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Today we woke up to the news that, once again, Israeli forces have kidnapped members of the Global Sumud Flotilla. Among them is our comrade in international struggles, Beatriz Moreira (Bia), a member of the Movement of People Affected by Dams (MAB) and the Movimiento de Afectados por Represas (MAR), who played an important role in the operational secretariat of the Peoples Summit toward COP30 in Belém, Brazil.

We cannot allow Israel to continue carrying out these illegal detentions without taking into account that these individuals are not at war, and that their only weapon is the defense of life. The kidnapping in international waters violates international law and the principles of humanitarian action.

Therefore, we call on the Government of Brazil, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Itamaraty), other governments, as well as the international community as a whole, to do everything possible to guarantee the release, safety, and free passage of the Flotilla to its destination.

We, the organizations, networks, and social movements that organized the Peoples Summit in Belém during COP30, express our support for Beatriz Moreira, our comrade, and for all the crew members of the Flotilla, and we demand their immediate release!

In accordance with what was stated in the final declaration of the Peoples Summit, we reaffirm that: “For more than 80 years, the Palestinian people have been victims of  genocide perpetrated by the Zionist state of Israel, which has bombed the Gaza Strip, forcibly displaced millions of people and killed tens of thousands of innocent people, mostly children, women and the  elderly. We totally repudiate the genocide perpetrated against Palestine. We offer our support and  solidarity to the people who bravely resist…”

WE WILL CONTINUE THE INTERNATIONAL STRUGGLE UNTIL THE PALESTINIAN PEOPLES ARE FREE!

Download the statement in Español, Português, Türkçe

SIGNED BY

• AIP – Articulação Internacional dos Povos
• Alba Movimentos
• AMA – Assembleia Mundial pela Amazônia
• AMB – Articulação de Mulheres Brasileiras
• ANA – Articulação Nacional de Agroecologia
• APIB – Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil
• APMDD – Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development
• CAN – Climate Action Network
• Climate Justice Coalition – Turkey
• Coalizão Negra por Direitos
• COIAB – Coordenação das Organizações Indígenas da Amazônia Brasileira
• Comitê Brasileiro de Defensores de Direitos Humanos e Terra de Direitos
• CONAQ – Coordenação Nacional de Articulação das Comunidades Negras Rurais Quilombolas
• CONJUCLIMA
• CONTAG – Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores Rurais Agricultores e Agricultoras Familiares
• CSA – Confederación Sindical de las Américas
• CUT – Central Única dos Trabalhadores
• DCJ – Demand Climate Justice
• Engajamundo
• FASE – Solidariedade e Educação
• FBOMS – Fórum Brasileiro de ONGs e Movimentos Sociais para o Meio Ambiente e o Desenvolvimento
• FOEI – Friends of the Earth International
• FONSANPOTMA – Forum Nacional de Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional dos Povos Tradicionais de Matriz Africana
• FOSPA – Fórum Social Pan-Amazônico
• Fossil Fuel Treaty
• GCB – Grupo Carta de Belém
• GFC – Global Forest Coalition
• GGJ – Grassroots Global Justice
• GTA – Grupo de Trabalho Amazônico
• GIMCC- Perú Grupo Impulsor de Mujeres y Cambio Climático
• Iniciativa Internacional de Mulheres de Corpo Territorio (já existente)
• Iniciativa internacional de mujeres en defensa de cuerpos y territorios
• IPB – International Peace Bureau 
• Jornada Continental por la Democracia y contra el Neoliberalismo
• LVC – La Via Campesina / CLOC
• MAR – Movimiento de Afectados por Represas 
• MAB – Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens
• MAM – Movimento pela Soberania Popular na Mineração
• MICQB – Movimento Interestadual das Quebradeiras de Coco Babaçu
• MMM – Marcha Mundial de Mulheres
• MNU – Movimento Negro Unificado
• MPA – Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores
• MST – Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra
• MTST – Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto
• OC – Observatório do Clima
• Peoples Dialogue
• Peoples’ Climate Summit 2026, Beyond COP 31, Antalya
• PICS – Palestinian Institute for Climate Strategy
• PLACJC – Plataforma Latinoamericana por la Justicia Climática
• Pororoka
• REBEA – Rede Brasileira de Educação Ambiental
• Rede PCTs
• REPAM – Rede Eclesial Pan-Amazônica
• STC – Seed the Commons 
• TUED – Trade Union for Energy Democracy
• TSF-Mining – Thematic Social Forum in Mining and Extractive Economy
• UNE – União Nacional dos Estudantes
• WFFP – World Forum of Fisher Peoples
• WMW – World March of Women
• WoW – War on Want

DECLARACIÓN DE SOLIDARIDAD CON LA FLOTILLA GLOBAL SUMUD

Today we woke up to the news that, once again, Israeli forces have kidnapped members of the Global Sumud Flotilla. Among them is our comrade in international struggles, Beatriz Moreira (Bia), a member of the Movement of People Affected by Dams (MAB) and the Movimiento de Afectados por Represas (MAR), who played an important role in the operational secretariat of the Peoples Summit toward COP30 in Belém, Brazil.

We cannot allow Israel to continue carrying out these illegal detentions without taking into account that these individuals are not at war, and that their only weapon is the defense of life. The kidnapping in international waters violates international law and the principles of humanitarian action.

Therefore, we call on the Government of Brazil, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Itamaraty), other governments, as well as the international community as a whole, to do everything possible to guarantee the release, safety, and free passage of the Flotilla to its destination.

We, the organizations, networks, and social movements that organized the Peoples Summit in Belém during COP30, express our support for Beatriz Moreira, our comrade, and for all the crew members of the Flotilla, and we demand their immediate release!

In accordance with what was stated in the final declaration of the Peoples Summit, we reaffirm that: “For more than 80 years, the Palestinian people have been victims of  genocide perpetrated by the Zionist state of Israel, which has bombed the Gaza Strip, forcibly displaced millions of people and killed tens of thousands of innocent people, mostly children, women and the  elderly. We totally repudiate the genocide perpetrated against Palestine. We offer our support and  solidarity to the people who bravely resist…”

WE WILL CONTINUE THE INTERNATIONAL STRUGGLE UNTIL THE PALESTINIAN PEOPLES ARE FREE!

