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It is time to change the unfair rules of international trade in order to protect the right to food for all. It is time to move toward food sovereignty.

The post UNCTAD 16: La Via Campesina Proposes a Food Sovereignty–Based International Trade Framework appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

In the midst of an acute political crisis, the Peruvian government, instead of listening to the demands of the people, has responded with militarization, persecution, and death.

The post La Via Campesina Stands in Solidarity with the Peruvian People Amid Political Crisis and Violence appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

State and federal policies have led Puerto Rico to produce only 10–15% of the food it consumes, making it almost entirely dependent on maritime imports from the United States for its supply. This dependence makes Puerto Rico particularly vulnerable to climate change and international crises.

The post Puerto Rico: Rethinking How We Grow, Share, and Govern Food Systems appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

La Via Campesina expresses its deep solidarity with the courageous people of Ecuador, who are facing a serious escalation of repression, criminalization, and systematic human rights violations.

The post La Via Campesina denounces alarming authoritarianism, judicial persecution, and militarization of territories in Ecuador appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

The city of Gabès has been experiencing a heroic struggle for several days, where its people have risen up, united under a clear slogan: “The people want the dismantling of the units”, driven by a legitimate demand and clear program.

The post Tunisia: Statement of Support and Solidarity with the People of Gabès appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

The UN Working Group on Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas and the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food have issued a powerful joint statement calling for “binding accountability for agribusiness to safeguard peasants’ rights and global food security.

The post UN experts urge binding accountability for agribusiness to safeguard peasants’ rights and global food security appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

Three-day Agroecological Workshop for Women Peasants in Kuntaveshi, Mandan Municipality-7, Kavre District.

The post Rural Women, Food Sovereignty, and Peace: Three-Day Agroecology Workshop Strengthens Women’s Leadership in Nepal appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

Here is the 3rd episode of the 4th season of La Vía Campesina's Global Newswrap podcast! Here we report on the activities and struggles of our member organizations around the world.

The post Podcast: La Vía Campesina News Wrap | Season IV – Episode No. 3 appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

As a ceasefire announced earlier is presented as part of what is being called the “Trump plan,” we offer a very cautious and conditional welcome. Our welcome is humanitarian and temporary: any pause in the killing is welcomed for the lives it may save.

The post Gaza: A cautious welcome to the ceasefire decision, says La Vía Campesina appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

We receive this International Day of Action with the news of a ceasefire in Gaza, which gives us hope for an end to the genocidal actions against the Palestinian people. However, from La Via Campesina, we call for caution and constant vigilance.

The post #16Oct25: Enough with Hunger! Food Sovereignty Guarantees Systemic Transformation! appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

ECVC calls on the European Parliament to not allow itself to be treated as a powerless spectator in the face of the European Council and the European Commission’s actions against democracy, self-determination of peoples and food sovereignty, and thus to not ratify this agreement.

The post ECVC denounces the revised EU – Morocco Trade Agreement appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

Drawing from her experiences of coordinating the Sashe Agroecology School, she stresses the importance of traditional knowledge-sharing in peasant-led schools, particularly for women with limited access to formal education.

The post “Why agroecology? Because much of the land is no longer suitable for growing food.” ~ Interview with Elizabeth Mpofu appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

La Vía Campesina affirms that the Global Sumud Flotilla, the Freedom Flotilla, and the Thousand Madeleine Flotilla are historic acts of global conscience. They embody peoples’ right to life and dignity and stand as a collective challenge to the logic of starvation and siege.

The post La Vía Campesina Stand with the Global Sumud Flotilla Sailing to Gaza appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

By Jeremy Brecher,
Senior Strategic Advisor, LNS Co-Founder

Listen to the audio version >>

What if MAGA rule so dismantles the institutions of representative democracy that normal institutional processes are insufficient to overcome tyranny? Around the world, general strikes, “people power” uprisings, and other forms of “social strikes” have overthrown violent, armed dictatorships. What conditions might put social strikes on the agenda in the United States?

