn about how to make a strong case for the mutually beneficial science behind local green spaces (and just about any other environmental initiative). We’ll explore how to win hearts and minds of anti-tax opposition through engaging, positive public speaking, and presentations at town council meetings to justify the need for community green spaces.

Looking forward to it,

Dr. Green

What are you struggling with as a dedicated environmentalist? Use the form below to send your questions and success stories.

All participants are anonymous. Even Dr. Green has no idea who you are.

Send Dr. Green your questions and stories below:

All questions are anonymous and considered intended for publication. Individual replies are not possible.

Disclaimer: This column is not a replacement for therapy, and the advice given is educational in nature, not a replacement for professional psychological or psychiatric therapy. This is a peer-driven support effort by The Revelator to inform and build community with environmental and wildlife defenders.

If you are feeling critically depressed and suicidal, it’s time to immediately find professional help. Go to your closest emergency room or call the following numbers to get immediate help in your area:

SUICIDE HOTLINES

Worldwide: http://www.befrienders.org/support/

United Kingdom: http://www.samaritans.org

USA: http://www.suicidepreventionlifeline.org

1-800-273-TALK

Resources:

“The Importance of Greenspace for Mental Health.” Barton J, Rogerson M. The importance of greenspace for mental health. BJPsych Int. 2017 Nov 1;14(4):79-81. doi: 10.1192/s2056474000002051. PMID: 29093955; PMCID: PMC5663018.

“Who Heals the Earth’s Healers? Ways to Avert Burnout for Environmental Advocates,” The Revelator, May 2025

“Dr. Green: Why Some People and Groups Become Resistant to Science”

“A comparative study of the physiological and psychological effects of forest bathing (Shinrin-yoku) on working age people with and without depressive tendencies.” Akemi Furuyashiki, et al., Environmental Health and Preventative Medicine, The Japanese Society for Hygiene.2019 Jun 22

Forest Bathing: How Trees Can Help You Find Health and Happiness by Dr. Qing Li

Forest Bath  by Jen Barton and Felishia Henditirto, Magination Press — American Psychological Association. A children’s (5-9 years) picture book.

Environmental Psychology: An Introduction 2nd Edition

“The Effects of Forest Therapy on Immune Function” by Youngran Chae, Sunhee Lee, Youngmi Jo, Soyean Kang, Suyoun Park, and Hyoyoung Kang

“The Case for Green Space: A Cost-Effective Mental Health Resource” by Elizabeth Hoge, M.D. and Charlotte Wulf

 

The post Dr. Green: The Psychological and Social Benefits of Green Community Spaces appeared first on The Revelator.

“Any export of power ... necessarily makes that power unavailable to domestic customers,” potentially contributing to inadequate supplies for a region, Public Citizen said. 

Event Facilitator – Second Congo Basin Convening 2026

The Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA) invites qualified consultants to submit Expressions of Interest for the position of Event Facilitator for the Second Congo Basin Convening, to be held from 25–27 August 2026 in Yaoundé, Cameroon.

The facilitator will support the planning and delivery of a high-level regional convening by designing participatory sessions, coordinating speakers and moderators, facilitating discussions, and guiding participants towards the adoption of the Yaoundé 2026 Declaration and the regional action roadmap.

We are seeking professionals with:

• A minimum of five years’ experience facilitating high-level multi-stakeholder events.
• Strong facilitation, communication and moderation skills.
• Fluency in both English and French.
• Knowledge of agroecology, food systems, biodiversity, climate justice, advocacy or sustainable development.
• Experience working with governments, civil society, Indigenous Peoples, farmers’ organisations, women and youth networks.

Application Requirements

Applicants should submit:

• A technical and financial proposal (maximum five pages).
• A current CV.
• Two references from similar assignments.

Submission Deadline: 3 August 2026

Applications should be submitted electronically to afsa@afsafrica.org.

Interested applicants are encouraged to consult the attached Terms of Reference (TOR) for the full description of the assignment, required qualifications, deliverables and application instructions.

You can’t tell when you’re passing one on the highway, but an electric vehicle may well have a superpower. It charges by plugging into the electric grid, of course, but it might also be able to send energy back into it. For a growing number of EVs, this vehicle-to-grid technology, or V2G, creates a revenue stream for drivers, who utilities pay to tap into their batteries when demand on the grid spikes. 

Utilities across the country are pursuing pilot projects for the tech, figuring out how to coordinate hundreds, thousands, and eventually millions of EVs. To that end, today a coalition of companies — Eversource, National Grid, EnergyHub, Sunrun, and the Mobility House — is launching an early test of the technology in Massachusetts so utility customers can give it a try. Lessons learned here and elsewhere could drive the technique into the mainstream, making the grid more reliable, and electricity cheaper, even if you don’t own an EV. “It’s great to have Massachusetts stepping into the lead here and doing this because these learnings are what’s going to allow this technology to scale,” said Chip Silverman, director of grid services at Sunrun, a solar and battery company.

In the new system, participants hook into an existing program called ConnectedSolutions, which allows homes to run off their residential batteries, among other things. Then when there’s a “demand response” event, like during a heat wave, EV batteries can help the grid keep up. Participants are compensated for this, just like some homeowners who provide energy from their solar panels. 

“It’s really kind of a small number of hours per year that you’re discharging the battery,” said Russell Vare, vice president of vehicle-grid integration at the Mobility House North America, a provider of charging infrastructure. “It’s not necessarily like a daily discharge. It’s just during those peak times the events are called.”

Utilities like V2G because they’re dealing with escalating, overlapping challenges. For one, the demand for electricity is growing as more power-hungry data centers come online and people switch from internal combustion cars to EVs and from gas furnaces to heat pumps. At the same time, utilities are trying to ditch gas and coal in favor of renewables like wind and solar. These clean technologies, though, are intermittent, in that the wind isn’t always blowing and the sun isn’t always shining. Utilities need ways to bank energy for later use, which is why they’re building storage facilities and even using the Earth itself as a giant battery.

Already, Americans are struggling with skyrocketing energy prices for a variety of reasons. Utility shareholders are reaping profits, for instance, and customers are footing the bill for improvements, like burying power lines so they don’t spark wildfires or come down in a storm. Building battery facilities and stringing transmission lines will add still more costs — the inevitable price to pay for a cleaner, more reliable grid.

Read Next The US may be hitting a tipping point for heat pumps Matt Simon

Except some of that spending may indeed be avoidable: The promise of V2G is that it can make electricity cheaper. While participants need a bidirectional charger to send energy back to the grid, a utility doesn’t need to reinvent the system as a whole. EV batteries are an existing, widespread, and reliable source of backup energy to tap into in times of high demand, like during the summer when everyone is running their air conditioning. “It’s the cheapest cost of flexible energy storage that will be available for the grid,” Vare said.

The hotter the planet gets, the more enticing V2G looks for utilities. People need additional AC to stay healthy, but the appliances require lots of power to run. If that energy isn’t coming from renewables, it’s causing even more warming and increasing demand for AC, and on and on. In a V2G system, vehicles that follow predictable schedules, like school buses and municipal fleets, will be especially useful, in addition to their batteries being enormous stores of energy. Even a typical EV battery, though, has around six times the capacity as a backup unit mounted outside a house. 

While not all EVs have the hardware needed to tap into V2G, more models are, like the Nissan Leaf, coming equipped to do so. And as with any technology, bidirectional chargers will get cheaper over time. “As hardware costs come down, installation becomes simpler, and standards continue to mature, we expect vehicle-to-grid to become dramatically more accessible over the next several years,” said Seth Frader-Thompson, president of EnergyHub, in a statement.

With EVs sitting idle all across a city, that adds up to some serious power. So much so, in fact, that only a fraction of owners would need to participate for a program to adequately support the grid. But the more people who opt in, the better, as that gives a utility a broader base to draw from. “If you have a higher number of batteries out there in a virtual power plant, you can actually use less energy from each individual battery,” Silverman said. “But collectively, when you patch them all together and aggregate them, it comes out to a very large resource. And that’s really where the magic is.”

These early projects are figuring out how best to coordinate this, like with apps that let people specify when they typically use their vehicle to, say, get to work. (Participants in the new Massachusetts program are able to do this.) The overall idea is for EVs to send power back to the grid when demand is highest, like when people return home from work and switch on appliances. Then, as the night goes on, the vehicles can charge. This would be paired with another technique, known as active managed charging, which staggers when EVs juice up through the evening and early morning hours — that is, they’re not all doing so at 10 p.m., which would suddenly and dramatically increase demand on the grid.

