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Jessica “Jess” Blane (they/them/she) is the Organizing Director at Climate Justice Alliance and is a bold community organizer, abolitionist, facilitator, orator, and writer. Born and raised in the mighty Midwest, they are a proud alum of Kentucky State University.

Jess’ passion for organizing is carried out as a core organizer for Indy10 Black Lives Matter, Queering Indy, and co-founder the Circle City Community Bail Fund, a recognized formation of the National Bail Fund Network. Their political home is with Black Organizing for Leadership and Dignity (BOLD), which provides leadership development, political education in the Black radical tradition, accountability and care, and capacity building for Black organizers. Jess has led local, statewide, and regional initiatives in corporate accountability, policy reform, resource reallocation to support a Guaranteed Basic Income, transformative and restorative processes and justice, and conflict transformation. As CJA’s Organizing Director, Jess enthusiastically leads the Organizing Team in connecting members to resources and strategies that expand, strengthen, and sustain their work. In Jess’ role, they oversee the strategies and implementation of programming, member and member space development, local site fights and campaign support, and building the capacity to prepare members for climate crisis and disaster.

Jess labors to remind people of their past, discern with people their present, and strategize within community their future power.

The post November 2026 LNS Spotlight: Jessica Blane first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

We’ve got some exciting announcements to share! There’s a brand-new lunarpunk anthology seeking submissions, our special horror-themed issue of Solarpunk Magazine is available for preorder, we’re going to start publishing solarpunk novellas and novels, and our complete 2027 submissions schedule is now up on our website’s submissions page. So whether you’re a reader looking forContinue reading "Solarpunk Horror, Lunarpunk Submissions, and 2027 Magazine Submissions"

By Joshua Dedmond, LNS Executive Director

Connecting labor rights, environmental justice, and direct action to build a regenerative future for workers and communities.

During NYC Climate Week 2026, the Labor Network for Sustainability (LNS) brought worker power to the center of global climate discussions. From high-impact roundtable convenings to direct actions on Wall Street, LNS helped to advance a bold multi-movement strategy to challenge corporate extraction, deepen labor and environmental justice partnerships, and fight for a truly Just Transition.

Aligning Mass Movements Roundtable

Location & Partners: Hosted at The Tishman Center at The New School alongside The Chisholm Legacy Project, US Climate Action Network (USCAN), Just Transition Alliance (JTA), Taproot Earth, and Flint Rising.

Strategic Focus: Scaling up cross-movement coordination to protect democratic institutions and build a regenerative economy.

Launched in 2024, the Aligning Mass Movements initiative centers labor and environmental justice at the core of our broader movement ecosystem. Participants discussed actionable ways a unified Just Transition framework can resist corporate exploitation, protect democratic space, and build a regenerative economy controlled by workers and frontline communities.

Climate Critical Townhall

LNS leaders joined movement allies at a vibrant town hall hosted by Climate Critical. The panel shared crucial strategies for sustaining movement leadership, organizing effectively across diverse sectors, and safeguarding activists on the frontlines of high-pressure climate campaigns.

Wall Street Direct Action: Mining Accountability in Brazil

Action Leadership: LNS Board Chair Jen Krill, Earthworks and frontline allies.

Demands: Supply chain justice, indigenous rights protection, and strict corporate accountability.

Earthworks quickly convened a protest against Sigma Lithium’s destructive mining practices in Brazil. Organizers highlighted the severe environmental and human costs of unvetted mineral extraction, making it clear that a true clean energy transition cannot replicate extractive capitalism—it must uphold high labor standards and respect frontline and indigenous rights.

Movement for Black Lives: The Black Hive 5th Anniversary

Event Focus: Celebration of 5 years of Black-led climate organizing and global solidarity.

Host: Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) / The Black Hive.

To wrap up NYC Climate Week, LNS stood in solidarity at the 5th anniversary celebration of The Black Hive, the climate and environmental justice arm of M4BL. The all-day showcase featured inspiring art installations, political education sessions, and presentations celebrating Black-led environmental justice victories worldwide.

The post LNS On the Ground: Power, Solidarity & Action at NYC Climate Week 2026 first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

Heavy equipment cutting fireline around the Gifford Fire, CA, August 2025. Photo by Los Padres National Forest. Photo credit: Public Domain

A recent opinion piece co-authored by Edgar Franks, LNS board member and political director for the farmworkers union Familias Unidas por la Justicia, says:

“Someone has to pay for disaster recovery, and for future climate harms. That burden should not fall on workers, families, and overburdened communities. It should fall on the Big Oil corporations that knowingly created this mess and continue to profit from pollution and war.”

Franks points out that more than 70,000 people were evacuated as wildfires engulfed Spokane WA, reducing entire neighborhoods to ash. Hundreds lost their homes. Damage is expected to exceed $1 billion, the most expensive wildfires in Washington’s history. The damage wouldn’t be nearly so destructive without the dry, hot conditions fueled by climate change.

“When fires, floods, and heatwaves strike, the costs fall disproportionately on taxpayers, workers, small businesses, and vulnerable communities. Meanwhile the major fossil fuel corporations most responsible for the emissions warming our planet get off scot-free.

“Workers bear the impacts in ways that don’t often make the headlines. Firefighters, heavy equipment operators, and foresters risk their lives, with long-term health consequences from exposure to carcinogens.