St. Louis, Missouri Protest 2/1/2025 against the deportation policies of the Trump administration. Photo credit: Sharon Mollerus, Wikimedia Commons, CC BY 2.0

An authoritarian takeover is under way in the US, complete with the arrest of opposition political leaders, unrestrained executive usurpation, and lawless physical violence and kidnapping by masked, unidentified, armed federal agents. As detailed in a previous commentary, forms of mass nonviolent “people power” uprising have forestalled or reversed such takeovers in many other countries, ranging from the Philippines, to Serbia, to South Korea. Yet the United States has little tradition of using such means – which I refer to collectively as “social strikes” – to oppose tyranny. Could social strikes nonetheless play a significant role in countering Trump’s developing autocracy?

Conditions for social strikes

What conditions put social strikes on the agenda?

• Growing disaffection of the population leading to a “great repudiation” by a large majority. As a study a century ago noted, “strike conditions are conditions of mind.” Social strikes are unlikely to happen before a large proportion of the population are enraged at the MAGA tyranny, dubious that more moderate forms of action will suffice, and willing to take personal and institutional risks to oppose it.
• Growing self-organization and capacity to act by the movement-based opposition and forces of social self-defense more broadly. This involves cooperation among national organizations and networks. Even more important is local organization, formal or informal, that is able to act and coordinate with others. Such networks need to be able to persist despite pervasive repression.
• Actions by the movement-based opposition that win wide popular support and participation. “Exemplary actions” that visibly oppose the harm the regime is doing and show that people can stand up and resist it can help lay the groundwork for mass participation in social strikes.
• Internal conflicts within the regime. As Abraham Lincoln (and the Bible) observed, “A house divided against itself cannot stand.” A divided regime is less able to engage in a strategy of either consistent repression or of manipulative concessions.
• Undermined pillars of support. Every regime depends on the support of its supporters, whether that takes the form of campaign contributors, propagandists, or soldiers, police, or other agents of repression.
• Disaffection in the instruments of repression. Turning points in civil resistance in the Philippines, Serbia, and many other cases came when police and soldiers opposed a coup or refused to fire on protestors.
• Lack of concessions or reforms from the regime. It is a truism that the powerful defeat challenges to their power by a combination of repression and concession. A ruling force may appear strong because it never backs down, but in the long-term such pig-headedness is likely to force more and more of society into opposition.
• Ineffectiveness of other forms of opposition. Many people, quite reasonably, will prefer conventional forms of institutional resistance to ameliorate their conditions rather than undertake risky ventures like social strikes. The failure of less drastic forms of resistance often lays the groundwork for social strikes.

Clearly, such conditions for social strikes do not currently exist in the US. However, there are harbingers that may point toward the emergence of such conditions. For example, millions of people have participated in a series of days of action opposing MAGA autocracy and its gestapo tactics, its destruction of food, housing, and healthcare for millions of Americans, and its destruction of our climate and environment. Polls demonstrate that a majority of the public has increasingly opposed such Trump initiatives.

Demonstrators calling for the Epstein files to be released. From the Good Trouble Protest held in Washington, D.C., on July 17, 2025. Photo Credit: Geoff Livingston, Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 4.0

Meanwhile, the Trump administration has been riven by firings, resignations, and other signs of internal conflict; the MAGA movement was sharply divided by the US bombing of Iran and the concealment of documents about Jeffrey Epstein. While many universities, law firms, and other institutions have caved in to Trump’s demands, others are moving to public opposition. Some key elements of support for the Trump regime have gone into opposition. Disaffection was widely reported among the National Guards and Marines sent to repress the people of Los Angeles and Washington, DC. Despite the growth of public opposition, the Trump/MAGA modus operandi seems to have little or no role for concessions to placate opponents or win back disillusioned neutrals and supporters. Although all of these factors might provide favorable conditions for a reinvigorated opposition in the political arena, the leadership of the Democratic Party has so far failed to provide such an opposition.

Social strikes could either be the result of actions by the regime and its supporters or of initiatives by the opposition that stimulate mass popular action. Mark and Paul Engler write in their book This Is an Uprising (New York: Nation Books, 2016) that “a strategy of nonviolent escalation can sometimes set off historic upheavals of their own.” They offer numerous examples, including Gandhi’s “salt marches” that mobilized India against British imperialism; Rosa Parks’ refusal to go to the back of the bus in segregated Montgomery in 1955, which triggered the Montgomery bus boycott and helped start the entire civil rights revolution; and the protest suicide of a Tunisian fruit seller that set off the ouster of the Tunisian dictatorship and the start of the “Arab Spring.”