DECLARAÇÃO DE SOLIDARIEDADE COM A GLOBAL SUMUD FLOTILLA

Hoje amanhecemos com a notícia de que, novamente, forças israelenses sequestraram integrantes da Global Sumud Flotilha, entre elas está a nossa companheira de lutas internacionais, Beatriz Moreira (Bia), membro do Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB) e do Movimiento de Afectados por Represas (MAR), que desempenhou um importante trabalho na secretaria operativa da Cúpula dos Povos rumo à COP30, em Belém, no Brasil.

Não podemos permitir que Israel siga realizando detenções ilegais sem levar em conta que eles e elas não estão em guerra, que sua única arma é a defesa da vida. O sequestro em águas internacionais viola o direito internacional e as premissas de ação humanitária.

Portanto: exigimos do Governo do Brasil e ao Ministério de Relações Exteriores (Itamaraty), dos demais países, bem como do conjunto da comunidade internacional que façam todo o possível para garantir a libertação, a segurança e o livre trânsito da Flotilha até o seu destino.

Nós, as organizações, redes e movimentos sociais que organizaram a Cúpula dos Povos em Belém, durante a COP30, manifestamos nosso apoio a Beatriz Moreira, nossa companheira, e a todas e todos os tripulantes da Flotilha, e exigimos sua liberdade imediata!

De acordo com o exposto na declaração final da Cúpula dos Povos, reafirmamos que: “Há mais de 80 anos, o povo palestino tem sido vítima de genocídio praticado pelo Estado sionista de Israel, que bombardeou a faixa de Gaza, deslocou pela força milhões de pessoas e matou dezenas de milhares de inocentes, a maioria crianças, mulheres e idosos. Nosso repúdio total ao genocídio praticado contra a Palestina. Nosso apoio e abraço solidário ao povo que bravamente resiste…”

CONTINUAREMOS A LUTA INTERNACIONAL ATÉ QUE O POVO PALESTINO SEJA LIVRE!

KÜRESEL SUMUD FİLOSU İLE DAYANIŞMA AÇIKLAMASI

Bugün, İsrail güçlerinin bir kez daha Küresel Sumud Filosu üyelerini kaçırdığı haberiyle uyandık.

Aralarında, uluslararası mücadelelerdeki yoldaşımız, Barajlardan Etkilenen Halklar Hareketi (MAB) ve Movimiento de Afectados por Represas (MAR) üyesi ve Brezilya’nın Belém kentinde düzenlenen COP30’a Doğru Halkların İklim Zirvesi’nin operasyonel sekreterliğinde önemli bir rol oynayan Beatriz Moreira (Bia) da bulunmakta.

Bu kişilerin savaşta olmadıklarını ve tek silahlarının hayatlarını savunmak olduğunu hesaba katmadan, İsrail’in bu yasa dışı gözaltıları gerçekleştirmeye devam etmesine izin veremeyiz. Uluslararası sularda yapılan kaçırma, uluslararası hukuku ve insani eylem ilkelerini ihlal etmektedir.

Bu nedenle, Brezilya Hükûmetini, Dışişleri Bakanlığını, diğer hükûmetleri ve bir bütün olarak uluslararası toplumu, Filo’nun serbest bırakılması, güvenliği ve varış noktasına özgürce ulaşması için mümkün olan her şeyi yapmaya çağırıyoruz.

Biz, COP30 esnasında Belém’de Halkların Zirvesi’ni düzenleyen örgütler, ağlar ve sosyal hareketler olarak, yoldaşımız Beatriz Moreira’ya ve Filo’nun tüm mürettebat üyelerine desteğimizi ifade ediyor ve derhal serbest bırakılmalarını talep ediyoruz!

Halkların Zirvesi’nin nihai bildirisinde yazdıklarımıza uygun olarak yineliyoruz: “Filistin halkı 80 yılı aşkın süredir, Gazze Şeridi’ni bombalayan, milyonlarca insanı zorla yerinden eden ve çoğunluğu çocuk, kadın ve yaşlı olmak üzere on binlerce masum insanı öldüren Siyonist İsrail devleti tarafından gerçekleştirilen soykırımın kurbanı olmuştur. Filistin’e karşı işlenen soykırımı tamamen kınıyoruz. Cesurca direnen halka desteğimizi ve dayanışmamızı sunuyoruz…”

FİLİSTİN HALKLARI ÖZGÜR OLANA KADAR ULUSLARARASI MÜCADELEYE DEVAM EDECEĞİZ!

The post DECLARATION OF SOLIDARITY WITH THE GLOBAL SUMUD FLOTILLA appeared first on Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice.

The deadline for legislation to be passed through committee has come and gone in the State Senate. Among the legislation that failed to advance was Senate Bill 1035: Motor vehicle fuel tax: greenhouse gas reduction programs: suspension, by Senator Tony Strickland (R-Huntington Beach), which would have suspended the state’s gas tax. 

Yesterday, Strickland bemoaned the failure of his legislation in a partisan rant aimed at blaming gas prices on Democrats and the gas tax.

“At a time when affordability is the top concern for families, Senate Democrats said ‘Hell no’ to much-needed financial relief. This was a missed opportunity to take action,” he declared. “Here in California, despite all the talk about fighting for affordability and California being a leader on policy, Sacramento Democrats are falling in line with Governor Newsom and refusing even to discuss relief at the pump.”

But It’s Not That Simple

It’s true that California has both the highest gas tax in the country ($.79 per gallon) and the highest gas prices in the country ($6.15 on average, as of yesterday). The total gas tax paid by Californians is only $.25 higher than the national average, but the cost per gallon is $1.61 higher.

In short:

• Crude oil prices: the cost of oil on the global market is the single biggest factor affecting California gasoline prices.
• Refinery operations: outages, maintenance, or unexpected shutdowns at California refineries can quickly drive prices higher.
• California’s cleaner-burning fuel requirements: the state’s unique gasoline blend costs more to produce and limits where fuel can be sourced.
• Taxes and environmental fees: state and federal gas taxes, Cap-and-Trade, and Low Carbon Fuel Standard costs all add to pump prices.
• Supply and transportation constraints: California lacks interstate gasoline pipelines and relies heavily on in-state refining and marine imports, making the market more vulnerable to disruptions.

For more details, the state’s energy commission gives a pretty neutral look at the various influences and Streetsblog did its own breakdown a couple of weeks ago.