All told, V2G promises to turn consumers of electricity into more active participants in the grid, with power flowing both ways. Far from straining the grid to the point of collapse, EVs will instead help save it. 

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The secret to a better grid? Electric vehicles. on Jul 23, 2026.

Interpretation Services – Second Congo Basin Convening 2026

The Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA) invites qualified interpretation service providers to submit Expressions of Interest for the provision of professional interpretation services during the Second Congo Basin Convening, which will take place from 25–27 August 2026 in Yaoundé, Cameroon.

The assignment includes simultaneous and consecutive interpretation in French, English and Portuguese, together with the provision, installation and technical management of all required interpretation equipment. The selected provider will support a high-level regional convening bringing together approximately 140 participants from across the Congo Basin and neighbouring countries.

We are looking for service providers with:

• At least five years of proven experience delivering interpretation services for international conferences.
• Qualified conference interpreters working in French, English and Portuguese.
• Experience providing interpretation equipment and on-site technical support.
• Familiarity with agroecology, food systems, biodiversity, climate justice or related development sectors.
• Demonstrated experience supporting multilingual, multi-stakeholder events.

Application Requirements

Interested firms should submit:

• A technical proposal.
• A financial proposal.
• Evidence of similar assignments.
• Two references from comparable events.

Submission Deadline: 3 August 2026

Applications should be submitted electronically to afsa@afsafrica.org.

Applicants are encouraged to carefully review the attached Terms of Reference (TOR) for the complete scope of work, qualifications, deliverables and submission requirements before preparing their proposals.

Data centers, competition in the transmission sector and PJM Interconnection governance reform were other key topics at the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee hearing.

Law Will Impose Undue Burdens on Voters and Disproportionately Suppress the Democratic Rights of Communities Already Facing Environmental Harms 

Contact: kayla@unbendablemedia.com

Washington, D.C. – In response to the passage of the Save America Act through the 2027 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) in the House of Representatives yesterday afternoon, which imposes undue burdens on voters by requiring them to show citizenship papers (like passports and birth certificates) when registering to vote and restricts mail-in voter registration, Climate Justice Alliance’s Executive Director KD Chavez issued the following statement:

“Undermining our voting rights and reducing access to the polls by attempting to strongarm states is an attack on democracy. Whether the Senate ultimately approves this remains to be seen, but Congress focusing on undemocratic measures like this right now is unacceptable.

At a time when our constitutional rights are rapidly being eroded, environmental and public health regulations are being undone, and scientific certainties like greenhouse gases exacerbating climate change are being denied, voting is a crucial tool in so many communities’ ability to participate in our democracy and choose representation that will address their concerns and issues. 

Many communities–including those on the frontlines–who face environmental racism and climate change often don’t have the identification cards required by the SAVE America Act. Less than half of American citizens have passports and nearly 9% of eligible voters don’t or would not have access to the necessary identification the SAVE America Act would require to vote. And for rural communities that will have to travel farther, trans individuals who have changed their names, and working class communities, the SAVE America Act’s impact is clear: significant barriers to voter registration and participation in the voting process. 

Rather than focusing where the real needs are: protecting public health, ensuring environmental protection, or bringing down costs of living for every-day families, the Republican Majority is using budgetary processes to shove through hateful policies that align with hate-mongerers and big business while imposing undue burdens on the very families and communities whose ancestors built this country. 

Congress must protect, rather than erode, the integrity of the voting process and not create undue and additional burdens on those who exercise their democratic and constitutional rights to participate in it.”

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The post CJA Condemns Congress’ Latest Attack on Democracy with the passage of anti-voting rights legislation in the House appeared first on Climate Justice Alliance.

Emitting carbon dioxide into the atmosphere is easy. Pulling it back out? Not so much. Researchers have now developed a battery-like device that captures carbon dioxide from air by using a charging and discharging process.

The technology relies on electricity and saltwater chemistry. It promises to be simpler, more economic and sustainable than known methods for direct air capture (DAC). The team of engineers from the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign and the Toyota Research Institute of North America report their findings in the journal Environmental Science & Technology.

The use of fossil fuels isn’t slowing down despite rise in alternative energy technologies. Most climate scientists agree that removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere is going to be a necessary tool for meeting climate targets.

But carbon dioxide is present in the atmosphere at relatively low concentrations. Today’s DAC technology relies on huge fans that blow air over expensive materials that soak up carbon dioxide. Once the materials have sopped up the gas, they need to be heated to release it for storage underground or to make useful chemicals and fuels.

 

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Companies have been trying to scale up DAC for years, and some projects are underway, but the technology remains expensive and hard to deploy on large scale.

Instead of heat and sorbent materials, the new DAC system uses a battery-like electrochemical cell. The researchers make the device by putting together potassium-stabilized manganese dioxide electrodes in a saltwater solution.

The capture and release of carbon dioxide happens in a two-step reversible cycle. In one step, the device changes changes the pH of the solution, making it alkaline so it absorbs carbon dioxide. When they flip the device’s current, it reduces the alkalinity and releases the greenhouse gas for storage.

The early laboratory results look promising, but the researchers say there are challenges they need to overcome to make the technology ready for scale up. The main one is to prevent the mixing between its two separate liquid streams. This will reduce energy consumption and boost its capture efficiency.

Source: Paul G. Rozzi et al, Toward a Low-Energy Direct-Air Capture Cycle by Reversible Proton-Intercalation-Mediated Alkalization, Environmental Science & Technology (2026).

Image: ©Anthropocene Magazine

Sa porastom broja putničkih vozila širom Evrope, gradovi se suočavaju sazagađenjem vazduha, saobraćajnim nezgodama i gubitkom javnog prostora. U Španiji, grad Pontevedra uspeo je da prebrodi ove izazove, nadmašivši nacionalne standarde kvaliteta vazduha i stvarajući bezbednije ulice. Prema rečima gradonačelnika ove galicijske opštine, ključ ovog uspeha leži u urbanističkom modelu koji daje prednost stanovnicima umesto automobilima, bez uvođenja potpune zabrane na privatna vozila.

Vedro je letnje veče u Pontevedru, galicijskom gradu na severozapadu Španije. Vazduh je ispunjen kontraaltom, praćenim živim džez orkestrom, koji dopire iz ugla velikog gradskog trga. Nekoliko metara odatle, četvoro tinejdžera igra fudbal narandžastom loptom, koju par mlađe dece neuspešno pokušava da dodirne. Jedna porodica pravi selfi, dok četiri starije žene vode živahan razgovor na obližnjoj klupi. Pauze između džez numera ispunjene su cvrkutom ptica, privučenih zelenilom oko fontane.

Gledajući fotografije Pontavedre iz devedesetih godina prošlog veka, fotografije prepune redova automobila koji se prostiru unedogled, bilo bi veoma teško predvideti ovakvu budućnost. Međutim, otkako je doktor Migel Anšo Fernandez Lores izabran za gradonačelnika 1999. godine, ovaj galicijski grad sprovodi politike koje daleko prevazilaze puko regulisanje saobraćaja naulicama. Prema rečima sedamdesetjednogodišnjeg gradonačelnika, cilj ovoga je povratak javnog prostora građanima.

„Kada povratimo javni prostor i zagarantujemo univerzalnu pristupačnost, ljudi stiču autonomiju”, kaže gradonačelnik. Kao političar Galicijske nacionalističke stranke (Bloque Nacionalista Galego, BNG), Lores trenutno obavlja svoj sedmi mandat i spreman je da se kandiduje i za osmi 2027. godine. Galicija je istorijski i većinski pod upravom desničarske Narodne partije i predstavlja rodno mesto više njenih nacionalnih lidera, što dugotrajnu vlast lokalnog levičarskog i nacionalističkog BNG-a u Pontevedri čini izuzetkom u regionu.

U decembru 2022. godine, španska vlada je usvojila kraljevski dekret kojim se nalaže da sve opštine sa više od 50.000 stanovnika moraju imati uspostavljenu zonu niskih emisija (Low Emission Zone, LEZ). Radi poboljšanja kvaliteta vazduha i smanjenja emisije ugljenika, dekret preporučuje mere poput ograničavanja pristupa vozilima koja više zagađuju, na osnovu njihovih ekoloških oznaka, kao i uvođenje zona sa ograničenim saobraćajem u kojima se naplaćuje ulaz.

Španija je ovu meru usvojila kako bi ispunila pravno obavezujuće zahteve Pariskog sporazuma, međunarodnog sporazuma o klimatskim promenama, više od šest godina nakon njegovog stupanja na snagu u novembru 2016. godine. Ipak, budući da je Pontevedra već u potpunosti ispunjavala parametre kvaliteta vazduha, predviđene nacionalnim zakonom 7/2021 o klimatskim promenama, gradsko veće je odlučilo da napravi znatno ambiciozniji korak: da čitavo urbano područje (oko 490 hektara) proglasi „zonom smanjenog saobraćaja”.