In two of the four case studies in a previous commentary, “Social Strike for Social Self-Defense,” social strikes in the Philippines in 1986 and Serbia in 2000 were a response to efforts to perpetuate authoritarian rule by stealing elections. The 2024 social strike in South Korea was in response to an attempted presidential coup. Puerto Rico’s 2019 social strike was a response to the disclosure of outrageous behavior by top officials that violated a wide range of shared norms. Social strikes can also be triggered by outrageous violence on the part of the regime.

All of these cases illustrate Gandhi’s maxim that even the most powerful cannot rule without the cooperation and/or acquiescence of the ruled. In all these cases, popular mobilization and the threat of general social disruption were so great that the autocrat’s supporters abandoned or turned against him and forced him to resign.

The timelines for such scenarios are largely unpredictable. The popular mobilizations in the Philippines and Serbia built for many months. Those in South Korea and Puerto Rico responded to sudden events and were victorious within weeks.

Such events are full of unknown unknowns. While preparing for what can be anticipated is valuable, it is no substitute for constantly keeping watch and experimentally “testing the waters” to see what is actually happening in people’s hearts and minds.

Today’s expressions of popular disaffection do not guarantee that social strikes will become possible, that they will occur, or that they will succeed. But they do provide good reason to consider them as a possible strategic horizon for the growing movement for social self-defense.

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The post Social Strikes vs. MAGA Tyranny first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

By Jeremy Brecher,
Senior Strategic Advisor, LNS Co-Founder

Listen to the audio version >>

What can we do if MAGA authoritarianism so undermines democratic governance that it cannot be successfully challenged by conventional means? In many other countries, tyrannies have been overthrown by nonviolent mass popular uprisings. This commentary scours US history for examples of “social strikes” – mass strikes, general strikes, and other large-scale nonviolent actions – that shed light on the possibilities and difficulties of using such forms of action to challenge Trump’s burgeoning autocracy.

Female tailors on strike, New York City, February 1910. Photo credit: The U.S. National Archives, Wikipedia Commons, Public Domain.

Tyrannical regimes from Serbia to the Philippines to Brazil and many other places have been brought down by nonviolent revolts that made society ungovernable. More recent examples include the “popular impeachment” of the governor of Puerto Rico in 2019 after the leaking of scurrilous chat group discussions by top government leaders and the massive uprisings that removed the president of Korea as he instigated a coup last December.

Could such “social strikes” — large-scale nonviolent direct action variously called “general strikes,” “political strikes,” nonviolent uprisings, or “people power” — play a significant role in countering Trump’s developing autocracy?

From the outset of the Trump regime calls for mass disruptive action started coming from unlikely places, like Anthony Romero, executive director of the ACLU, an organization normally associated with legal action through the courts. When Romero was asked in an interview what would happen if the Trump administration systematically defied court orders, he replied, “Then we’ve got to take to the streets in a different way. We’ve got to shut down this country.” Similarly, senior Democratic representative Jim McGovern said, “We can’t just sit back and let our democracy just fall apart. What we need to think about are things like maybe a national strike across this country.” Sara Nelson, head of the Association of Flight Attendants, said that American workers — no matter what they do or what sector they are in — now have very few options but to “join together to organize for a general strike.” (Nelson led the organizing for a national general strike that successfully deterred Trump’s attempt to shut down the government in his first term.) On the mass calls of anti-MAGA groups the question of general strikes and nonviolent popular uprisings is constantly raised.

Calling for general strikes is a staple of the radical toolkit. (I’ve made questionable efforts to call two or three myself over the past half-century.) But why has the idea of such mass actions suddenly appeared on the lips of such a wide range of people? There are three principal reasons:

• First, the wide range of people being harmed by the MAGA juggernaut gives credibility to actions based on wide public participation.
• Second, the demolition of key institutions of democracy, constitutionalism, and the rule of law is threatening to leave few alternatives to popular uprising.
• Third, the failure of the leadership of the Democratic Party to effectively oppose the emerging MAGA tyranny has led to despair about resistance within the institutions of representative government.

These undeniable realities are forcing people to think in unaccustomed ways. Are there precedents in US history from which they can learn?