Of course, Strickland’s press statement excludes the reason for the massive global increase in crude oil costs in the past two and a half months because of President Donald Trump war against Iran. Iran responded to the initial attack from the United States by not allowing oil tankers and other trade through the Strait of Hormuz. 20% of the world’s oil supply comes through the strait in normal times, and the global oil market has been thrown into chaos. In the U.S., that means an average 50% increase in the cost of gasoline at the pump.

And of course, there’s a cost to Californians in reducing or suspending the gas tax. California’s gas taxes and fees fund transportation infrastructure and programs, including road and highway maintenance, public transit, bridge repairs, traffic safety improvements, and efforts to reduce pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. Other states that have suspended or reduced the tax in response to the price hikes from Trump’s war, including Utah, Indiana, and Georgia, have large surpluses in their general fund that have offset the reduced revenue from gas taxes.

Whither the Feds?

Trump himself is talking about suspending the federal gas tax of $.18, which would take a majority vote of both Houses of Congress. Given that prominent Democrats in the Senate have already signaled their support, it is likely that legislation for a “gas tax holiday” would have majority support, should it be brought to a vote.

The federal gas tax pays for the maintenance, repair, and construction of national infrastructure, including highways, bridges, and mass transit systems. Revenue from the tax goes directly into the Federal Highway Trust Fund.

What is the sunscreen filter bemotrizinol? Iris Myers May 19, 2026

For the first time in over 25 years, the Food and Drug Administration is proposing to approve a new sunscreen ultraviolet, or UV, filter for the U.S. market: bemotrizinol, or BEMT. 

It’s a UV filter that since 1999 has been used in sunscreens in other countries, offering greater protection against harmful ultraviolet A, or UVA, rays.

UVA radiation is the sun wavelength that penetrates deepest into the skin, leads to premature skin aging, suppresses the immune system and increases risk of skin cancers, like melanoma. The sunscreens most Americans use do not provide enough UVA protection. 

For decades, Americans have had access to fewer sunscreen ingredients than consumers in Europe and Asia. In some cases the sunscreen sold in the U.S. offers UVA protection that is much worse than the sunscreens sold overseas.

EWG’s own peer-reviewed research found that U.S. sunscreens deliver on average just 24% of the UVA protection implied by their SPF labels. 

But that might be about to change.

Proposal could improve sunscreen options

In late 2025, the FDA proposed to add BEMT to the U.S. list of active ingredients allowed in sunscreens. The proposal allows for use up to 6%.

If the agency finalizes its decision, BEMT will be the first new UV filter approved for the U.S. market in over 25 years. 

BEMT could be widely adopted into sunscreen formulations, since it will be allowed for use in combination with almost all currently approved active ingredients.

The only restriction on using the filter would be a ban on combining it with two other UV filters: para-aminobenzoic acid, or PABA, and trolamine salicylate. In 2019 and again in 2021, the FDA proposed these two filters are not “generally recognized as safe and effective,” or GRASE, for use in sunscreens sold in the U.S.

In the European Union, BEMT is sold by numerous companies under trade names that include Tinosorb® S, Parsol® Shield, AakoSun BEMT, and Escalol™ S. The chemical company CIBA Speciality Chemicals invented the filter and applied for FDA approval in 2005, so it has already had more than two decades of regulatory review. CIBA was acquired by BASF, which manufactures and markets BEMT internationally.

DSM, a pharmaceutical company, has been leading calls for FDA approval of its version of BEMT, sold as PARSOL® Shield. If the FDA finalizes its approval, DSM would have 18 months of marketing exclusivity. 

After that period, other manufacturers would be able to use BEMT in their formulations, which should expand the range of products available to consumers. 

Data submitted to the FDA about products with BEMT at concentrations up to 6%, led the agency to propose the ingredient as safe and effective. 

Similarly, European Union Scientific Committee on Consumer Safety 1999 findings report that at levels up to 10%, BEMT does not irritate the skin and is not associated in animal studies with harm to the reproductive system.

A step forward in UVA protection

The most important use of BEMT would be closing the UVA protection gap that has plagued American sunscreens for decades.

In the U.S., sunscreens are regulated as over-the-counter drugs, and the FDA oversees sunscreen safety. The agency said in 2019 and 2021 only two of 16 ingredients on the market – zinc oxide and titanium – are GRASE.

Due to safety concerns, the FDA has flagged PABA and trolamine salicylate as not GRASE. 

The 12 other ingredients on the U.S. market are also not GRASE. But that status is primarily due to insufficient data. The agency has requested additional safety data on these ingredients, although they are still allowed for use in products sold in the U.S.

Problems with existing filters

The best sunscreens are those that provide broad spectrum protection – from both UVA and ultraviolet B, or UVB, rays. 

UVA rays don’t easily burn the skin. But they can cause it to age, suppress the immune system and contribute to the development of skin cancer. 

Zinc oxide and avobenzone are the only two UV filters in U.S. sunscreens today that are effective at reducing UVA rays significantly. 

Avobenzone is chemically unstable and must be paired with other ingredients to prevent it from breaking down in sunlight. Breakdown products of avobenzone have also been shown to cause allergic reactions. 

BEMT solves these problems. According to the FDA review, it provides strong broad-spectrum protection against both UVA and UVB radiation. 

It is more stable in sunlight than avobenzone and – unlike avobenzone – can be combined with zinc oxide to provide greater UVA protection. It also has more safety data than any non-mineral filters on the U.S. market.

Minimal health concerns 

Data suggests that most available non-mineral UV filters may have safety concerns.

The FDA’s proposed approval of BEMT includes extensive scientific review requiring data on absorption into the body and likelihood of irritation and sensitization, as well as animal studies of carcinogenicity and potential to harm reproduction or development. 

Minimal skin absorption 

Documents submitted to the FDA report that BEMT at concentrations up to 6% is minimally absorbed into the body and the amount that does absorb is below the concentration FDA considers to be indicative of systemic exposure after application.   

Compared to the other 12 ingredient chemical filters on the U.S. market, BEMT has robust data for safety and does not absorb into the skin. 

FDA studies in 2019 and 2020 showed that a one-time application of six other chemical actives – oxybenzone, homosalate, octisalate, octocrylene, avobenzone and octinoxate – were absorbed through the skin at levels above 0.5 nanograms per milliliter, the maximum concentration the FDA says may be found in blood without potential safety concerns. 