“And as climate disasters strain state and municipal budgets, public sector workers — teachers, transit operators, service workers — face wage suppression, shrinking benefits, and hiring freezes. We are in the era of climate change where unions and communities alike are being forced to absorb the costs of a crisis they didn’t create.”

Next year the state of Washington will be considering climate “superfund” legislation that would require the largest fossil fuel corporations to pay their fair share for climate damages caused by their historical greenhouse gas emissions.

Rebuilding Spokane, retrofitting homes, schools and community centers for clean air and cooling, hardening the grid, and other resilience measures will all require skilled labor. Franks says, “The sooner polluters pay, the sooner local workers can get to work protecting communities.”

Read the full article: https://www.newsfromthestates.com/article/workers-and-communities-shouldnt-foot-bill-big-oils-mess

The post LNS Board Member Says: “Make Polluters Pay” for Climate Damage first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

The Labor Network for Sustainability has joined a broad coalition of national organizations including Climate Justice Alliance, GreenLatinos, Indigenous Environmental Network, WE ACT for Environmental Justice, and Western Environmental Law Center to oppose a “dangerous deregulatory permitting reform” proposal, disingenuously titled the ‘Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act’, currently being negotiated in Congress.

LNS executive director Joshua Dedmond said,

“People power is worker power — for too long, labor has been pitted by politicians and corporations against the very people protecting the long-term future of our communities and neighborhoods, like those working to ensure we have clean air, safe water, and healthy neighborhoods, as if we are not all united in a commitment to better futures.”

According to the coalition,

“The Bipartisan Affordability and Jobs Act is not about affordability or jobs — it’s about sacrificing our time and energy, our health, our families’ health, and our current and future generations’ ability to live in a stable economy and healthy environment — just to line the pockets of the super-rich and fast-track dangerous, polluting projects we don’t want.

“The package would further limit communities’ ability to protect themselves from harmful projects by completely gutting the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) and Endangered Species Act, among other bedrock environmental laws.”

The coalition also laid out key ways to protecting workers and communities in the permitting process:

“Communities have already shared practical and evidence-based policy solutions for building clean energy while safeguarding our rights, health, environment, and democratic participation, including:

1. Investing in federal agency capacity through funding and training to build expertise on clean energy development and community engagement;
2. Embedding early and meaningful community engagement into permitting processes;
3. Establishing robust environmental and public health analysis that includes cumulative impacts;
4. Addressing transmission barriers acceleration directly rather than weakening environmental review; and
5. Increasing transparency via publicly accessible information on permitting status, project details, environmental and public health impacts.”

The post A Call to Halt “Dangerously Deregulatory Permitting Reform” first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

Man with drill screwdriver installs panels at a solar power plant. Photo credit: Andrii, Adobe Stock.

The pioneering Illinois Climate and Equitable Jobs Act put access to climate jobs front and center in its program for 100% carbon-free electricity by 2045 and a net-zero-carbon state economy by 2050. That is now creating a pathway into good jobs for individuals and communities that have been marginalized in the Illinois economy.

The Climate Works Pre-Apprenticeship Program, funded by the Illinois Department of Commerce and Economic Opportunity, prepares Illinoisians for “careers in the lucrative clean-energy industry.” It prepares participants for jobs in these fields by providing skills training to be successful in registered union apprenticeship programs in clean-energy construction and building trades.

“Whether you are looking for your first job, returning to the workforce, or anywhere in between, this free pre-apprenticeship program will teach you the skills you need to enter a new industry while providing you with a training stipend.

“HIRE360’s program provides support every step of the way so that you can successfully begin a new career in the clean-energy trades. This includes case management to help you navigate the process and overcome barriers, test prep based on actual apprenticeship tests, career resources to help you choose a trade, and networking opportunities and resources to help you start a new career.”

For more information: https://hire360partners.org/climateworks/?source=Career+Pathways

The post In Illinois, Climate Protection Means a Pathway to Union Jobs first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

Part of AWS’s us-west-2 availability zone, showing three datacenters with a fourth under construction. Photo credit: Tedder, Wikipedia Commons, CC BY-SA 4.0.

In a recent article on “Construction’s Data Center Gamble,” Mark Erlich, retired head of the New England Carpenters Union, cautioned that for construction unions, megaprojects like hyperscale datacenters “hold as much risk as opportunity.” Such megaprojects draw unionized workers away from smaller-scale, more conventional projects, opening the door for nonunion contractors.

Erlich points out that “All projects, even megaprojects, eventually come to an end, and the rising level of opposition to these projects may hasten quicker-than-anticipated endings.”

“Rather than seeing the data center boom as a panacea for the ills that have troubled the industry, buildings trades unions need to continue to compete aggressively for the standard sorts of projects that make up the bread-and-butter of construction work, while also seeking to grow their ranks and regain market share from non-union contractors.”

There’s no way to know the future of the hyperscale datacenter boom, but there are straws in the wind that are putting it into question. According to data published in the Financial Times at least 47 major data center projects have been delayed, withdrawn, or blocked so far this year. More than 1,000 communities across the United States now have restrictions on artificial intelligence infrastructure.