Bilo je doslovno skladište automobila, a ljudi, naročito oni sa invaliditetom I stariji, nisu mogli da šetaju ulicama jer su u potpunosti bile zauzete vozilima.

Tokom sunčanog i svežeg podneva krajem juna, u svojoj kancelariji u centru grada, Lores se priseća kako je Pontevedra izgledala kada je prvi put preuzeo dužnost: „Bilo je doslovno skladište automobila, a ljudi, naročito oni sa invaliditetom i stariji, nisu mogli da šetaju ulicama jer su u potpunosti bile zauzete vozilima”.

Tokom govora, gradonačelnik je pomenuo katalonskog inženjera iz 19. veka Ildefonsa Serdu i Sunjera (Ildefons Cerdà i Sunyer), najpoznatijeg pourbanističkoj reformi centralne barselonske četvrti Ešample, sa njenim prepoznatljivim mrežastim rasporedom i simetričnom strukturom. Nalik Serdi, i on posmatra javni prostor kao produžetak doma.

Automobili: kontinentalni problem

Više od 75 procenata populacije Evropske unije živi u urbanim sredinama, a očekuje se da će ovaj broj porasti do približno 83 procenta do 2050. godine. S obzirom na to da se zagađenje vazduha široko prepoznaje kao najznačajniji zdravstveni rizik u Evropi, smanjenje emisija iz drumskog saobraćaja, koje su odgovorne za 37 procenata zagađenja azotnim oksidima, od ključnog je značaja.

Evropska unija je pokrenula niz inicijativa kako bi podstakla gradove da postanu čistiji i zdraviji. Jedna od najznačajnijih je Zeleni gradski sporazum (Green City Accord), koji poziva gradove sa više od 20.000 stanovnika da se obavežu na unapređenja u oblastima kao što su kvalitet vazduha i vode, smanjenje buke, očuvanje biodiverziteta i napredak ka cirkularnoj ekonomiji. Ova inicijativa, takođe, poziva gradove da se povežu sa širokom evropskom mrežom radi razmene znanja.

Još jedna inicijativa jeste Misija klimatsko-neutralnih i pametnih gradova EU (Climate-Neutral and Smart Cities EU Mission), koja pruža podršku za 100 gradova u Evropskoj uniji i još 12 u zemljama pridruženim programu Horizont Evropa. Cilj ove misije je razvoj pilot-projekta radi postizanja klimatske neutralnosti do 2030. godine. Rešenja i modeli testirani u ovim gradovima bi mogli poslužiti kao primer i pomoći svim evropskim gradovima da slede put do 2050. godine, kada se EU obavezala da dostigne neto nultu emisiju gasova sa efektom staklene bašte.

Postoje i neformalne inicijative poput Hodajućih gradova (Ciudades que caminan, Walking Cities) u Španiji, koja funkcioniše kao neprofitna organizacija otvorena za gradske uprave i druge javne institucije posvećene unapređenju pešačenja. Mreža gradovima učesnicima obezbeđuje obuke i forum za razmene informacija i iskustava. U njenom okviru postoji i onlajn škola javnog prostora, a odgovorna je i za upravljanje i promociju platforme Školska okruženja (Entornos escolares), najvažnijeg španskog sajta posvećenog podsticanju dečje samostalnosti i urbane mobilnosti.

STOPA MOTORIZACIJE 2024, broj putničkih automobila na hiljadu stanovnika

I dalje, uprkos inicijativama koje se primenjuju i „odozdo” i „odozgo”, broj automobila na našem kontinentu nastavlja da raste: broj vozila u Evropskoj uniji premašio je 259 miliona 2024. godine, što predstavlja povećanje od 5,9 procenata u odnosu na 2019. godinu. Zemlja sa najvišom stopom motorizacije, odnosno brojem automobila na 1.000 stanovnika, jeste Italija (701), zatim Luksembrug (670) i Finska (666 automobila). Sa stopom od 544 (uz napomenu da je reč o privremenim podacima), Španija se nalazi ispod proseka Evropske unije, koji iznosi 576.

SuprotstavljajućI se normi

U međuvremenu, u Pontevedri se poslednjih godina broj automobila konstantno smanjuje. Grad je, takođe, uveo propise kojima se ograničava svrha korišćenja automobila, kao i vremenski periodi u kojima im je dozvoljeno kretanje.

Na pitanje da navede jedan od najboljih primera uspeha svoje administracije u davanju prednosti pešacima u odnosu na vozila, gradonačelnik bez oklevanja pominje transformaciju jednog od glavnih gradskih trgova. Pored ruševina gotičkog ženskog manastira Santo Domingo iz 14. veka nalazi se prostrani Španski trg (Praza de España), koji se smatra „nultim kilometrom” grada; polaznom tačkom njegovih glavnih i prirodnih ruta. Danas ovo mesto funkcioniše kao živahno središte u kojem se, tokom bilo kog letnjeg dana, susreću šetači privučeni čestim kulturnim događajima i hodočasnici na Putu svetog Jakova (St. James’ Way, Camino de Santiago). Lores ističe da je krajem devedesetih godina ovim trgom svakodnevno prolazilo oko 26.000 automobila. Neverovatno je da su mnogi od tih automobila jednostavno pokušavali da napuste grad i upute se ka nekoj destinaciji van njega, poput plaža u Sanšenšu (Sanxenxo), turističkoj opštini udaljenoj oko 30 kilometara, ujedno i rodnom mestu gradonačelnika, pritom prolazeći kroz Španski trg. Danas, međutim, tranzitni saobraćaj i kruženje u potrazi za parkingom nisu dozvoljeni nigde u gradu, pa prema Loresovim rečima, svega oko 800 vozila dnevno stigne do gradskog trga. Kako objašnjava, odluka o zabrani prolaznog saobraćaja i njegovo preusmeravanje na obilaznice doveli su do smanjenja ukupnog saobraćaja u gradu za 40 procenata.

Ne postoji mesto u gradu do kojeg se ne može doćI automobilom, Ali samo za one kojima je to zaista potrebno, a ne za bilo koga ko to požel.

Jedino „neophodan saobraćaj” je dozvoljen u Pontevedri: vozila hitnih službi i javne bezbednosti, komunalne službe (uključujući vozila gradske čistoće, cisterne za vodu itd.), prevoz osoba sa smanjenom pokretljivošću, kao i pristup privatnim garažnim mestima imaju dozvolu kretanja 24 časa dnevno. Međutim, utovar i istovar komercijalne robe, kućne dostave, prevoz kabastih predmeta, selidbe i slične aktivnosti su dozvoljene samo u određenim terminima u toku dana. Besplatna mesta za parking su raspoređena širom grada kako bi građani mogli da se privremeno zaustave tokom obavljanja ovih aktivnosti. U slučaju prekršaja, policija može izreći kazne u iznosu od nekoliko stotina evra.

„Ne postoji mesto u gradu do kojeg se ne može doći automobilom, ali samo za one kojima je to zaista potrebno, a ne za bilo koga ko to poželi”,izjavio je Lores. Svojim prepoznatljivim, direktnim ali učtivim tonom dodaje:„Ideja da svoj privatni automobil parkirate na javnom prostoru je suluda: ako nemate mesta za svoj zamrzivač, da li ga ostavljate na trotoaru?”

U hijerarhiji prioriteta, sva vozila, uključujući električna, nalaze se na poslednjem mestu u Pontevedri:„Čitava piramida prioriteta je promenjena: prednost imaju pešaci, zatim bicikli, trotineti, javni prevoz i tek na samom kraju, privatni automobili”. Inspirisan knjigom autorke Džejn Džejkobs Smrt i život velikih američkih gradova (The Death and Life of Great American Cities), objavljenom 1961. godine, Lores je očuvanje „kompaktnog grada” postavio u središte urbanističkih politika svoje administracije: održavanje većine aktivnosti u centru grada, obeshrabrivanje izgradnje velikih tržnih centara na periferiji, podsticanje mešovitih kvartova umesto zona sa jednom namenom (poput izdvojene „pravosudne četvrti”), kao što je kompleks sudova u Barseloni, kao i unapređenje javnog prevoza. Cilj nije samo smanjenje nepotrebnog putovanja automobilom, već i oživljavanje naselja i jačanje društvene kohezije.