One ingredient, oxybenzone, was detected at 258.1 nanograms per milliliter in blood after multiple lotion applications – 515 times the FDA’s threshold of concern. 

No evidence of carcinogenicity 

In a two-year long animal study, BEMT was applied to the skin of rats. The results indicated that BEMT did not cause abnormal, unregulated growth on the skin. This suggests that BEMT is likely not cancer-causing when applied to skin. 

No reproductive harm

The FDA also reviewed a multi-generational reproductive study and concluded that there were no harmful reproductive effects on the rats giving birth or the survival and development of their offspring.

Not irritating

Data submitted to the FDA also included a repeated insult patch test and cumulative irritation patch test, a photo-allergenicity test and a phototoxicity test. Results suggest BEMT was not irritating to the skin. 

More options are still needed

Approving BEMT is a meaningful step forward, but it doesn’t solve every problem with the U.S. sunscreen market.

For over 20 years, companies have submitted some safety data to the FDA in hopes of adding BEMT to the U.S. market. Even with the addition of avobenzone in 1999, the U.S. has been left with fewer options because the FDA’s approval process has been so slow. 

In sunscreens sold in Europe and elsewhere worldwide, BEMT is formulated with other active ingredients that are not approved for use in the U.S.

Sunscreens are often formulated with a mixture of active ingredients and, even with the addition of BEMT, the U.S. sunscreen market, would still lag behind the EU market. 

In the U.S., 16 active ingredients are permitted and in the EU, about 30 filters are available for formulation. 

With a law known as the 2020 CARES Act, the FDA’s rules for over-the-counter drugs were modernized. The law restructured the regulation of all OTC monograph drugs and replaced the legacy rulemaking process with a streamlined administrative order system. This change simplified the regulatory process. 

If the FDA finalizes the addition of BEMT, it’ll be the first new sunscreen active ingredient allowed in the U.S. in nearly 30 years. Other sunscreen companies could also submit applications to allow additional sunscreen ingredients on the market.

But, so far, these manufacturers seem unwilling to produce the safety data that the FDA requests.

Tips for sun safety

• Cover up and wear sunglasses. Shirts, hats, shorts and pants provide the best protection from UV rays. Good shades protect your eyes from UV radiation, which may cause cataracts.
• Find shade or make it. Picnic under a tree, read beneath an umbrella or take a canopy to the beach. Keep infants in the shade, because they are still developing the tanning pigments, known as melanin, that protect skin.
• Wear sunscreen. EWG’s Guide to Sunscreens evaluates the safety and efficacy of SPF-rated products, including sunscreens for recreational use and SPF-rated daily-use moisturizers and lip products. The best ratings are for products that provide broad spectrum protection formulated with ingredients that pose fewer health concerns when absorbed by the body. 
• Look for EWG Verified®. Consumers can also shop for EWG Verified sunscreens, making it easier to find products that are safer and effective.

Areas of Focus Cosmetics Sunscreen Household & Consumer Products Authors Alexa Friedman, Ph.D. David Andrews, Ph.D. May 19, 2026

‘Balcony solar’ bill to cut energy costs clears California Senate Anthony Lacey May 19, 2026

SACRAMENTO – The Environmental Working Group applauds California’s Senate for passing a bill today that would let residents install small, portable “balcony solar” systems in apartments, condos and single-family homes, bringing them relief from sky-high electricity bills.

Senate Bill 868, known as the Plug and Play Solar Act, cleared the Senate in a 35-1 vote, with four abstensions. It now heads to the state Assembly for consideration.

The bill is authored by Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) and sponsored by EWG and the Abundance Network.

“EWG commends the Senate for advancing this proposal, a major step forward for energy affordability and consumer choice,” said Bernadette Del Chiaro, EWG senior vice president for California. 

A 400-watt balcony solar system can cut monthly utility bills for the average apartment dweller by up to $250 per year. Small balcony solar systems start at $500 today, but broader adoption enabled by SB 868 could drive prices down and give renters and low-income households more access to clean energy. 

“These systems are simple, practical and proven. They give people the ability to plug into clean energy savings immediately,” said Del Chiaro.

Balcony solar systems are as simple as plugging in a toaster or other electrical appliance at home. But red tape means the systems aren’t widely used. SB 868 would eliminate those barriers.

“We strongly encourage the Assembly to promptly take up and pass the balcony solar bill, ensuring that as we head into a hot summer, millions of Californians can look forward to having access to this technology and begin to see meaningful reductions in their energy bills,” Del Chiaro added.

Consumer-friendly cost-saving tool

California’s electricity rates have climbed dramatically in recent years, leaving the state with some of the nation’s highest energy costs. 

SB 868 would give Californians a practical, consumer-friendly tool to take greater control over their energy bills. System size is capped at 1,200 watts, enough to power everyday appliances like fridges, lights, Wi-Fi routers or an air conditioning unit.

The bill includes strict safety requirements modeled on internationally recognized standards. All systems must be certified by UL, or Underwriters Laboratories, the global independent safety science organization, or an equivalent nationally recognized testing laboratory. 

The legislation also requires that balcony solar systems have automatic shutoff protections that are triggered within seconds if the grid goes down, helping protect utility workers.

Balcony solar is already thriving in Europe, with over 4 million systems installed in Germany alone. But in California, regulatory barriers have kept this technology out of reach for many. 

SB 868 would remove those barriers while establishing statewide safety standards that do not currently exist.

###

The Environmental Working Group (EWG) is a nonprofit, non-partisan organization that empowers people to live healthier lives in a healthier environment. Through research, advocacy and unique education tools, EWG drives consumer choice and civic action.

Areas of Focus Energy Renewable Energy California Press Contact Alex Formuzis alex@ewg.org (202) 667-6982 May 19, 2026

by Natalie Al-Shihabi, Conservation Leadership Initiative InternAudubon Florida’s Conservation Leadership Initiative (CLI) grants 25 undergraduate students annually the chance to match with a local...

GUILFORD, Conn. — More than half of Connecticut’s salt marshes have been lost after hundreds of years of human intervention, but there is a growing movement to restore these habitats for the...

It would have been a strange scene to onlookers — all thirty of us out in the field dancing to music from the 70s wearing colorful rain gear while April snow blew sideways. Despite the weather and...