The post Betting on the Datacenter Boom? first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

This summer was the hottest on record in the US. Yet worker heat standards proposed by the Biden administration are stalled, few states have more than token standards, and some state legislatures have even forbidden their towns and counties from passing their own heat protections.

An unusual strategy for worker heat protection comes from the “Fair Food Program” of the Coalition of Immokalee Workers, which represents thousands of workers in the tomato growing region in south-west Florida. Through years of boycotts, hunger strikes, and protests the Coalition pressured food retailers with brand-name reputations to agree to a code of conduct and pay a small premium to buy exclusively from farms that comply. The code now covers 14 major food retailers, including Walmart, McDonald’s, Whole Foods, and Trader Joe’s.

The Fair Food Program code of conduct, which covers tens of thousands of workers, requires participating growers to provide shade, cool drinking water, paid rest breaks, heat illness training for workers and supervisors, and the ability for workers to seek medical attention without fear of retaliation. These are many of the same life-saving heat protection requirements that federal and state governments have refused to enact. This summer, the Fair Food Program added another requirement: access to electrolytes on participating farms year-round.

Other workers around the country, such as members of the immigrant-led WeCount in South Florida, dairy farm workers in Vermont, and construction workers in Minnesota, are now developing codes of conduct with heat protections and “market-based enforcement” like the Fair Food Program.

Source: US workers facing deadly heat borrow from tomato pickers to win key protections | Extreme heat | The Guardian

The post Beating the Heat first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

According to the U.N.’s just-released annual “Emissions Gap Report,” the Group of 20 industrialized nations have reduced climate-destroying emission in 2025, “with the United States of America being the major exception.” The report said that “recent policy changes” in America will lead to 0.9 gigatons of additional emissions by 2030, equivalent to the yearly total of Japan. The U.S. was tied with Russia as the G20 countries with the most per capita emissions of carbon dioxide and other planet-warning gases. The report warns that the planet is on track for upwards of 5 degrees Fahrenheit (2.8 degrees Celsius) of warming this century, which would cause catastrophic impacts, such as massive sea level rise and the mass extinction of plants and animals.

Source: Emissions Gap Report Identifies U.S. as Outlier Among G20 Nations – The New York Times

Another new report, the 2026 “State of the Climate Report,” found that global sea level, global ocean heat content, worldwide glacier thickness, the mass of the Greenland ice sheet, and the atmospheric concentration of each of the three most common greenhouse gases are at record extremes. The report notes that in May of this year, levels of atmospheric carbon dioxide breached 428 parts per million, which is about 50% higher than pre-industrial levels of the gas.

Researchers tracked 16 “planetary vital signs” in their analysis. Click image for larger version. Credit: Ripple et al. 2026, doi.org/10.1093/biosci/biag125

The rate of global warming is accelerating, according to the report, and has roughly doubled from about 0.19°C (0.34°F) per decade from 1970-2010 to about 0.36°C (0.65°F) per decade from 2010 to present day.

The report’s authors warn that accelerating warming trends raise the risk of parts of Earth’s climate system breaching so-called tipping points, or marks at which the affected processes are so destabilized that they cannot return to pre-climate change conditions.

Source: 2026 State of the Climate

A pair of studies in the journal Nature Health find that severe heat killed more than 50,000 people in European cities and towns this summer. That is three times as many people as would have died had humankind not warmed the planet by burning oil, gas and coal, the researchers said. Their estimates suggest that this summer’s intense heat was Europe’s deadliest by far this century. Clair Barnes, lead author of both studies, said “That mortality has been pushed substantially higher by the human-caused warming, primarily from the burning of fossil fuels.”

Source: Heat Waves Killed an Estimated 50,000 in European Cities, a Likely Record – The New York Times

The post In Case You Haven’t Heard… first appeared on Labor Network for Sustainability.

This article A North Carolina movement asks voters to reject corporate tax breaks was originally published by Waging Nonviolence.

The affordability crisis is hitting people hard across the country, but it’s especially acute in North Carolina. For the sixth year in a row, North Carolina holds the distinction of being the worst state in the nation for workers based on its wage policies, worker protections, and rights to organize, according to Oxfam. Nearly half of renters in the state are struggling to afford their homes, while nearly a third of households are cost-burdened (spending over 30 percent of their income on housing).

North Carolina voters’ eyes may light up when they see two proposed constitutional amendments on their November ballots: one to cap the state personal and corporate income tax rates at 3.5 percent, down from a cap of seven percent, and another to limit how much local governments can levy in property taxes. On their face, they appear as if they might bring much-needed tax relief to North Carolina’s working class. 

The amendments are deceptively framed as being beneficial to working people and homeowners, reading as if they would lower individual taxes when there’s no indication that they will, according to Todd Warren, statewide campaign strategist at Down Home North Carolina, a member-led organization that endorsed a “no” vote. Instead, Warren said, the measures would be a giveaway to corporations and wealthy individuals by limiting how much they pay toward the public good — and a “scam” for voters.

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Since the passage of the two Republican-sponsored bills that placed the amendments on the ballot this past May, Down Home NC and over 20 other groups have come together as the NC Vote Against coalition to defeat them, as well as to oppose a third amendment that would enshrine voter identification requirements in the state constitution.

Each organization has its own expertise and its own tactics, but a common message: The amendments will not benefit working-class people, but rather corporations and the ultra-wealthy. Each group is playing its part in collecting a total of 100,000 pledges from North Carolinians who commit to voting against the amendments.