Social Strikes, Mass Strikes, and General Strikes

“Social strike” is a broad term that encompasses a wide range of activities that use the withdrawal of cooperation and mass disruption to affect governments and social structures. Although labor and social movements in the US have a tradition of using mass action and local general strikes, the US has little tradition of using “civil resistance” for the defense of democracy. Photo credit: Unknown Author, Wikipedia Commons, Public Domain.

The U.S. has seen at least half-a-dozen phases of intense class conflict like those the German revolutionary Rosa Luxemburg called “periods of mass strike.” These often involved popular action that went far beyond, though usually including, the withdrawal of labor power that conventionally defines a strike. Mass strikes have included general strikes, mass picketing, occupation of workplaces and government buildings, nonviolent direct action, shutdowns of commerce, blocking of traffic, and other disruption of everyday activities. Mass strikes have often been met with severe repression and at times involved violent conflict with company guards, police, state militias, and the US Army.

The U.S. has also seen a handful of actions that fit the classical definition of a “general strike” as a coordinated work stoppage by trade unions in many different sectors.

The closest the US has come to a national general strike was in 1886, when a strike for the eight-hour day became a general strike in Chicago and some other locations. Since then, there have been a handful of general strikes in individual cities, for example Seattle in 1919, San Francisco in 1934, and Oakland, California and Stamford, Connecticut in 1946. They have all been sympathetic strikes to support particular groups of workers in struggles with their employers.

Such union-called general strikes, however, have been a rarity in U.S. labor history. American unions are bound by laws specifically designed to prevent them from taking part in strikes about issues outside their own workplace, such as sympathy strikes and political strikes. In most cases their contracts include “no-strike” language that bans them from striking during the contract. Unions that violate these prohibitions are subject to crushing fines and loss of bargaining rights. Their leaders can be — and have been — packed off to jail.

Historically, American unions have often opposed their members’ participation in strikes that union officials have not authorized because such leaders wished to exercise a monopoly of authority over their members’ collective action. In labor movement jargon, such unauthorized actions were often condemned as “dual unionism.” US unions have often disciplined and sometimes supported the firing and blacklisting of workers who struck without official authorization. As a result, unions have often deterred their members from participating in mass strike actions even when the rank and file wanted to strike.

Strikes for specifically political purposes like affecting legislation or deposing political leaders are common in other countries. In March 2025 alone there were general strikes in Belgium, Argentina, Serbia, and Korea — all directed against government austerity policies or, in the case of Korea, unconstitutional seizure of government power. But such political strikes have been a rarity in the U.S.

A unique US political strike was conducted by West Virginia coal miners in 1969 demanding that the state legislature pass a law to provide compensation for victims of black lung disease. The strike was opposed by the United Mine Workers union; its president, Tony Boyle, pledged “The U.M.W.A. will not abridge the rights of mine operators in running the mines. We follow the judgment of the coal operators, right or wrong.” Miners encouraged research by sympathetic doctors, then established the Black Lung Association, which some miners came to refer to as “our union away from the union.” The strike began when a West Virginia miner, fed up with the lack of progress on health and safety conditions, spilled his water out on the ground — the traditional appeal to other miners to join a strike. Within five days the wildcat strike spread to 42,000 of West Virginia’s 44,000 coal miners. They continued to strike for twenty-three days until the state legislature finally passed a bill to compensate victims of black lung disease.

General “Strikes”

Wednesday, Day 12, September 28 and New York’s financial district Wall Street remains barricaded to the public and tourists alike. Occupy Wall Street has effectively shut down the main strip of the financial district. Photos from Zuccotti Park, Wikipedia Commons, CC BY 3.0, September 28 2011.

In recent decades the use of the terms “strike” and “general strike” has often been broadened beyond workers’ withdrawal of labor power to other forms of direct action, such as student strikes and general popular uprisings. There has been some criticism that this broader usage misses the unique power that results from workers’ ability to halt production through the withdrawal of their labor power. But the term “general strike” continues to be widely used for actions that may include striking unions but are based on a wider set of actors, tactics, and objectives. I use the term “social strikes” to include this wider set.