The ongoing expansion of airports in Uganda is being opposed by community-led advocacy campaigns which put the struggles of communities facing displacement front and centre. Here Ayebaze Moreen explains how the campaign developed. The expansion of Uganda’s aviation infrastructure – including projects at Entebbe International Airport, Anai Airport in Lira, Arua Airport…

Source

Each summer, young explorers arrive at Audubon’s Rowe Sanctuary ready to discover the wonders of the Platte River ecosystems. From scooping up insects with sweep nets to daily birding adventures to...

Editor's note: Conservation along the Platte River is a collaborative effort, and Rowe Sanctuary works closely with many partners to work towards our habitat and landscape goals.  This month, we...

Nebraska is the home of Arbor Day, established in 1874 to promote tree-planting; an effort that has since spread across the country with great success.  It is ironic, then, land managers along...

On Monday and Tuesday, Paris hosted the G7 Finance Ministers’ meeting, bringing together finance ministers and central bank governors from some of the world’s most powerful economies, alongside counterparts from Brazil, India, Kenya, South Korea, Ukraine, Syria, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. But behind the diplomatic pageantry,and despite the G7’s call for innovative financial instruments to urgently address overlapping crises,French host Roland Lescure squandered a major opportunity.

While fossil fuel companies raked in billions in profits in the first quarter of 2026 amid the South-West Asia conflict, campaigners at 350.org condemn the French G7 presidency’s glaring inaction on windfall and excess profits taxes targeting the oil and gas industry.

Fanny Petitbon, 350 France Country Manager, said:

“France has built its G7 presidency on the bold promise to use this forum as a lever to reinforce economic security in times of crisis and to respond to the legitimate concerns of citizens. But fine words ring hollow. When it comes to taxing the obscene profits recently made by oil and gas corporations, Paris chose complete silence. Not a single word appeared in the final communiqué.

Once again, the interests of a powerful minority are being protected. Companies like TotalEnergies, which boast of their so-called foresight while doing little more than speculating on war and human suffering, have cashed in billions,while families around the world pay the price at the pump and on their energy bills.

The G7’s initiative to expand insurance coverage for people and countries experiencing extreme weather events is welcome. But without turning off the fossil fuel tap and forcing the biggest polluters to foot the bill, climate finance risks becoming little more than taxpayers cleaning up a mess that oil giants are still being paid to create.

President Macron has positioned himself as a global leader on climate and economic justice. Yet this silence tells a very different story. Is this really the legacy he wants to leave in his final G7 presidency? The Leaders' Summit, to be held in Évian from June 15 to 17, is the last chance to course-correct and finally choose people over profit.”

“Who remembers the four rules?” I ask, holding up my ready-to-count fist to the group of toddlers, preschoolers, and parents gathered for this week's Nature Playgroup. “Scoop them!” one...

Most discussions of plastic pollution say the problem is that plastic never breaks down. A new study turns that assumption on its head, arguing the problem is that it always does – at least to some degree.

In the study, researchers introduce the concept of the “plastic particle footprint,” the mass of plastic micro- and nanoparticles that will eventually enter the environment when a given item disintegrates. Mounting evidence indicates that these plastic particles pose a risk to human and environmental health, but until now there has been no way to incorporate those concerns into standard study methodologies.

Applying their concept to four everyday manufactured objects, the researchers demonstrate how the plastic particle footprint can radically change our understanding of the sustainability of different consumer choices. “The carbon footprint only tells part of the story,” says study team member Valérie Guillard, a researcher at the University of Montpellier in France.

The plastic particle footprint is the mass of virgin plastic required to produce a given item, minus the amount of plastic that will be molecularly destroyed (such as by incineration or in the rare case of truly biodegradable plastics, by microbes) at the end of the item’s lifetime.

No one has ever proven that macro-plastics won’t crumble into micro-plastics in the medium to long term, so we must assume that they will, the researchers argue. In the long run, in other words, all plastic becomes microplastics. “The irreversibility of this pollution requires a precautionary approach,” Guillard argues.

The researchers analyzed data from published life cycle analyses of four common objects: kettles (one made of 30% plastic and another made of 50% plastic), beverage containers (glass, plastic, or aluminum with plastic liner), crates (wood or plastic), and T-shirts (cotton or polyester—a form of plastic).

 

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When carbon footprints are comparable as in the case of the two kettles, different plastic footprints can help guide consumer choices, the researchers suggest.

The item with the smallest carbon footprint does not always have the smallest plastic footprint. A cotton T-shirt has a slightly larger carbon footprint than a polyester one—but virtually no plastic footprint. Plastic bottles and aluminum cans have smaller carbon footprints than glass bottles because they take less energy to manufacture. But glass bottles and aluminum cans have smaller plastic particle footprints. And the plastic lining inside aluminum cans can leach into beverages and be ingested by consumers – making glass bottles look better and better in the final reckoning.

Sometimes the tradeoffs are not so clear. A reusable plastic crate saves 280 grams of greenhouse gas emissions compared to a wooden one, but results in 21 additional grams of plastic particle pollution. Which is worse in the big picture? How many grams of carbon dioxide is a gram of plastic pollution worth?

In order to weigh up the choices quantitatively, future research will need to link a given mass of plastic particles to a given cost to society from health impacts and so on. The time scale of impact also requires careful thought. While the carbon footprint of items is often concentrated during the manufacture and use phases, for plastic bottles and polyester clothing more than 90% of the plastic particle footprint comes after an item is discarded. “We are building a reservoir of plastic, with a toxicity debt that future generations will inherit,” Guillard says.

Source: Guillard V. et al. “A pioneering plastic particle footprint concept for addressing the challenges posed by plastic pollution.” Science Advances 2026.

Image: © Anthropocene Magazine. AI-gnerated.

By Gracia Ramirez and David Vergara-Moreno

This photo essay looks at Isla Grande, the largest coralline island of Nuestra Señora del Rosario Archipelago, which is part of the Parque Nacional Natural Corales del Rosario y de San Bernardo, in the Colombian Caribbean. The essay considers the environmental beauty and the violence that underpin Black lives on the island, and the ways in which they have resisted as a community to go forward into the future.

DOCKS

La Bodeguita dock in Cartagena de Indias is the tourists’ gateway to the promised paradise of white-sand beaches and turquoise waters of the Rosario Islands. The docks and other hard boundaries of the port witness an encounter with the polluted waters around Cartagena. This port is responsible for 70% of the country’s maritime trade and has been categorized as the third most efficient port in the world.