The fight to fund the future

Down Home NC joined together with another coalition member, the Carolina Federation, to launch the Fund the Future campaign, deploying nearly 200 paid canvassers.  

Jenn Frye, co–director of the Carolina Federation, spent part of this weekend canvassing at the poll at a Durham, North Carolina library, where she convinced an older couple to vote “no” on the amendments. After a member-led endorsement process that included political education on the amendments, a leadership summit and a vote at a statewide membership meeting, the Carolina Federation decided they wanted to deeply engage in the amendment fight. “We see more and more people in North Carolina who agree that corporations and the wealthiest individuals aren’t contributing what they owe when day in and day out, North Carolinians are working really hard,” Frye said. “We pay our taxes, and we contribute what we owe.”

Down Home NC and the Carolina Federation were founded in 2017 and 2018, respectively, in the wake of President Trump first taking office and Republicans winning control of both North Carolina’s state legislature and governorship in 2013 (for the first time since Reconstruction). The groups share a long-term goal of loosening corporate power’s grip on the state legislature and supplanting it with people power.

The Fund the Future campaign campaign is knocking doors, talking to voters at the polls, getting resolutions against the amendments passed by local governments and school boards, and placing signs in small businesses and in yards, among other tactics. So far, the Carolina Federation’s canvassers have knocked on over 600,000 doors across six counties, collecting over 33,000 pledges, while Down Home NC’s canvassers had knocked 500,000 doors across 20 counties and collected about 8,000 pledges.

“Whatever the outcome of this amendment fight, Federation’s members plan to launch a statewide campaign next year with other organizations like Down Home and Siembra to demand that the legislature pass fair tax policies that make corporations and the wealthiest individuals pay what they owe our communities in taxes,” Frye said. “That may be a multi-year fight. It is one our members feel is worth waging.”

North Carolinians deserve funding for real solutions, Frye said, such as property tax assistance programs, childcare tax credits, an increased minimum wage (it’s currently the federal minimum, $7.25 per hour), and protections against corporate landlords.

Todd Warren of Down Home NC said he has never seen such a robust response to a single issue in over 20 years of working and organizing in North Carolina.

Because Down Home NC’s chapters run organizing campaigns to make sure that local budgets go toward working people’s needs, members recognized immediately how the amendments would exacerbate the underfunding of local services. Like the Carolina Federation, its members endorsed a “no” vote in addition to endorsing political candidates who are supportive of its platforms.

Many voters don’t know about the amendments, Frye said, and if they do, they’re often not sure what to make of them or inclined to support them because they’re exhausted and stressed out due to the affordability crisis. But when they are engaged in conversation about how the amendments affect services they rely on, “then people are movable,” she said.

North Carolina residents march to the polls with signs opposing tax amendments on the ballot during early voting in Guilford County on Oct. 27, 2026. (Guilford For All)

Frye gave the example of her own mother, who recently suffered a series of strokes. Fortunately she was living in a North Carolina county with adequately funded Emergency Medical Services, or EMS. But residents of counties with underfunded EMS operations could face a life-or-death situation during medical emergencies.

“Right now, people feel like ‘taxes’ is a dirty word,” said Warren, a former public school teacher. “But if they connect it to something that they care about, like, ‘Oh, in Johnston County, we have explosive population growth. We need to build a new high school. These amendments would limit our ability to [do that].’ Then they’re like, ‘I’m gonna vote “no” on it.’ We can do that in a five-minute organizing conversation. It doesn’t take much for people to see through the scam.” 

North Carolina’s allegiance to corporations

North Carolina has lost out on almost $18 billion in annual tax revenue since Republicans began overhauling the tax system in 2013. Personal income tax reforms are so regressive that the state’s lowest earners pay more than 10 percent of their income in state and local taxes, while the highest earners pay only six percent. For corporations, the income tax has dropped from seven percent to two percent, the lowest in the nation, and will be phased out completely by 2030. As tax revenue shrinks, so does local governments’ ability to fully fund vital public services.

“Our public services, the things that are supposed to strengthen our communities and support all families in all counties in North Carolina, are being stretched to the limit by the tax cuts,” Frye said. “These amendments want to take that and enshrine it into the [state] constitution.”

Exploitation has marked North Carolina’s economy since the days of chattel slavery. Post-slavery, Black families like my own (in Bertie County) sharecropped for a living well into the 20th century — jobs now carried out by migrant workers who experience poor labor conditions. The Duke family once had a monopoly on the state’s tobacco industry and founded both Duke Energy and Duke University, two institutions notorious for not paying their fair share.

Now the state and some local governments are subsidizing data centers, of which over 60 have been built and at least 30 more are planned or under construction. Under pressure, the state eliminated some tax breaks for data centers in July, but three remaining sales tax subsidies are projected to rob the state of $250 million in revenue annually. Meanwhile, between 2017 to 2024, the average electricity bill of a North Carolina household rose by nearly 30 percent. The state is subsidizing wealthy corporations as regular folks struggle to keep their lights on.

A history of underfunded public schools

On May Day this year, thousands gathered in the capital city, Raleigh, to rally for fully funded schools. Tax cuts have already contributed to the state being ranked last in the country in public school funding by GDP.