An example was the “general strike” initiated by the Occupy Wall Street movement. In December 2011, Occupy Los Angeles proposed a general strike on May 1 “for migrant rights, jobs for all, a moratorium on foreclosures and peace — and to recognize housing, education and health care as human rights.” Occupy Wall Street in New York echoed with a call for “a day without the 99 percent, general strike and … no work, no school, no housework, no shopping.” On May Day, thousands engaged in such protests in dozens of cities including New York, Chicago, San Francisco, Oakland and Seattle. Several resulted in street battles and tear gassing by police. While there were many forms of protest, there were few if any walkouts from work.

“Imagine the Power of Working People…”

Sara Nelson at the AFGE convention in 2015. Photo credit:  AFGE, Wikipedia Commons, CC BY 2.0, 18 August 2015.

Perhaps the most powerful use of a general strike in US history came during Trump’s first term – a general strike that was threatened but achieved its main objectives before it needed to be carried out. In December 2018, President Trump refused to sign any appropriations bill that did not fund his proposed Mexican border wall. The government shut down, putting more than a million employees out of work. TSA officers and air traffic controllers began calling in sick, and the entire airline industry teetered on the edge of collapse. Sara Nelson, president of the Association of Flight Attendants gave a speech saying, “Go back with the fierce urgency of now to talk with your locals and international unions about all workers joining together — to end this shutdown with a general strike.” She recorded a video message urging her union’s members to get to the offices of their congressional representatives until the shutdown was resolved. After 35 days of the shutdown, flight delays were cascading. Trump unexpectedly reversed course and agreed to a congressional resolution to fund the government — but only for three weeks.

Airline flight attendants then announced a new website called generalstrike2019.org with the headline “Imagine the Power of Working People Standing Together to Demand That Our Government Work for Us.” It called on “all Americans” to “join us in protest at our nation’s airports to show what workers can achieve together.” At the last minute, instead of shutting down the government, Trump declared a state of emergency to build his wall. (Both the Democratic House and the Republican Senate soon voted to revoke the emergency.)

Sara Nelson summed up the lesson of the workers’ action: “Our country doesn’t run without the federal workers who make it run.”

Unlike some countries, the US does not have a tradition of using mass strikes, general strikes, political strikes, and other forms of social strikes as a means to resist and overcome government tyranny. But these examples give some hints about how such movements can arise and be effective. The great periods of mass strike in American history show a process of working-class self-mobilization that could provide a seedbed for social strikes against tyranny. The various citywide general strikes show the potential for union-led general strikes where enough workers belong to unions and unions are willing to play such a role. The effective threat of general strikes to end and avert government shutdowns in 2019 shows their potential power and reveals that their possibility is more than a pipedream.

The next commentary in this series will explore how social strikes might be used to resist and overcome MAGA tyranny.

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The post Social Strikes in American History first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

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The post Latest Newsletter first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

In each issue of Making a Living on a Living Planet, we feature a member of the LNS network.

Monica Atkins is the coordinator for the upcoming LNS Labor Convergence on Climate. She is an organizer, facilitator, cultural worker, and strategist who magnifies the work of grassroots communities, cultural works, and social justice organizations by building strategies that center community, culture, capital, and creation.

The Chicago native attended the Historically Black College Jackson State University, where she received a Bachelor of Arts in English & Literature in 2011, and soon began her career as an organizer and cultural worker. Atkins began as an intern at the United Auto Workers Global Organizing Institute and soon became a full-time organizer, co-founding the Mississippi and Tennessee Student Justice Alliance, coordinating two five-city tours with actor/humanitarian Danny Glover, co-organizing a benefit concert with recording artist Common, and led the Labor, Liberation, and Love march.

The longtime resident of Jackson, MS has worked as an organizer and community advocate alongside several labor unions including The United Auto Workers, American Federation of Teachers, and Communication Workers of America to organize workers, community, youth, and cultural workers.

Organizing at the intersections of Black liberation, labor, and environmental justice, Atkins would eventually join forces with Cooperation Jackson and support the development of a Union Cooperative to build a Solidarity Economy and later serve as a regional and national just transition organizer and as organizing director with the Climate Justice Alliance.

Atkins is now continuing her work as a conduit of grassroots communities, cultural workers, and youth through her consulting business Deep Seeded Strategies, where she looks forward to continuing to build solutions from the ground up!