Although rarely mentioned by the early chroniclers, it is reasonable to infer that —prior to and during the early centuries of colonization— Cartagena’s Bay was a lush mosaic of abundant coral reefs, dense mangrove forests, and towering tropical dry forest trees.

Today, however, the bay reveals another face: murky waters, laden with sediments, polluted by centuries of maritime traffic, urban and industrial waste, and dredging works that have radically transformed its ecological cycles.

While the departure of tourism to the islands is mainly managed from La Bodeguita dock, the journey out of the bay and into the sea allows visual contact with other docks along the coast.

This is a layered cartography of memories, economies, and spatial regimes: tourist piers, logistical cargo yards, shipyards, naval bases, and private marinas. The bay is not merely a coastal landscape, it is a friction zone between multiple socio-economic and political logics: tourism, military operations, goods trade, and the communities whose ways of life are subordinated to those regimes. This is a liquid frontier: a place of circulation, exclusion, and resistance.

LOGISTICS

The archipelago of the Rosario Islands is connected not just to the Atlantic but also to another body of water, the Canal del Dique. The Spanish colonizers began its construction in the 16th century using enslaved Indigenous and African labor, with the goal of linking the Magdalena River —the nation’s main fluvial artery— with the Cartagena Bay.

Map of the Northern part of Bolívar Department, Republic of Colombia 1886-1903 (Edward Stanford, 1899, cropped). It is possible to see Cartagena de Indias, Barú island below, the Canal del Dique and the Calamar-Cartagena Railway (red line). Source: Mapoteca Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia.

Since then, the Canal has played a strategic role in both domestic and foreign transport and trade, evolving from wooden barges in the 17th century, to the advent of steam-powered boats in the 19th century.

For over three centuries, the Magdalena River and its canal were the only connection between Colombia’s Caribbean and its Andean provinces, linking a nation divided by three mountain ranges and a wide variety of thermal floors and ecosystems. Socially, the Canal became the route to freedom, as many runaway enslaved people (cimarrones) followed its waterways and founded Maroons communities (palenques) in the surrounding wetlands and hills during the 17th and 18th centuries.

Until the late 19th century, the Dique was merely a narrow, shallow ditch less than 15 meters wide, which was impossible to navigate during droughts. But throughout the 20th century, the canal was radically transformed. U.S. companies carried out major dredging and straightening projects that widened it to 100 meters, reducing its original 270 meanders to only 55, dramatically increasing its flow and sediment loads, altering the ecological balance of Cartagena and Barbacoas Bays and surroundings.

Despite these efforts, the canal became almost obsolete after the construction of two major highways that linked the Caribbean to the Andean region of the country in the 1950s. However, around the same time, Colombia’s largest oil refineries were established in Barrancabermeja and Cartagena.

As human geographer Austin Zeiderman argues, such infrastructures articulate geo-racial regimes and hierarchies of white and black, urban and peripheral, central and insular, that become sedimented into both Cartagenian landscapes and bodies.

MATERIALS

Excavations on the ground reveal the coralline stone, compacted after centuries of pressure and erosion. Isla Grande is a coral reef fossil itself. Coral reefs are vital ecosystems: they protect shorelines from storms, sustain local fisheries, support biodiversity, and form the ecological backbone of a tourism industry that underpins much of Cartagena city’s economy. Yet their very skeletons have been quarried and consumed. Entire islets were built for elite leisure by filling the sea with broken coral, the moneyed class literally manufacturing new islands from the bones of the reef.

Coral grounds. Photo by Gracia Ramirez.

The Canal del Dique continues this slow and silent violence. Each rainy season, it expels plumes of sediment-laden freshwater that spread across several square kilometers, covering turquoise waters with brown stains. These pulses reduce salinity and block light, suffocating photosynthesis and interrupting coral reproduction cycles that coincide with the wet months. In fact, the deposits of sediment have turned the formerly island of Barú into a peninsula, following the interventions of USA engineering companies in the twentieth century.

The history of Isla Grande is intimately linked to that of Barú. Around the time of the Spanish colonization, these territories were called Bahaire after the indigenous chief that ruled them before the conquest. The Spaniards used enslaved labour to excavate quarries in Barú and Tierra Bomba, extracting coralline stone used in Cartagena’s colonial architecture. They also built kilns to burn coral stone, producing mortar for the city’s fortifications and lime for its characteristics whitewashed walls.

In the eighteenth century, the nearby island of Barú became a strategic point for cimarrones and Dutch and English smugglers who used enslaved workforce for the logistics related to trafficking. Some enslaved workers, in turn, were secretly saving money to buy their freedom to their masters –mostly Spaniards–.

Over the nineteenth century, with the crisis of slavery and the independence wars, Barú became an instance of a horizontal community formed mostly by cimarrones, freed slaves and mestizos. Their economy was based on subsistence agriculture, fishing, bartering and mutual support.

Wooden house. Photo by Gracia Ramirez.

On June 7 of 1850, groups of neighbours from Barú bought an old hacienda to its then owner for 1.200 COP and finished their payment on May 19, 1851. Just two days later, the abolition of slavery was signed in the country. Thus, Barú become a Black community with collective property before the establishment of the modern-day Republican State. Coconut became the main crop and some families from Barú moved to the neighbouring Rosario Islands to extend the plantations.

Islander dwellings echo this layered material history. Traditional houses rely on wooden boards and palm-thatched roofs, fragile yet renewable. Modern constructions import thin red bricks and cement from the mainland, materials that, as they degrade, seep into the calcareous soil and alter its composition.

Seashell. Photo by David Vergara.

Cement itself is ambivalent: it raises luxury resorts that displace the community, yet it also fortifies schools and homes through collective labor. In their very texture, these materials tell two stories at once—of extraction and restriction, but also of resilience and re-creation.

ORIKA

Right at the centre of Isla Grande is now the town of Orika. An old rubber tree guards the town’s square and provides shelter from the sun. The Cultural House is the gathering place where local council meetings (juntas) take place. The story of Orika is one of socioecological struggle and resistance.

Over the twentieth century, Barú started supplying agricultural goods to the growing Cartagena population, shifting toward intensive production of coconut, fish and mangrove charcoal. Up until the 1950s –when roads were constructed to connect Cartagena with other inland cities– the Rosario islands and Barú were the main providers of food sold at the city’s Getsemani market.