Isabell Moore, a coordinator at North Carolina Families for Public Schools (a project of Down Home NC) and a public school parent, said the amendments could be “catastrophic” for public education. North Carolina Families for Public Schools comprises countywide, districtwide and schoolwide teams of volunteer organizers who are calling for equitable, fully funded public schools. These teams are currently circulating a pledge to fund the future for children that includes voting against the amendments, along with measures like fair funding for special education; higher teacher pay; and safe, inclusive schools for all students, including those from immigrant families. 

North Carolina Families for Public Schools had already voted on its 2026 platform when the amendments dropped in May but decided to incorporate them because they stand directly in the way of their goal to win fully funded schools. Their organizers have been tapping into their personal networks to turn people out to vote against the amendments, holding house parties and school-based parties to educate people on the amendments, and more. 

“Everyday working people and public school parents are creative and tough and scrappy,” Moore said. “If we commit to not just voting ‘no’ but also organizing other people in our networks and in our school communities, that’s when we really start to build the power to defeat the amendments.”

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Even public schools in wealthy counties like Durham, home to Duke University (which has a $14.3 billion endowment) and Duke University Health System (which made nearly $766 million in profits last year), are chronically underfunded. The riches of these two tax-exempt nonprofit institutions haven’t trickled down. Among other demands, the Durham Rising coalition—made up of workers, students, and community members—is calling for Duke University to help fund public schools and educator salaries by making a voluntary payment to the local government called a PILOT, or payment in lieu of taxes.

Since the summer, Christy Patterson, vice president of the Durham chapter of the North Carolina Association of Educators, or NCAE, and a middle school teacher for students with disabilities, has been knocking on doors to tell folks the amendments are for billionaires, not everyday people. The NCAE, which functions as a professional organization because North Carolina bans public-sector collective bargaining, is part of the NC Vote Against coalition and was one of the main architects of the “Kids Over Corporations” rally in May.

“Our voters and our community are engaging us in conversation on the doors,” Patterson said. “We’ve had some conversations that really made us think. Constructive friction on the doors is always good because everybody’s not going to say the same thing or think the same. They’re just so ready to open the door and talk to us, so we are grateful for that.”

Organizing for the long run

In a September poll by Elon University, 67 percent of respondents were in favor of the income tax amendment, and 72 percent supported the property tax amendment. Organizers are working hard to turn that tide.

However, even if they don’t get their desired outcome, there is an entire movement that will continue holding North Carolina corporations and wealthy households accountable until they contribute their fair share to the public good. Organizations like the Carolina Federation, Down Home NC, and the NCAE have been engaging in this work for years and are in it for the long haul.

Warren hopes the Fund the Future campaign can help shift the narrative so that people understand that “taxes” aren’t inherently bad but rather a tool for improving quality of life for themselves, their families, and their communities. 

“Through years of listening and campaigning, we know what working people across North Carolina want,” Warren said: well-funded, well-staffed public schools, healthcare access, transportation options and recreation programs for kids, infrastructure for effective disaster response. “When we talk to people about those things, even when they understand that it may involve an increase in taxes for them personally, they support funding those types of programs.”

This article A North Carolina movement asks voters to reject corporate tax breaks was originally published by Waging Nonviolence.

Hungary’s new government is considering replacing Russia’s state nuclear corporation Rosatom as the main contractor for the Paks II nuclear power plant, raising questions about whether Budapest is preparing to break with Moscow or simply seeking more favorable terms for a project already plagued by delays and rising costs.

According to an October 21 Reuters investigation, Prime Minister Péter Magyar’s government has begun exploring alternative suppliers as part of a comprehensive review of the €12.5 billion project, awarded to Rosatom by former Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in 2014.

The uncertainty has reached Rosatom’s leadership. Director General Alexei Likhachev acknowledged on October 23 that the project could either accelerate or be abandoned altogether, adding that the corporation had received no response to its requests for talks with the Hungarian government.

But Bellona nuclear expert Dmitry Gorchakov cautions against interpreting the reports as evidence that Hungary has decided to abandon Rosatom.

“I fear these rumors about a possible replacement, attributed to anonymous sources, are simply part of the debate now taking place indirectly between Hungary’s new government and Rosatom,” he said.

The high cost of breaking with Russia

Paks II involves two Russian-designed VVER-1200 reactors intended to expand Hungary’s nuclear generating capacity. Construction has suffered repeated delays, with the first concrete poured only in February 2026.

By then, Hungary had already spent more than €2 billion on the project, including approximately €1.1 billion paid to Rosatom. Gorchakov says the threat of cancellation may be a negotiating tactic rather than a settled policy.

“Refusing to work with Rosatom would be the most radical measure, one that apparently was not even discussed during the election campaign,” he said. “It may be useful as a bargaining position, but that does not mean it will actually happen.”

He estimates that replacing the Russian contractor could delay construction by another five to ten years—about how long it would take to approve an alternative design and begin building.

There is at least one European precedent for breaking with Rosatom on a major construction project—Finland’s Hanhikivi plant, which Helsinki cancelled in 2022 with the outbreak of the Ukraine war. But unlike Finland, Gorchakov notes, Hungary remains deeply dependent on Rosatom. Its four existing reactors operate on Russian nuclear fuel, while Rosatom is expected to participate in extending their operating lives.