Šetajući kroz centar grada bilo kog radnog dana, iznenađujuće je videti veliki broj raznovrsnih prodavnica, naročito za jedan provincijski grad. Lokalni butici, zlatare, cvećare i knjižare uspešno posluju jedne pored drugih.

Pored Pontevedra, i drugi evropski gradovi preduzimaju korake ka većoj održivosti. Frajburg je, na primer, dobro poznat po svojim održivim politikama, uključujući regulaciju automobilskog saobraćaja. U ovom živahnom univerzitetskom gradu na jugozapadu Nemačke, građani učestvuju u procesu urbanističkog planiranja, bicikli čine oko 30 procenata svih vozila, a jedan kvart, Vauban, gotovo je u potpunosti bez automobila. Štaviše, Oslo je 2019. godine postao prvi evropski grad koji je sasvim zabranio automobile u svojim centralnim zonama. Grad je proširio mrežu javnog prevoza i uklonio stotine mesta za parking, zamenivši ih klupama, zelenim površinama i biciklističkim stazama.

U Pontevedri pešaci imaju očiglednu prednost u centru grada, kao i na otprilike trećini ukupne gradske teritorije. Tamo su kolovozi i trotoari parktično neodvojivi. Onima koji to vide prvi put, zapanjujuće je posmatrati ljude kako šetaju sredinom ulice, potpuno bezbrižno, dok automobili polako čekaju iza njih da se oni spontano pomere i propuste ih. Niko ne trubi; ne postoje semafori koji bi regulisali kretanje. Takođe, parkiranje nije dozvoljeno u čitavoj zoni između 18 časova i osam ujutru.

U ostatku grada, ulice su jednosmerne sa širokim trotoarima. Automobili mogu da se zaustave tokom radnog vremena na ograničeno vreme (15 minuta za uslužne delatnosti i 30 minuta za utovar i istovar), dok je parkiranje dozvoljeno između 21 čas i devet ujutru. Semafori se nalaze samo na dvosmernim avenijama na spoljašnjem prstenu grada, gde pešački mostovi i kružni tokovi podsećaju vozače da uspore. Na svega deset minuta od centra nalazi se otvoreni parking koji predstavlja alternativu za oko 4.500 privatnih podzemnih parking mesta u gradu. Ukupno, Pontevedra raspolaže sa više od deset besplatnih javnih parkinga, udaljenih najviše 10-15 minuta hoda od centra grada. To je naročito korisno za ljude koji ne žive u gradu, ali svakodnevno dolaze na posao iz okolnih mesta.

Bezbednije, zdravije I pristupačnije

Godine 2010, Pontevedra je postala prvi španski grad koje je uveo ograničenje brzine od 30 km/h na svim saobraćajnicama unutar urbanih područja. Danas je ograničenje u najužem centru grada 10 km/h, „ali samo ako nema ljudi u blizini”, objašnjava Daniel Makenle, bivši policajac i sadašnji generalni direktor za zaštitu građana u gradskoj upravi. „Ako su pešaci prisutni, brzina se smanjuje na 6 km/h”. U ostatku gradskog centra, maksimalna brzina iznosi 20 km/h dok u drugim delovima grada vozila mogu da se kreću do 30 km/h.

Rezultat ovakve politike jeste da u poslednjih deset godina nije bilo smrtnih saobraćajnih nezgoda na gradskim ulicama. Danas, prema opštinskim podacima, 73 procenta dece ide u školu peške (od čega 44 procenta u pratnji, a 29 procenata samostalno). Studija sprovedena 2012. godine u Danskoj, koja je obuhvatila 20.000 dece i bila deo šireg istraživanja o vezi između koncentracije, ishrane i fizičke aktivnosti, pokazala je da deca koja pešače ili voze bicikl do škole, zadržavaju viši nivo koncentracije i do četiri sata kasnije.

U Pontevedri, kao i u drugim španskim gradovima, poput Barselone, već godinama se primenjuju „školske rute”. Reč je o posebno obeleženim zonama u okolini škola, koje učenicima omogućavaju da bezbedno dolaze i odlaze peške, samostalno ili u grupama.

Prednosti ovakvog pristupa osećaju svi stanovnici: sveukupno, broj ljudi koji biraju da se kreću peške ili biciklom u ovoj galicijskoj opštini, porastao je sa 66 procenata 2011. na 90 procenata 2021. godine. Štaviše, danas se oko70 procenata sveg kretanja unutar grada obavlja peške ili biciklom. Gradska uprava, takođe, procenjuje da su emisije CO₂ smanjene za oko 67 procenata od kraja devedesetih godina prošlog veka.

Kako bi, pored same udaljenosti koju prelaze peške, mogli da saznaju i broj koraka, kao i broj potrošenih kalorija do određene destinacije, stanovnici Pontevedre mogu koristiti aplikaciju Metrominuto. Ova sinoptička mapa sadrži i informacije o istorijskim lokalitetima grada, novosti (na primer, o međunarodnim studijama o mobilnosti), kao i servisne informacije poput nacionalnih subvencija za električne automobile.

Iako bi se moglo pretpostaviti da se za sprovođenje saobraćajnih pravila u Pontevedri intenzivno koriste kamere sa geo-lokacijom, kazne i uklanjanje nepropisno parkiranih vozila, većina ispitanika ističe da sistem funkcioniše jednostavno jer ga građani smatraju praktičnim.

Isto važi i za poslovnu zajednicu:„Grad koji je prijatan prema vama, poziva vas da ga istražite i uživate u njemu, a kada šetate, takođe i trošite”, rekao je Andres Martinez, četrdesetosmogodišnji vlasnik optičarske radnje u ulici Calle de la Oliva, jednoj od najkomercijalnijih u gradu. On živi u istoj zgradi u kojoj mu se nalazi radnja, a svoj privatni automobil parkira u zajedničkoj garaži.

Drugi stanovnik je pedesetsedmogodišnji Santi Kakadas, koji već 30 godina prodaje ribu na gradskoj pijaci. On ukazuje na još jednu prednost ovog modela:„Ljudi koji dolaze u kupovinu, dođu, završe i odu, što znači da se mesto za parking oslobađa za sledećeg kupca, i tako redom, što dovodi do većeg kretanja”.

Promena paradigme, odnosno odustajanje od grada zamišljenog za automobile I povratak gradu namenjenom ljudima.

Santi živi oko tri kilometra od posla i svakog jutra ostavlja automobil na besplatnom parkingu pored reke Lerez, a zatim prešači oko 500 metara do svoje tezge.

Ipak, treba napomenuti da dva od pet ispitanih vlasnika radnji, jedan koji vodi kiosk i drugi koji drži prodavnicu ekoloških proizvoda, navode da se njihovi kupci često žale na nedostatak mesta za parking.

Na pitanje zašto smatra da su politike u Pontevedri bile uspešne, gradonačelnik ukazuje na nekoliko faktora: jasnu komunikaciju i edukaciju o ciljevima grada, umrežavanje „sa najproaktivnijim i najdinamičnijim ljudima u gradu”, sprovođenje participativnih procesa i odluku da se automobili ne zabrane u potpunosti. Takođe, dodaje:„Sproveli smo brojne projekte proširenja trotoara i pešačkih zona; čim bi projekat bio završen, prostor bi se spontano ispunio aktivnostima. Osim toga, dozvolili smo ulazak vozilima kojima je to bilo neophodno, što je umirilo one koji su imali nedoumice”.

Preneti uspeh pontevedre

Tokom godina, ova severozapadna opština Španije, Pontevedra, dobila je brojne nagrade za uspeh svojih praksi, uključujući Međunarodnu nagradu za najbolje prakse u održivom razvoju, dodeljenu od strane UN-Habitata u Dubaiju 2014. godine, za svoj model grada usmeren ka ljudima, kao i Nagradu za bezbednost saobraćaja u urbanim sredinama (koju dodeljuje Evropska komisija) 2020. godine, za „impresivno postizanje nijednog smrtnog slučaja u saobraćaju između 2011. i 2018. godine”.

Na pitanje da li smatra da se uspeh Pontevedre može preneti drugde, Lores jasno odgovara da svaki grad mora pronaći sopstveni model i strategiju, te da se svaki spoljašnji primer mora prilagoditi lokalnom kontekstu. Na pitanje da li postoji bilo kakva pouka koja bi mogla poslužiti kao inspiracija drugim gradovima, i ako da, za kakav tip grada, bez oklevanja je odgovorio:„Promena paradigme, odnosno odustajanje od grada zamišljenog za automobile i povratak gradu namenjenom ljudima”.