Rubber Tree in Benkos Biohó Square, Orika, Isla Grande, PNNCRSB. Photo by Gracia Ramirez.

The first tourists were members of Cartagena’s urban elite. They arrived at the Rosario Islands between the 1930s and 1940s and started building recreational homes. While tourist infrastructure was consolidating around Cartagena and the islands, a beetle plague destroyed the coconut plantations in the 1950s.

In order to “protect” the islands, the government declared them National Natural Park in 1977, but the National Park mainly considered the sea, not the ground islands themselves. The decree sought to “conserve flora, fauna, landscapes, and historical and cultural manifestations with scientific, recreative or aesthetic goals”, but omitted any mention of the Blacks communities that already inhabited the territory (Rosario Islands, Barú, Santa Ana and Ararca).

New prohibitionist environmental policies, coupled with the rise of tourism, relegated local families to the hinterlands of Isla Grande and to the backs of hotels and resorts, where they worked as subordinate labor.

In the 1980s, the government declared the Rosario Islands to be State-owned vacant lands, unrecognising the community as a “organized population” for the use of land but allowing other economical uses such as tourism and recreation. This enabled a wave of land grabs by private investors that further marginalised the community. However, the 1991 Constitution and the ensuing law 70 of Black Communities of 1993 provided legal tools to transform the memory of dispossession into a fight for recognition.

The community used environmental education programs to strengthen social organizations and articulate their historical demands into a juridical argument. In 2001, after years of legal limbo, the Colombian state began the land restitution process.

Fearing expulsion from the territory, the families decided to establish a new village in the center of Isla Grande: Orika, in honor of the daughter of Benkos Biohó, a cimarron leader and hero of San Basilio de Palenque, the first Black free village in the Americas (1714). In just two months, the community cleared the land and built their houses, a gesture of dignity and memory, affirming their right to exist as a Black community in their ancestral territory. After collecting evidence and going through endless administrative hurdles, in 2014 the Constitutional Court recognized the collective deed title for the Black community of Isla Grande, becoming the only community having achieved that so far within the national park.

UNBOUNDEDNESS

Sunset horizons and native trees may meet the tourist’s gaze as landscapes ready for easy consumption— postcards of “untouched nature.” Yet the town of Orika unsettles this commodified view. Its soundscape resists containment: sound systems (picós) blasting loud music reverberates from the main square, echoing through every coralline ground cavity, vibrating as much in bodies as in stone.

In language, too, survival leaves its trace. The word Dios circulates as the name of the Christian god, but within it hides the untranslatable presence of African spirits, invoked yet unconfined by letters. This is not syncretism as tourist folklore, but the deep mimicry of African cosmologies that persisted beneath colonial surveillance.

In the Colombian Caribbean, enslaved Africans lived not in the vast monocultures of the sugar plantations of Brazil or Cuba, but in smaller, multiethnic communities tied to haciendas, cattle ranches, mines, and urban centres under the close watch of the Inquisition tribunal of Cartagena.

Cut off early from eighteen century renewed arrivals of African captives, these populations developed distinctive spiritual practices, an instance of what Sylvia Wynter called “black indigenization”— that in intertwining African, indigenous, and Christian forms, found ways of being human when colonial hegemony ruled otherwise.

Orika inhabits this layered spiritual geography. It is not simply a village bounded by its streets, but a porous space where music, light, and faith exceed enclosure—an unlimited terrain of survival, memory, and reinvention.

ROOTS

Mangrove forests form the living roots of Isla Grande. They are among the most resilient trees on Earth—thriving where others would perish. Their bodies adapt to saline soils and shifting tides, standing firm where land is not yet land.

Propagules germinate while still attached to the parent tree, dropping into the water as living seedlings that drift across lagoons and channels, anchoring themselves wherever conditions allow. Each root is a promise of survival, each forest a nursery that shelters fish, crabs, and birds in any of their stages of life. Mangroves breathe through aerial roots that rise above the mud, searching for oxygen in conditions too harsh for most species. Always green, they embody endurance.

The mangrove is never alone. Its leaves, roots, and fallen branches decompose into nutrients that sustain fish and crustaceans; its tangled roots interlace with seagrass meadows and coral reefs in a single inter-ecosystemic web. Together, these systems form the ecological triangle of the Caribbean coast: corals buffer waves, seagrasses filter and stabilize sediments, mangroves hold the shoreline while feeding both sea and land. In Isla Grande, these roots not only prevent erosion but also connect the island’s fragile ecology to Cartagena’s coastal mangroves, weaving life across waters.

For Orika, the mangrove is more than ecology—it is a metaphor for community. Like the red mangrove that elevates itself above its roots, the people rise from centuries of exclusion, rooted yet expansive. Their history drifts like propagules, carried by tides of resistance until finding ground to grow.

The mangrove teaches resilience, interconnection, and renewal: lessons for a community that continues to defend its territory while imagining futures where culture and ecology flourish together. Roots here are not only in soil, but in memory and struggle, anchoring Orika to both the Caribbean Sea and to its own unfolding horizon.

DRIFT

There are no roads in Isla Grande, only sandy footpaths weaving through the tropical dry forest and the mangroves. No motorized vehicles circulate within the island, people walk or ride bicycles, while boats and yachts, arriving from Cartagena, leave trails of oil shimmering over the turquoise surface.

Caribbean Sea water around Isla Grande. Photo by Gracia Ramirez.

Plastic bottles and rubbish drift ashore, carried by tides that remember more than the islanders would wish. Drift here is both material and historical: traces of empire, slavery, tourism, and extraction wash against the reef, staining waters once clear. The islands themselves are a coral body in constant erosion and recomposition, a living drift of stone, memory, and survival.

Plastic and vegetable waste. Photo by Gracia Ramirez.

Yet drift is not only decline—it is also possibility. Orika, born out of dispossession, has become a node of reorganization and creativity. The community council anchors collective life, negotiating with agencies and hotels that now contribute resources for communal projects.

Every weekend, and on national and local holidays, happiness brightens the whole town in shared spaces like the main Plaza (Benkos Biohó Plaza), the picós, the cockpits, houses and the Casa Cultural. A new foundation works with children and youth, teaching them to stage traditional dances and music, reweaving ancestral ties to the palenques and to African rhythms long suppressed.