“Breaking relations with Rosatom could involve much more than simply abandoning a new Russian nuclear power plant,” Gorchakov said.

Such a rupture, he added, could trigger litigation, diplomatic disputes—just as Finland’s divorce with Rosatom did.

Geopolitical calculations

Bellona nuclear expert Alexander Nikitin agrees that negotiations over the future of PAKS II may be underway but argues that economic considerations alone cannot determine the outcome.

“Geopolitics will enter into these economic negotiations,” he said. “And that could very well mean Rosatom loses.”

Nikitin believes Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has fundamentally changed how European governments assess long-term dependence on Russian technology.

Building a Russian nuclear power plant establishes relationships with Moscow lasting many decades, encompassing fuel supplies, maintenance, specialized equipment and technical expertise. For countries seeking to reduce Moscow’s influence, those commitments increasingly carry political risks.

“Experience from Ukraine and other countries previously dependent on Rosatom shows that it is possible to replace the corporation at any stage,” Nikitin said. “Of course, the question is how much it costs.”

But he argues that the price of replacing Rosatom must be weighed against the long-term political and strategic costs of maintaining dependence on Russia.

Is there a compromise to be had?

Hungary is already pursuing alternatives to Russian supplies. On October 29, Magyar’s government submitted legislation to formalize a nuclear cooperation agreement with the United States, covering civilian nuclear technology, including small modular reactors.

The agreement, originally signed under Orbán, encourages the use of American technology in future nuclear projects. It does not, however, resolve the question of Paks II.

Gorchakov believes Budapest may ultimately seek a broader compromise, using the project’s future to negotiate better terms with Rosatom while gradually diversifying fuel supplies and reducing Russian involvement in the existing plant.

Rosatom also has reasons to compromise. Paks II remains its only nuclear power plant construction project in the European Union, making its preservation commercially and politically important.

The dispute comes amid continuing uncertainty over the project’s regulatory and environmental future. A September 2025 European Court of Justice ruling annulled the European Commission’s approval of Hungarian state aid, while exceptionally low Danube water levels have raised questions about cooling arrangements for the expanded station.

Gorchakov argues that these concerns should form part of Hungary’s review, alongside the project’s finances.

Hungary’s decision, expected by late 2026 or early 2027, will therefore determine more than the future of two reactors. It will test how far a European country deeply embedded in Russia’s nuclear industry is prepared to go to reduce that dependence.

The post Hungary weighs breaking with Rosatom as nuclear plant build tests Russian influence appeared first on Bellona.org.

“I think the cost-sharing elements are by far probably the most important part of this bill,” Rep. Josh Harder, D-Calif., told Utility Dive. “My hope is that can unlock a lot more collaboration as opposed to ... folks pointing the finger at each other.”

Europa Oil & Gas has announced an extension to the life of its Crosby Warren licence in North Lincolnshire.

The company reported in a statement that the industry regulator, the North Sea Transition Authority (NSTA), had agreed to extend licence DL001 to 18 October 2032.

Interim results, issued by Europa last month, confirmed the licence had been due to expire next year (2027).

Europa has a 100% working interest in the Crosby Warren licence. The licence was issued on 19 October 1987 and now measures 9km2.

NSTA data shows that the first full year of production at Crosby Warren (1988) produced the highest oil volume (15,483m3) in the history of the field.

Source: NSTA

In each of the past three full years, (2023-2025), annual production at Crosby Warren has been below 1,000m3, averaging 483m3 a year.

In 2025, Crosby Warren ranked 26 out of 30 UK producing onshore oil fields for volume. Its contribution to UK onshore oil production in that year was 0.08%.

Last month (September 2026), Europa said a workover operation on the CW-1 well at Crosby Warren was “expected to be concluded imminently”.

American Electric Power’s contracted large loads jumped 22%, to 84 GW, mainly on a 10.4-GW data center in Ohio being developed by SB Energy, company officials said Wednesday.

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With the COP31 climate summit in Turkey looming, all eyes are on China to see what the country will push for in the negotiations.

At COP30 last year, China helped to secure a “dialogue” on climate-related “unilateral trade measures”, as well as a two-year “work programme” concerning climate finance.

The nation also championed south-south cooperation throughout the conference and co-led a summit on methane, alongside Brazil and the UK.

In a recent press conference, China’s environment vice-minister Li Gao noted the need to “uphold multilateralism” and send a “clear political signal” that the global community is united around climate action. 

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Li also pledged to advocate for an “open and efficient” trade system that “facilitates” adoption of clean-energy technologies.

On the more traditional topics of mitigation and finance, Li highlighted the need to “address insufficient emission reduction efforts by developed countries and inadequate financial support” for developing countries.

Carbon Brief asked six leading experts on China what they believe China wants from COP31 and what signals they will be watching for. 

Their responses have been edited for length and clarity.

Article Contents Expand menu

• Kate Logan
• Ma Jun 
• Yao Zhe 
• Prof Ryna Cui 
• Dr Joseph Dellatte 
• Prof Jeremy Wallace 

Kate Logan

Director of the China climate hub and climate diplomacy, Asia Society Policy Institute

In an era where global climate cooperation is severely challenged, China’s top priority at COP31 will be upholding multilateralism. With most “big ticket” items under the Paris Agreement now complete and constrained expectations for major new breakthroughs at COP31, China may be satisfied with a conference that produces no major drama and little else.