Ovaj članak je nastao u ovkiru zajedničke prekogranične
novinarske inicijative PULSE (koju koordiniraju organizacije
n-ost i OBCT), u saradnji sa novinarkom Elis Faćini.
Prevod: Veljko Vulićević

Warming has brought extreme rain to the parched Sahel, which is seeing aquifers refill as monsoons grow stronger. But heavier downpours alone cannot explain the groundwater revival, say hydrologists, who believe efforts to harvest rainfall may also be paying dividends.

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Tras los Acuerdos de París de 2015, el movimiento climático cobró impulso cultural y político, culminando en el Pacto Verde Europeo. Pero la guerra, la inflación y el resurgimiento de una derecha afín a los combustibles fósiles han provocado una fuerte reacción en contra de la acción climática en todas sus formas. Para ganar esta batalla, según Florent Marcellesi, Europa debe considerar la soberanía energética y la justicia climática como dos caras de la misma moneda.

La economía es un suceso de ciclos. Ya sean cortos según Kitchin, medios según Juglar o largos según Kondratieff, se suceden periodos de recuperación o creación, auge y depresión o destrucción, y vuelta a empezar, en bucles infinitos aunque nunca parecidos. 

De igual manera, la transición ecológica y justa se enfrenta a sus peculiares ciclos históricos. Desde que surgió la conciencia ecologista en los años 1960-70, ha pasado de ser un outsider para minorías concienciadas a convertirse desde el Acuerdo climático de París del 2015 en el alfa y omega del mainstream socio-político. Sin embargo hoy, acosada sin piedad por los imperialismos renacientes cuyos intereses se mimetizan con los del capitalismo fósil, se enfrenta a una potente fase depresiva. Libra una lucha existencial contra el “imperio fósil”, buscando aire para que la depresión no se convierta en destrucción. 

Al revés, para que llegue pronto su recuperación, es fundamental (re)pensar y adaptar la visión estratégica de las fuerzas que luchan por la justicia social y ambiental. Para ello, en este artículo repasaremos primero lo ocurrido a partir del Acuerdo de París desde la hegemonización de la transición ecológica hasta su demonización por las corrientes reaccionarias y negacionistas. En base a este análisis de ciclos cortos-medios, pensaremos en las nuevas estrategias ecosociales para que la transición ecológica y justa pueda resistir al backlash ecológico y consolidarse en este nuevo (des)orden mundial. Más concretamente, ¿qué hilos directores, prioridades socio-políticas y alianzas tendría que adoptar la transición ecológica y justa para iniciar cuanto antes un nuevo ciclo virtuoso, sinónimo de sostenibilidad y prosperidad? Dicho de otra manera, ¿cómo puede la transición ecológica derrotar al imperio fósil? 

Érase una vez la hegemonía cultural climática 

2015 no es una fecha cualquiera en nuestra historia reciente. El 12 de diciembre de dicho año, se aprueba por unanimidad en la COP21 el Acuerdo climático de París. Si bien imperfecto en muchos aspectos, pero grabando en el mármol de un Tratado internacional la meta de 1.5ºC de calentamiento global que no debería superar la Humanidad, este Acuerdo marca un antes y un después en la acción climática. Impulsado por una amplia coalición de países alineados (islas del Pacífico, UE, Estados Unidos de Obama, etc.), de un Vaticano carburando al Laudato Sí del Papa Francisco y de una sociedad civil con deseo de pasar página de la fracasada cumbre de COP15 en Copenhague, representa el inicio de un nuevo ciclo donde el clima ya no es una coordenada subalterna y secundaria sino el centro de atención mediático, una prioridad política y social, y el nuevo motor de una economía emergente en torno a la transición ecológica y las renovables. Dicho de otra manera, marca el inicio de un periodo con una profunda capacidad de transformación estructural y de los imaginarios colectivos bajo el dominio de la idea climática en la opinión pública, las instituciones y el mundo empresarial: la hegemonía cultural climática. 

Tras años de depresión y austeridad social y económica, este cambio hegemónico impacta de forma intensa en varios frentes. Por un lado, las calles juegan un papel clave en la dinámica cultural y social internacional a favor del clima gracias a una presencia tanto cuantitativa como cualitativa de la juventud por el clima. Detrás de Greta Thunberg, figura central del movimiento, casi mesiánica y fuente de inspiración mundial para toda una generación, supone una visibilización sin precedentes de la causa climática en los medios y los debates de a pie de calle, situando el clima como un asunto existencial –para la juventud y cualquier colectivo o nación que sufre directamente sus impactos– y de máxima prioridad socio-política. Mientras centenares de miles de personas llenan las calles de Berlín, Bruselas, Melbourne, Nueva York, Vancouver y también Madrid, con una manifestación multitudinaria el 6 de diciembre del 2019, la idea climática percola por los meandros de la conciencia colectiva española, europea y global. 

En un bucle retroactivo constante e inscribiéndose en el camino abierto por París, este caldo de cultivo socio-climático tiene a su vez una fuerte repercusión en lo político e institucional. El 5 de diciembre de 2016 la ciudad de Darebin en Australia se convierte en la primera ciudad del mundo en declarar el “estado de emergencia climática”; el 1 de mayo de 2019 el Parlamento del Reino Unido es el primer parlamento nacional en hacerlo mientras que España se suma oficialmente tras acuerdo de su Consejo de Ministros el 21 de enero del 2020. A día de hoy casi 2400 jurisdicciones en 40 países, cubriendo una población de hasta mil millones de ciudadanos, han declarado una emergencia climática, convirtiendo, en los años posteriores a 2015, el clima en una de las mayores prioridades políticas. Con total lógica, esta visibilización social e institucional tiene también su corolario en las urnas. En las elecciones europeas del 2019, cabalgando y promoviendo al mismo tiempo la ola climática, los partidos verdes consiguen un resultado histórico con más de 80 eurodiputados/as, transformando su agenda ecosocial en fuerza motriz del Parlamento Europeo. 

Como si de un juego de dominós se tratara, esto desencadena a su vez otra consecuencia virtuosa. Bajo la presión combinada de las calles y de las urnas, y a pesar de que no formaba parte siquiera de las prioridades electorales del Partido Popular Europeo en aquel momento, la Comisión Europea recién designada bajo la primera presidencia de la conservadora Von Der Leyen, pone encima de la mesa su principal respuesta: el Green New Deal o Pacto Verde Europeo. El debate ya no gira en torno a la necesidad o no de tener una política climática sino al grado de ambición de ésta. Si bien por debajo de lo que pedían el movimiento ecologista y la ciencia pero muy por delante del resto de bloques geopolíticos, la UE se erige en líder climático, comprometiéndose a reducir sus emisiones en al menos un 50% para 2030, al tiempo que convierte en legalmente vinculante el objetivo de neutralidad de carbono para 2050.  

Si fuera poco, todas las políticas europeas, ya sean energéticas, industriales o agrícolas, tienen además que integrar o combinarse, al menos en el espíritu, con las preocupaciones climáticas. En este ambiente propicio a la ecología, la economía siente el soplo de la transición energética y de la sostenibilidad, piedra angular de los negocios post-París. Fin de la extracción de carbón en España y eliminación gradual en toda Europa, instalación acelerada de energías renovables, auge del coche eléctrico, descarbonización de la industria o reverdecimiento de la agricultura, la economía y el empleo verde viven su edad de oro, mientras que la transición justa se abre paso. París, la juventud por el clima y el electorado han hecho mella, la hegemonía cultural climática está en su cénit.  

Pero cualquier edad de oro tiene un fin y cualquier cénit, un declive. El primer golpe viene de la COVID. La crisis sanitaria, junto con sus confinamientos, para en seco a la “generación clima”: desde 2020, no ha vuelto a haber una manifestación pro-clima multitudinaria. A pesar de quitarle a uno de sus más potentes brazos sociales, no para al Pacto Verde Europeo como recién estrenada brújula europea. Es más, gracias al capital social y político acumulado durante los años previos, y a pesar de las incipientes oposiciones de las derechas radicales en Hungría, Polonia o de la presidencia anti-climática de Trump 1.0, la transición ecológica se consolida como uno de los pilares de los Fondos de recuperación NextGen. De los 275.000 millones de euros en inversiones de capital, se aprueba dedicar el 42% de los fondos a la acción climática, un verdadero maná para la gran transformación de un sistema fósil a otro renovable.  

Pero apenas superado este primer golpe, viene el segundo en 2022. Rusia invade Ucrania, no solo poniendo en evidencia el hambre imperialista de Putín y la dependencia europea al gas fósil ruso, sino engendrando también una inflación de los precios de la energía y el coste de la vida, creando a su vez un creciente malestar social. Las corrientes reaccionarias y negacionistas huelen sangre. El Pacto Verde Europeo sigue vivo pero por las heridas de la crisis sanitaria y ucraniana se cuela el relato anti-clima y contra la transición ecológica que se erige en un eje básico de la reacción fósil. 