Ecotourism initiatives, led by younger generations, form alliances with older community projects, offering alternatives that value culture and ecology together.

Buildings around Benkos Biohó Square in Orika. Photo by Gracia Ramirez.

Drift, then, also gestures toward a different horizon. In Orika, the tides carry not only the weight of history but also the seeds of futures yet to come. The Rosario Islands are a historical drift still evolving—where coral, memory, and community recombine into new forms of life.

 

The post Notes on Isla Grande: Figurations of Environmental Violence and Beauty in the Colombian Caribbean appeared first on Undisciplined Environments.

A decade ago, illicit gold miners in the Brazilian Amazon began invading the lands of the Yanomami people. New research finds a clear link between the rush of illegal mining and a surge of malaria among the Yanomami.

Read more on E360 →

3 June | Online | 16:00 London | 11:00 New York | 11:00 Boston | 8:00 San Francisco

Automotive companies are widely positioned as transition leaders. But new analysis suggests investors may be significantly underestimating their exposure to oil demand and carbon risk.

Join Carbon Tracker and InfluenceMap for a 45-minute investor briefing on our forthcoming Oil Companies in Disguise – 2026 Edition report.

Our research finds that:

• Across major global automakers, reported Scope 3 emissions may underestimate real-world emissions by 33% on average.
• This “Carbon Gap” is driven by optimistic assumptions on vehicle lifetime, hybrid usage, and emissions boundaries.
• When adjusted for real-world conditions, some automakers exhibit carbon intensity levels comparable to, or exceeding, oil and gas companies.
• Hybrid-heavy strategies may be prolonging oil demand and increasing long-term stranded asset risk.
• Diverging electrification strategies are creating clear winners and laggards in the transition.

For investors, this raises a critical question: Are automotive portfolios carrying hidden oil exposure that is not being priced in?

What this webinar will give you:

This session is designed to provide practical, decision-relevant insights for investors, including:

• How to identify hidden carbon liabilities in automaker disclosures.
• What the “Carbon Gap” means for risk and portfolio alignment.
• Which OEM strategies are reducing vs extending exposure to oil-linked revenues.
• How to incorporate BEV sales share and emissions realism into investment analysis.
• Key questions for engagement, stewardship, and voting decisions.
• What evolving carbon accounting debates could mean for future disclosure reliability.

This webinar is a high-impact briefing for investors assessing climate risk, transition credibility, and capital allocation in the global automotive sector.

Speakers:

• Ben Scott, Head of Energy Demand, Carbon Tracker
• Ben Youriev, Director of LobbyMap Research on Energy, Mining and Transport, InfluenceMap
• Giuseppe (Joseph) Jacobelli, Managing Partner, Bourne Impact Capital Ltd and Founder of actE

The post Oil Companies in Disguise: Are Investors Mispricing Automotive Climate Risk? (Americas Session) appeared first on Carbon Tracker Initiative.

3 June | Online | 9:00 London | 16:00 Hong Kong | 17:00 Tokyo | 18:00 Sydney

Automotive companies are widely positioned as transition leaders. But new analysis suggests investors may be significantly underestimating their exposure to oil demand and carbon risk.

Join Carbon Tracker and InfluenceMap for a 45-minute investor briefing on our forthcoming Oil Companies in Disguise – 2026 Edition report.

Our research finds that:

• Across major global automakers, reported Scope 3 emissions may underestimate real-world emissions by 33% on average.
• This “Carbon Gap” is driven by optimistic assumptions on vehicle lifetime, hybrid usage, and emissions boundaries.
• When adjusted for real-world conditions, some automakers exhibit carbon intensity levels comparable to, or exceeding, oil and gas companies.
• Hybrid-heavy strategies may be prolonging oil demand and increasing long-term stranded asset risk.
• Diverging electrification strategies are creating clear winners and laggards in the transition.

For investors, this raises a critical question: Are automotive portfolios carrying hidden oil exposure that is not being priced in?

What this webinar will give you:

This session is designed to provide practical, decision-relevant insights for investors, including:

• How to identify hidden carbon liabilities in automaker disclosures.
• What the “Carbon Gap” means for risk and portfolio alignment.
• Which OEM strategies are reducing vs extending exposure to oil-linked revenues.
• How to incorporate BEV sales share and emissions realism into investment analysis.
• Key questions for engagement, stewardship, and voting decisions.
• What evolving carbon accounting debates could mean for future disclosure reliability.

This webinar is a high-impact briefing for investors assessing climate risk, transition credibility, and capital allocation in the global automotive sector.

Speakers:

• Ben Scott, Head of Energy Demand, Carbon Tracker
• Ben Youriev, Director of LobbyMap Research on Energy, Mining and Transport, InfluenceMap
• Nana Li, Head of Sustainability & Stewardship, Asia-Pacific, Director, Impax Asset Management
• Giuseppe (Joseph) Jacobelli, Managing Partner, Bourne Impact Capital Ltd and Founder of actE

The post Oil Companies in Disguise: Are Investors Mispricing Automotive Climate Risk? (Asia-Pacific/Europe Session) appeared first on Carbon Tracker Initiative.

Prime Minister Mark Carney has won deserved praise for standing firm against the Trump administration’s threats and imposition of tariffs. But political credit is only as good as the strategy that follows, and Canada now faces a genuine opportunity to do something more ambitious than weather the storm.

Carney’s approach has sparked a broader conversation among the world’s ‘middle powers’ – countries with significant economies like Japan, South Korea, Australia, and the U.K. that share a commitment to rules-based trade but sit outside the U.S.-China superpower axis. These are countries that are actively looking for a different economic path forward, one that doesn’t simply mirror the nationalism coming out of Washington and Beijing.

Keep reading this post, co-authored by Ryan Mulholland and Ollie Sheldrick, in Policy Options.

The post A Canada-led clean trade pact would show that middle powers mean business appeared first on Clean Energy Canada.

Conceptualizing Security in a Time of Deep Civilizational Crisis Date and time * Date: June 4th, 2026 * Time: 1pm GMT * Registration Link: Here * Speakers: Manuel Rozental (Colombia), Dipa Sinha (India) and (TBC) * Moderation: Introduction This is the first of a series of webinars that will open the series with a conceptual discussion on security in a time of deep civilizational crisis. It will examine how security has traditionally been framed through the international order, the n…