Nevertheless, expect China’s vision for multilateralism to have a distinct flavor to it. Chinese officials may again leverage the COP stage to oppose unilateralism and promote an open and fair international trade system, reflecting Beijing’s persistent frustration with tariffs and other measures that have inhibited the global flow of Chinese clean technologies. One question is whether they will do this through existing spaces or push for a dedicated agenda item on trade, given that COP30’s trade outcomes, championed by China, mostly relegated discussions to mid-year technical meetings.

China may also seek clarity on implementation pathways for existing targets, including nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and the $300bn climate finance goal. Amid US withdrawal, officials remain anxious about additional pressure that Beijing may receive. After vice-premier Ding Xuexiang shared at COP29 that China has provided and mobilised over 177bn yuan ($26.5bn) in climate finance for developing countries since 2016, China has refrained from issuing further quantitative updates, while maintaining the imperative for developed countries to take the lead on climate finance. China may be happy to let other developing countries push this agenda while serving as a broker in the end game to ensure its own interests are protected.

Ma Jun 

Founder and director, Institute of Public and Environmental Affairs

I think China wants COP31 to reaffirm confidence in multilateral climate cooperation and translate commitments into action. With the risk of overshooting 1.5C almost unavoidable, I expect China to seek clearer delivery of climate finance for developing countries; encourage reductions in potent, short-lived greenhouse gases such as methane; support a just transition; and highlight trade barriers affecting clean technologies.

I will be watching whether negotiations produce credible plans for delivering finance, particularly for adaptation, as well as practical support for implementing national climate pledges. The climate-trade debate will also matter. Can countries address their differences while keeping renewable energy and other clean technologies affordable and accessible? It will be an important test of whether countries can achieve global energy-transition targets by 2030 and turn shared ambitions into measurable emissions reductions.

Yao Zhe 

Global policy advisor, Greenpeace East Asia

At COP31, I expect a continued push from China to integrate more trade perspectives into the climate negotiations. Beijing’s new five-year plan on climate action envisions a constructive leadership role in global climate governance, specifically calling for the proper handling of climate-trade issues and the free flow of low-carbon products. It will be critical to watch how this grand strategy plays out on the negotiation floor.

I will also be watching how China responds to the COP presidency’s electrification initiative. Beijing increasingly views climate diplomacy through the lens of clean-energy diplomacy – an approach that directly leverages its industrial strength on renewables, electric vehicles (EVs), batteries and grid infrastructure. While China should naturally welcome a global electrification initiative that will lead to larger overseas markets, it likely remains reluctant to link these targets to any commitments regarding transitioning away from fossil fuels.

Prof Ryna Cui 

Associate research professor and research director, University of Maryland Center for Global Sustainability

There isn’t much on the formal negotiation agenda for this year’s COP. The core theme will continue to focus on implementation and delivery, which I think China has strong interests in. This is because of both progress made domestically with the clean energy transition and the overseas economic opportunities to support other countries’ implementation with low-cost Chinese clean technologies. 

One thing exciting for me to watch is that, as China reaches its coal and oil peak, it may open up space for increased interests and leadership in the global “transitioning away from fossil fuels” agenda. This may not happen immediately through formal government negotiations, but more likely through broader bilateral and multilateral engagements. 

As the world navigates options and challenges for the 1.5C overshoot future, China can also contribute critically beyond the energy transition, especially on opportunities for rapid abatement of methane, industrial nitrous oxide, hydrofluorocarbons and other non-CO2 gases as part of its 2035 all-sector, all-greenhouse gas NDC.

Dr Joseph Dellatte 

Resident fellow and head of energy and climate studies, Institut Montaigne

China will likely seek recognition as a climate leader while defending its position as the world’s cleantech manufacturing hub, amid growing trade tensions. I’ll watch whether it continues to frame the global transition primarily around access to Chinese technologies and open markets for its exports, or shows greater willingness to discuss cooperation that shares industrial benefits through local manufacturing, joint ventures and technology sharing. Its delegation and pavilion messaging will reveal how Beijing responds to partners seeking their own place in cleantech value chains.

In the negotiations, I’ll watch whether China accepts greater responsibility for climate ambition while maintaining its leadership role among developing countries, including through additional voluntary climate finance. Electrification will be another test. Will Beijing support commitments linking electrification to cleaner grids and use its influence to bring reluctant fossil-fuel producers on board?

Prof Jeremy Wallace 

A Doak Barnett professor of China studies, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies 

China seems to hold many cards in the notional game of global climate leadership. Its firms have innovated and scaled up production to make solar, batteries and EVs cost-competitive with or cheaper than fossil alternatives. It has led in deployment of these technologies. 

Yet, in preparation for COP31, China seems more interested in fighting battles abroad about “unfair” tariffs on these products than about demonstrating their effectiveness by accelerating adoption of the green-tech revolution at home. China’s renewables buildout has slowed dramatically in 2026, while new coal power and coal chemical facilities continue to be built. The Chinese government has restricted firms from taking their best manufacturing innovations out of the country when building factories abroad. 

Climate leadership is up for grabs. I’m watching to see if Beijing will play its cards and show that they are a winning hand.