Atkins says:

The most memorable action I participated in was at the age of 22. There was a worker who actively supported the union and was wrongfully terminated. I organized a group of youth that went into the car factory to demand a meeting with the management. After being told no, with no back up plan our immediate reaction was to burst into song. “Ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around”—our voices filled the lobby to the point that we disrupted meetings and had executives peering into the lobby with confusion. Within a day, the worker we were advocating for got an apology and his job back. This experience taught me the power and importance of youth and culture being embedded in our organizing strategies.

The post October LNS Spotlight: Monica Atkins first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

Photo credit: Joe Piett, Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 2.0

In a Labor Day op ed in the Bangor Daily News, Maine AFL-CIO President and LNS board member Cynthia Phinney wrote:

Soon after Adolf Hitler was elected to power in 1933, he outlawed Germany’s trade unions. Union offices were ransacked, officials arrested. Some were murdered, others sent to the brand-new Dachau concentration camp. They were quickly joined by Social Democrats, Communists, gay men, Jehovah’s Witnesses and others who opposed the Nazi regime.


Authoritarian regimes — even regimes that claim to represent workers — attack unions. Because unions — workers joined together in common cause — have power.


Union power is the power of solidarity: Of seeing beyond our differences to what we have in common. It is the simple power of being there for one another.


Authoritarians attack unions because they need us so blinded by what seems to divide us that we can’t find common cause.


Take the current regime in the U.S.


When they marginalize women or black or brown people as “DEI hires,” they no longer pretend that “all men are created equal” is a principle that applies to all Americans.


When, in their war on immigrants, they arrest and depart people who are on their way to work, or even on their way to an asylum hearing, without due process, they no longer pretend that “liberty and justice for all” is their guiding principle. When they fire thousands of federal public service workers, or cancel their contracts, and strip them of their legally granted union rights, they can no longer pretend that the public these workers serve is us.


Their goal, I believe, is to intimidate us, keep us separate, keep us quiet, and make sure our solidarity power does not impede their efforts to accelerate the movement of wealth to the top. Their agenda is not ours.


The union “agenda” is well-being for all: Work in decent conditions, for wages that reflect a fair share of the wealth we produce, wages that will sustain a life of flourishing and health. The union agenda is for work that is meaningful in creating and sustaining a world where we, our children, and our children’s children can thrive.

For full op ed: Union Solidarity Can Counteract Authoritarian Attacks

The post Maine AFL-CIO Prez Says “Union Solidarity Can Counteract Authoritarian Attacks” first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

Photo credit: Chad David, Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 2.0.

Major unions and union locals are supporting the next “No Kings Day” mobilization on October 18. They include:

• AFT
• AFGE
• CWA
• CCCTU
• IFPTE
• National Nurses United
• UE

The call for the mobilization states:

NO KINGS is a peaceful national day of action and mass mobilization in response to the increasing authoritarian excesses and corruption of the Trump administration, which they have doubled down on since June. They are targeting immigrant families, profiling, arresting and detaining people without warrants; threatening to overtake elections; gutting health care, environmental protections, and education when families need them most; rigging maps to silence voters; ignoring mass shootings at our schools and in our communities; and driving up the cost of living while handling out massive giveaways to billionaire allies, as families struggle.

The last No Kings Day on June 14 mobilized more than five million people in more than 2,000 locations.

The post No Kings! first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

LNS has just released the report, “A Movement-Based Opposition to Trump and MAGA,” by LNS co-founder and senior advisor Jeremy Brecher, offering a strategy for the defense of democracy against authoritarian takeover.

The report says:

In response to the intensifying attack on democracy, millions of people in thousands of locations have joined actions to oppose his juggernaut. In the absence of adequate resistance in the electoral arena, an alliance of popular movements is functioning as the primary opposition to Trump’s authoritarian rule.


This “movement-based opposition” has emerged rapidly during the first year of Trump’s presidency. It is represented by the mass nonviolent resistance to ICE in Los Angeles and elsewhere and the five million participants in No Kings Day and other national days of action. It is developing significant power as more and more people see and experience the harm the Trump administration and the MAGA Congress are inflicting on individuals, groups, and society as a whole. This movement-based opposition is no longer a marginal force but is now MAGA’s most powerful opponent.

Read the full report here.

The post A Movement-Based Strategy first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.