El imperio fósil contraataca 

Ya sea a nivel político, cultural o económico, hemos entrado en un nuevo ciclo, el del backlash ecológico, es decir de los retrocesos en materia ambiental. Es la era de la cruzada y del ataque permanente contra la transición ecológica y justa, mientras se intenta reforzar por todos los medios el imperio de las energías sucias y su entramada político. Dicho de otra manera, el capitalismo fósil, en colaboración con la internacional reaccionaria y negacionista, ha declarado la guerra, casi santa, contra la ecología bajo todas sus formas. 

Mientras que las personas defensoras del medioambiente son tachadas de “terroristas” o “fanáticos climáticos” y el cambio climático no es ni más ni menos, según Trump, que “una estafa” o un “timo”, las políticas verdes están en la diana constante de las organizaciones climato-escépticas y de extrema derecha. Junto con la inmigración, estos convierten al Green New Deal en su enemigo a derrotar en España y Bruselas; pintan, en contra de toda evidencia, a las políticas ambientales como las responsables de las más de 200 muertes de la dana del 2025 en Valencia y atacan un día sí y otro también a las renovables, bien durante el apagón del 2025 en península ibérica, bien alimentando el rechazo territorial a las energías eólicas y solares.  

En este contexto de bulos y ofensiva continuos, donde la extrema derecha provoca y la derecha recoge los frutos (y parte de la izquierda flirtea con el retardismo), los retrocesos ecológicos son legiones en las instituciones. Por ejemplo, en Europa donde el cordón sanitario entre conservadores y neo-fascistas es cada vez más fino desde las elecciones europeas del 20241, se han rebajado los compromisos ambientales en la Política Agrícola Común, los requisitos de sostenibilidad ambiental para las grandes empresas, la ambición para terminar con los motores de coche fósiles, mientras que la desregulación ambiental, que permite más productos dañinos para la naturaleza y la salud pero económicamente competitivos y buenos para el bolso de las grandes multinacionales, tiene el viento en popa. Si fuera poco, en un movimiento orwelliano, el Gobierno de Estados Unidos, tras retirarse de nuevo del Acuerdo de París y de cualquier institución política o científica internacional que luche a favor de la acción climática, hasta prohibe los términos “cambio climático” y “emisiones” en agencias federales y documentos oficiales nacionales, incluyendo la revisión de programas educativos. Más allá de la política, la batalla cultural es total. 

Tras años de hegemonía climática, la reacción ha sido y sigue siendo inversamente proporcional a los avances de la transición ecológica en los últimos años. De hecho, al igual que la restauración monárquica fue una respuesta de restablecimiento de los intereses de la nobleza ante las ideas revolucionarias y republicanas en el siglo XIX, el backlash ecológico está siendo un intento de restauración fósil ante la revolución de las renovables del siglo XXI. Esto es una señal inequívoca de que la transición ecológica y justa ha tocado dónde duele. Para el capitalismo fósil, la transición ecológica era tolerable mientras era algo sectorial y socio-económicamente marginal. Pero hoy se ha convertido en un obstáculo de primer orden para sus negocios que, recordemos, pesan en la actualidad 97 billones de dólares, casi tanto como el Producto Interior Bruto mundial. Y de forma totalmente interrelacionada, representa también una amenaza contra parte de las élites y población mundial cuyos modo de vida y valores, basados en la energía fósil y la fantasía del crecimiento ilimitado de la producción y del consumo, sigue siendo no negociable.  

En este sentido, la Estrategia Nacional de Seguridad de Estados Unidos (ESN, noviembre del 2025) es, además de sibilina, paradigmática de cara a este intento de vuelta al orden mundial fósil. Además de volver a doctrinas ideológicas y geopolíticas imperialistas basadas en el poder duro y zonas de influencias, el autoritarismo y el supremacismo occidental, no anda con rodeos ni usa eufemismos. En contra de “las desastrosas ideologías del «cambio climático» y del «cero neto»”, su objetivo es “restaurar el dominio energético estadounidense (en petróleo, gas, carbón y energía nuclear)” y “ampliar el acceso de Estados Unidos a minerales y materiales críticos”. En este contexto, la operación militar a principios de 2026 en Venezuela, siendo el eslabón más débil del continente por la debilidad orgánica y la falta de legitimidad social e internacional del régimen chavista, ha sido el primer ensayo de control ideológico y de los recursos naturales por parte de EEUU en su hemisferio de influencia. Envalentonado por el aparente éxito de esta estrategia, el imperialismo trumpista ha pisado el acelerador, intentando someter también al régimen iraní, quién, de paso, controla el Estrecho de Ormuz donde transita el 20% del petróleo y gas del mundo.   

Pero este proceso de neo-colonización política, territorial y energética no se circunscribe únicamente a los enemigos históricos de EEUU. Europa está también en el menú del avasallamiento. Mientras la ESN reza que el “objetivo [de EEUU] debe ser ayudar a Europa a corregir su trayectoria actual” a través de los “partidos patrióticos”, hoy verdaderos caballos de Troya en la UE de este neo-imperialismo, asistimos en directo y sin tapujos a una injerencia externa en los asuntos internos europeos. En la visión ideológica de la internacional reaccionaria, y más allá del amago de controlar Groenlandia, el proyecto de la Unión Europea sobra. A pesar de las contradicciones y dobles varas de medir en conflictos internacionales por parte de la UE, a la derecha reaccionaria le sobran sus valores fundacionales basadas en el derecho internacional, el multilateralismo, la cooperación y la solidaridad continental. Y, mimetizando sus intereses con los del capital fósil, les sobra su apuesta por la transición energética. 

Ciertamente, dicha transición energética choca con el imperialismo fósil. Más allá de poner en duda los beneficios gigantescos del sector energético fósil, también rebate las cartas geopolíticas. Mientras EEUU, Rusia o los países del Golfo asientan gran parte de su poder en base a su liderazgo como primeros productores mundiales de crudo, la UE, pero sobre todo China, la nueva gran potencia del capitalismo verde, han acelerado el paso hacia las renovables. En esta “nueva guerra fría ecológica”, la encrucijada y el choque se hace cada vez más acuciante entre los viejos petro-estados que no quieren morir y los aspirantes a electro-estados que no acaban de nacer.  

En este sentido, quién apuesta por la transición energética apuesta de facto por reducir su dependencia del capitalismo fósil, sea empresarial o de estado, y por reforzar su soberanía en todas sus dimensiones ante el imperialismo, sea trumpista o putinista2. Por tanto en el caso de la UE, además de todas las razones éticas y climáticas heredadas del Acuerdo de París y tan de actualidad hoy como ayer, la transición ecológica tiene capacidad de eregirse también en el imaginario político y colectivo como una potente herramienta de soberanía frente al vasallaje fósil, sea ayer del gas ruso o hoy del gas estadounidense, así como del crudo árabe. Convertir a la UE en un electro-continente y sus Estados Miembros en electro-estados es una de las claves centrales de la geopolítica mundial de los próximos años.  

En el caso de la UE, la transición ecológica tiene capacidad de eregirse también en el imaginario político y colectivo como una potente herramienta de soberanía frente al vasallaje fósil

Estrategias ecosociales ante el nuevo (des)orden mundial 

En este contexto, y de cara a los próximos años, asistimos por tanto a un cambio profundo en la lógica subyacente a la transición ecológica y justa. A partir del Acuerdo de París, ésta era el brazo ejecutivo de la “hegemonía cultural climática”, impulsada sobre todo por motivos éticos y solidarios de cuidado del planeta, de las generaciones futuras o de las islas del pacífico. Sin embargo, a día de hoy la transición energética se hace principalmente en Europa por motivos geopolíticos de soberanía nacional y continental. A través de la electrificación de todo en todas partes, lo cual podríamos denominar la “hegemonía eléctrica”, todavía naciente, la transición energética se resignifica en un marco de “independencia vs imperio”. Sin renunciar a los avances de la década anterior, este nuevo panorama obliga a todos los actores a repensar su visión, estrategias y alianzas. 

Para ello, primero, es importante no caer en una trampa. Por mucho que la acción climática ya no sea un objetivo en sí sino una consecuencia indirecta y posible de la búsqueda de soberanía, esto no quita un ápice a la urgencia climática. Ésta sigue tan o más de actualidad ante el grave y continuo calentamiento del planeta que crea cada vez más estragos sociales, económicos, laborales y ambientales. Quitarle hierro, priorizar la competitividad ante la sostenibilidad, desregulando y desmantelando el Pacto Verde Europeo ante las presiones de ciertos sectores económicos, o tratar las cuestiones de soberanía y de clima de forma no transversal y complementaria serían profundos errores y goles en propia puerta3.

Hoy la transición energética es doblemente urgente. A la urgencia climática se añade la urgencia de construir soberanía a través de la transición ecológica; la segunda no sustituye a la primera, siendo ambas dimensiones tan relevantes la una como la otra y dos caras de la misma moneda. Cualquier retroceso en política climática será pan para hoy de cara a la competitividad y hambre para mañana de cara a la soberanía y la resiliencia.  

Por otro lado, puesto que nos enfrentamos a urgencias climáticas y geopolíticas, lo cual significa que los tiempos apremian, hay una necesidad de actuar en Europa, y por tanto en España, a favor de la transición energética de forma rápida, masiva y a gran escala. Si bien sigue siendo importante y nada descartable, ya no es momento de limitarse a los laboratorios de idea y al “small is beautiful” de los años 1970. A contracorriente de la ola negacionista y aún más cuando las guerras, ya sea en Ucrania o Irán, calientan el precio de la energía fósil de la que todavía tanto dependemos, la transición requiere de más impulso político, industrial y social, a través de grandes inversiones públicas y privadas, para reducir de forma prioritaria, significativa y estructural la demanda energética y, dentro de este marco de suficiencia, llevar a cabo proyectos capaces en poco tiempo de transformar un consumo de masas hoy todavía mayoritariamente fósil en otro principalmente renovable y eficiente. Como sugiere Gorka Laurnaga, “si el cambio climático [y, añado, la geopolítica] es un macro-problema, no se puede resolver con microrespuestas”. 

Para ello, es fundamental superar las contradicciones de la transición energética a nivel territorial donde alianzas de facto y sui géneris entre romanticismo paisajístico y agrícola, nimby, colapsismo y negacionismo climático obstaculizan proyectos de renovables necesarios para estos nuevos tiempos. Sin ninguna complacencia para multinacionales sin escrúpulos o la corrupción a nivel local, siempre protegiendo las salvaguardias participativas y ambientales necesarias en cualquier proyecto y apostando por el retorno socio-económico y laboral para las comunidades impactadas para que no haya tierras de sacrificio y la transición sea justa, es posible acelerar la transición energética. Aunque es bueno intentar que lo sea a nivel estético y cultural, lo grande y masivo no es necesariamente bello pero puede ser salvador ante los grandes retos climáticos y geopolíticos actuales y de las próximas décadas. 

Ahora bien, para que haya transición energética se necesitan también materias primas fundamentales. Que hablemos de litio, cobalto o las llamadas “tierras raras”4, todas estas materias se usan para baterías, eólicas, paneles solares o bombas de calor y son por tanto imprescindibles a la electrificación y descarbonización del continente y de España. Sin embargo, según el Tribunal de Cuentas de la UE (2026), 10 de 26 materias primas fundamentales se importan íntegramente desde fuera de la UE y ninguna de las tierras raras utilizadas en la UE se procesan internamente. Dicho de otra manera, la UE es altamente dependiente de países terceros, empezando por China, para el acceso o la transformación de materias críticas fundamentales para su transición energética. Y sin recursos estratégicos directamente explotados y controlados a lo largo de toda la cadena de valor por la UE, la autonomía estratégica es un eslogan vacío y la transición energética como vector de soberanía una quimera.  

Por tanto, además de una reorientación estructural y a largo plazo de la producción y consumo en términos post-crecentistas así como una apuesta industrial decidida por el reciclaje de materias primas, esto supone también una cierta e inevitable relocalización de la extracción en territorio europeo. Siendo honestos, y también solidarios desde una visión Norte Global-Sur Global, no podemos pretender mantener altos niveles de bienestar y servicios públicos, y activar una transición ecológica exitosa sin relocalizar cerca de casa parte de los impactos negativos de nuestro modo de vida, hoy externalizados a países con menos protección social, laboral y ambiental. Siempre y cuando se haga con reglas democráticas, estrictos límites y condicionalidades sociales, climáticas, de protección de la biodiversidad y laborales, así como beneficios para las poblaciones locales implicadas, no habrá soberanía sin un mínimo de extracción en suelo europeo. 

Hoy la transición energética es doblemente urgente. A la urgencia climática se añade la urgencia de construir soberanía a través de la transición ecológica.

Soberanía a través de la alianza

Al mismo tiempo, la soberanía nunca es absoluta. Por mucho que la globalización pase por turbulencias fuertes, existen y existirán en las próximas décadas todavía muchas interdependencias económicas, sociales y ecológicas en un mundo altamente interconectado. Para evitar caer en un vasallaje energético bajo la tutela colonial estadounidense, rusa o árabe, Europa debe apostar por diversificar aún más sus alianzas estratégicas. Ante la vuelta de hemisferios de influencia por parte de grandes potencias, la diversificación debería pasar por la defensa a ultranza del multilateralismo y la capacidad de sellar con diferentes países acuerdos de diferentes índoles, con un lugar central para la energía y las materias primas, con el fin de suplir lo que no se produce y se no puede reciclar en casa, sin nunca depender de unas pocas fuentes en exceso. Que el gas ruso o la poca fiabilidad política de Estados Unidos sirvan de lección. Eso sí, con una condición: que los acuerdos bilaterales se construyan bajo el paraguas del Acuerdo de París y el Marco Mundial de Biodiversidad de Kunming-Montreal, de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo y de la Agenda 2030, y claras cláusulas espejo en materia laboral y ambiental.  

Más allá, es necesario una profunda reflexión en torno a nuestra compleja relación con China. Por un lado, el gigante asiático, quién controla gran parte de las tierras raras necesarias para las energías renovables, se ha convertido en un motor de la transición verde y de la electrificación a marcha forzada de su economía e industria hacia convertirse, potencialmente, en un electro-Estado. Es por tanto un actor central de la transición ecológica y un socio imprescindible de cara a contrarrestar el imperio fósil. Guste o no, en las cumbres climáticas y más allá, la coalición mundial por el clima pasa por China. Al mismo tiempo, además de ser un Estado profundamente autoritario y represivo, China es también un competidor feroz con la capacidad de hundir grandes partes de la transición ecológica europea al inundar los mercados de su sobreproducción, ya sean hace una década con los paneles solares y ahora con los coches o baterías eléctricas. In fine, con China se trata de buscar un equilibrio dinámico entre una firme defensa de la soberanía económica europea, de su transición ecológica “Made in Europe” y de los valores democráticos, mientras al mismo tiempo se abren y refuerzan canales de colaboración geopolítica y comercial para el sostén y el empuje de la lucha climática a nivel mundial. 

Sin recursos estratégicos directamente explotados y controlados a lo largo de toda la cadena de valor por la UE, la autonomía estratégica es un eslogan vacío y la transición energética como vector de soberanía una quimera.  

Pero la cuestión de las alianzas no solo se plantea a nivel internacional sino también a nivel doméstico. Al considerar la transición ecológica ya no solo como un asunto ético-climático sino también como un asunto de orden geopolítico y de soberanía, esto invita a ampliar las posibles alianzas para alcanzarla. A los usual suspects progresistas y ecologistas, en sus diferentes formatos (partidos, sindicatos, asociaciones, ONGs, empresas, etc.), se suman corrientes liberales, con un fuerte ideario pro-europeo y de soberanía supraestatal, como otras conservadoras y/o (sinceramente) patrióticas, con un fuerte acento estatal y muy celosos de la defensa de su patria. De hecho, la perspectiva de colonización e injerencia externa representa una seria brecha ideológica para algunas corrientes nacional-negacionistas europeas, hasta convertir su cosmovisión, según Emilio Santiago, en un “patriotismo confuso”. Al oponerse con vehemencia al Green New Deal y, de facto, defender política y económicamente al imperio fósil, cava en su interior una profunda contradicción: difícilmente puede uno defender su patria si al mismo tiempo la vende a potencias y fondos extranjeros y se convierten en meros vasallos suyos. Mientras ponemos con claridad el dedo en la llaga nacional-negacionista, toca reforzar alianzas clásicas –en torno al eje ético-climático– y añadir otras más incómodas –en torno al eje soberanía energética.  

No son tiempos para quedarse ensimismados. Más allá de defender lo alcanzado en la última década, son tiempos de adaptación al nuevo contexto y reubicación estratégica para retomar la iniciativa. Para mayor sostenibilidad y soberanía, la transición ecológica y justa puede y debe ganar la batalla cultural y política al imperio fósil. 

Este artículo ha sido publicado originalmente en la Revista Gaceta Sindical. Reflexión y Debate de CCOO, número 42, mayo del 2026.

1. Por ejemplo, el Partido Popular Europeo ha resquebrajado por primera vez en 2025 en el Parlamento Europeo el cordón sanitario en torno a la sostenibilidad ambiental de las grandes empresas. Véase: https://elpais.com/internacional/2025-11-23/el-acercamiento-de-la-derecha-a-los-ultras-tensa-la-cuerda-en-bruselas.html ︎
2. Las similitudes entre Putín y Trump, y más allá de las corrientes políticas que representan, son cada vez más evidentes. A nivel ideológico, son defensores de los “valores tradicionales”, basados en un mundo cristiano y blanco, que hay que salvar del declive, con una obsesión contra el colectivo LGBT y el feminismo, mientras que en la práctica política manejan de forma sistémica la mentira así como el desprecio a la democracia liberal y parlamentaria. ︎
3.  No confundamos simplificación y desregulación. Mientras siempre es posible mejorar la eficiencia administrativa simplificando procesos y leyes (por ejemplo para las PYMES), no es lo mismo que la desregulación cuyo objetivo es debilitar el marco legal, en general a favor del gran capital. Véase: https://www.elespanol.com/enclave-ods/opinion/20260218/desregulacion-ue-amenaza-salud-seguridad-alimentaria-naturaleza/1003744133846_13.html ︎
4. Estos 17 elementos químicos son en realidad óxidos metálicos no solubles en agua, siendo en el siglo XVIII el término “tierra” usado para referirse a los óxidos. Además, muchos no son elementos escasos (incluso pueden ser más abundantes que el plomo o el cobre) pero se las califica de “raras” debido a que es muy poco común encontrarlos en una forma pura. ︎

Headline News:

• “Global Oil Prices Rise To Highest Level In A Month Amid Iran War Escalation” • Oil prices climbed to their highest level in more than a month as fighting in the Middle East escalated and a top US official voiced pessimism about peace talks. Brent crude futures, the benchmark index for worldwide trading, rose to $94.10 a barrel. [ABC News]

Pumpjack (David Thielen, Unsplash, cropped)

• “US Says It Reaches Nuclear Power Deal With Saudi Arabia” • The US and Saudi Arabia have reached an agreement on civil nuclear power, the US DOE said, a deal that allows the kingdom to build nuclear reactors using American technology and to enrich uranium. A civil nuclear deal with Saudi Arabia has been in the works for years. [MSN]
• “Heat Rather Than Lack Of Rain Is To Blame For Europe’s Droughts” • France expects its worst maize harvest in 50 years. The EU’s rivers are so low that shipping is disrupted. Scientists say Europe’s droughts are increasingly driven more by heat than a lack of rain, and soil moisture is vanishing “faster than it would in a world without climate change.” [Euronews]
• “Europe Can Unlock 25 GW of Clean Power By Using Existing Grid Connections” • Europe could add 25 GW of wind and solar to existing hydropower sites across seven EU countries without needing extra grid capacity, according to a new Ember report. In Europe, hydropower plants are particularly well suited for hybridisation. [CleanTechnica]
• “Florida Researchers Bring Endangered Elkhorn Coral Ashore To Protect Them” • Scientists working to save a coral species from extinction transported thirty pieces from nurseries off the Florida coast to a hatchery on land, fearing that warming waters could trigger a mass bleaching event this summer that could wipe them out. [ABC News]

For more news, please visit geoharvey – Daily News about Energy and Climate Change.

As another cache of historic industry documents emerges, the documentary record surrounding Shell’s environmental knowledge continues to grow.

By John Donovan

For almost forty years my website has published internal Shell documents, confidential correspondence, court papers and whistleblower material that have helped illuminate the inner workings of one of the world’s largest energy companies.

Now another collection of historic industry documents has entered the spotlight.

This time, the catalyst is The New York Times, which has reported on newly highlighted documents assembled by the Center for Climate Integrity (CCI)—including a previously obscure 1966 Shell discussion paper that suggests Shell engineers were already discussing methane emissions nearly sixty years ago.

The article, by veteran environmental journalist Hiroko Tabuchi, is another reminder that the history of the oil and gas industry is increasingly being reconstructed from its own documentary record.

The 1966 Shell Document

At the centre of the story is a discussion paper produced by a Shell study group at Shell Centre in London on 25 October 1966.

According to The New York Times and the Center for Climate Integrity, notes from the study group indicated that natural gas was being released in “embarrassingly large quantities” at oil fields, often through flaring or venting.

At the time, methane was not yet at the centre of public debate over climate change.

Today it is recognised as one of the most potent greenhouse gases, with a warming effect many times greater than carbon dioxide over a twenty-year period.

The significance of the document therefore lies not simply in its age, but in the evidence that engineers within the industry were discussing methane losses decades before the issue became widely understood outside specialist circles.

A Wider Archive

The Shell paper is only one document among many examined by the Center for Climate Integrity.

According to its report, industry archives contain evidence stretching back to the 1960s and 1970s showing that oil and gas organisations were studying methane emissions while publicly promoting natural gas as a comparatively clean fuel.

Among the documents cited are:

• a 1968 American Petroleum Institute report concluding that methane in the atmosphere was likely coming, at least in part, from gas fields;
• a 1979 American Gas Association study suggesting emissions from major gas fields were substantially higher than official estimates;
• internal public relations material showing efforts to present natural gas as an environmentally friendly energy source while concerns about methane leakage remained under discussion.

Taken together, the documents form part of a growing historical archive examining what the industry knew, when it knew it, and how that knowledge was communicated publicly.

The New York Times Investigation

The significance of this story is heightened by the fact that it has been reported not by a campaigning organisation but by The New York Times, one of the world’s most influential newspapers.

Its report carefully distinguishes between the claims made by the Center for Climate Integrity and the responses from the industry.

The newspaper also places the newly highlighted documents within decades of subsequent scientific research that ultimately confirmed methane as a major contributor to global warming.

Shell Responds

Shell rejected the suggestion that the Center for Climate Integrity’s report fairly represented the company’s actions or intentions.

A Shell spokeswoman told The New York Times that the report “mischaracterized Shell’s actions and intent.”

Shell also stated that it has become a leader in reducing methane emissions and is working towards achieving near-zero methane emissions by 2030.

BP similarly said methane emissions remain an important issue and that the company continues working to measure and reduce them across its operations.

Another Chapter in a Much Larger Story

Viewed in isolation, a single memorandum from 1966 proves relatively little.

Companies routinely commission technical studies exploring issues that may never become corporate policy.

What makes this story noteworthy is the cumulative picture.

Over recent years, journalists, academics, NGOs and researchers have uncovered:

• early Shell climate studies;
• internal planning papers;
• confidential transfer-pricing documents;
• historical engineering reports;
• environmental risk assessments;
• and now historic methane discussions dating back to the mid-1960s.

Each discovery adds another piece to an increasingly detailed documentary history of the modern energy industry.

The Documentary Record Continues to Expand

One of the recurring themes of The Shell Leaks Files has been that Shell’s corporate history is increasingly being written not solely through annual reports or official company histories, but through internal documents that continue to emerge from archives around the world.

Some originate from court proceedings.

Others come from whistleblowers.

Others still emerge from university libraries or historical collections that have remained largely unnoticed for decades.

The newly highlighted 1966 methane study belongs firmly in that category.

The Bottom Line

The New York Times article does not claim that one forgotten Shell discussion paper settles the long-running debate over what the oil industry knew about climate change.

Nor should it.

Instead, it highlights something arguably more important.

The documentary record continues to grow.

Each newly uncovered report, memorandum and engineering study adds another piece to the historical puzzle.

Whether those documents ultimately reinforce existing conclusions or prompt new ones, they deserve careful examination on their own merits.

As this website has argued for many years, history is often written not by press releases, but by the documents that survive them.

Sources

• The New York Times, “Oil Firms Knew for Decades of Methane’s Danger to Planet, Documents Suggest”, Hiroko Tabuchi, 21 July 2026.
• Center for Climate Integrity: Gaslighting the Public: How the Gas Industry Concealed the Methane Threat.
• 25 October 1966 Shell discussion paper: Discussion on Possible Uses of Methane (DocumentCloud).

THE SHELL LEAKS FILES: The New York Times Highlights a Forgotten 1966 Shell Methane Study was first posted on July 23, 2026 at 10:36 am.
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