Related Analysis: China’s clean-tech exports in 2026 to avoid as much CO2 as Brazil emits in a year 29.10.2026 China policy Chart: A record two-thirds of car sales in China are now electric vehicles 23.10.2026 China policy Interactive: What China’s dozens of ‘five-year plans’ say about climate and energy 24.09.2026 China policy Analysis: China’s CO2 emissions fall in Q2 2026 due to plummeting oil use 03.09.2026 Emissions

The post Experts: What China wants from the COP31 climate talks appeared first on Carbon Brief.

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit said Texas has a “free lane” to enforce restrictions on foreign-owned companies’ access to the state’s electric grid in a ruling that could have implications for other states and market participants.

Two FirstEnergy utilities reserved combined-cycle turbines for a 1.2-GW data center-focused project in West Virginia and issued a solicitation for an additional 3 GW, company officials said.

Shell’s latest financial results reveal a striking contrast: a multibillion-dollar reassessment of a European biogas investment, a substantial increase in the accounting value of an LNG-related asset, and another $5 billion earmarked for share buybacks. What does this tell shareholders about the company’s energy-transition strategy?

By John Donovan — 29 October 2026

Shell plc has today announced third-quarter adjusted earnings of $10.814 billion, almost double the $5.432 billion recorded for the corresponding quarter in 2025.

Income attributable to shareholders reached $12.057 billion, while operating cash flow amounted to $21.043 billion.

These are impressive figures by almost any corporate standard.

But buried within Shell’s newly released financial statements are two disclosures that deserve particular attention.

The first concerns a $2.116 billion impairment of a European biogas asset.

The second concerns a $1.787 billion reversal of a previous impairment associated with a North American Integrated Gas asset, linked to changes in commercial terms and the final investment decision on LNG Canada Phase 2.

One investment has been written down substantially. Another has seen its recognised value increase.

The contrast raises an important question: what do Shell’s latest accounting decisions reveal about the commercial realities behind its energy-transition ambitions?

The $2.116 billion biogas write-down

On page 31 of its third-quarter financial statements, Shell discloses that it recognised total pre-tax impairments of $2.543 billion during the quarter.

Of that amount, $2.116 billion related to a European biogas asset within its Marketing business.

Shell attributes the impairment principally to a reassessment of management expectations concerning the speed of market development and the associated realisation of value.

In straightforward terms, Shell has concluded that the asset’s recoverable value is substantially lower than previously recognised.

The company has not identified the particular European biogas asset in this disclosure. It would therefore be inappropriate to attribute the charge conclusively to a named facility or subsidiary without further evidence.

That qualification does not diminish the significance of the announcement.

Biogas and renewable natural gas have featured prominently in Shell’s efforts to diversify beyond conventional fossil fuels.

Such investments have been presented as opportunities to use existing gas infrastructure while serving customers seeking lower-carbon alternatives.

Yet the latest impairment suggests that, at least for the asset concerned, commercial expectations have fallen materially.

The charge does not necessarily represent $2.116 billion in cash lost during this quarter. An impairment is an accounting recognition that an asset’s carrying value exceeds its recoverable amount.

Nevertheless, it is a substantial acknowledgement that previous assumptions about future value have changed.

Shareholders are entitled to ask how those assumptions were developed, what caused them to change, and whether further reassessments might follow.

Meanwhile, LNG Canada gains $1.787 billion in recognised value

The contrasting disclosure concerns LNG Canada.

Shell reports that impairment reversals recognised during the third quarter totalled $1.801 billion before tax.

Almost the entire amount — $1.787 billion — relates to a North American asset within its Integrated Gas business.

According to Shell, the reversal was triggered by revised commercial terms and the final investment decision taken on LNG Canada Phase 2 during the third quarter.

A reversal of an impairment means that an asset’s recoverable value has increased sufficiently to justify reversing part of an earlier write-down, subject to applicable accounting limits.

It is not equivalent to receiving $1.787 billion in cash.

Nevertheless, the financial message is significant.

While Shell has lowered the recognised value of a European biogas investment, it has increased the recognised value of an asset associated with a major LNG development.

The LNG Canada Phase 2 investment decision, taken in September 2026, is itself substantial.

According to Shell, the expansion will increase the project’s annual production capacity from 14 million tonnes to 28 million tonnes.

Shell holds a 40% interest and expects to receive nearly six million additional tonnes of LNG annually from the expansion. Commercial operations are expected to begin in the early 2030s.

That represents a long-term commitment to natural gas infrastructure.

The two accounting adjustments concern different assets, markets and commercial circumstances. They should not be treated as a direct measure of the relative profitability of biogas and LNG across Shell’s entire portfolio.

But taken together, they provide a revealing snapshot of where important commercial expectations have strengthened — and where they have weakened.

Another $5 billion for shareholders

Against this background, Shell has announced a further $5 billion share-buyback programme, expected to be completed by the fourth-quarter 2026 results announcement.

During the third quarter, shareholder distributions totalled approximately $5.3 billion, comprising $3.2 billion in share repurchases and $2.2 billion in cash dividends.

Shell also reported:

• Adjusted earnings: $10.814 billion
• Income attributable to shareholders: $12.057 billion
• Operating cash flow: $21.043 billion
• Free cash flow: $16.322 billion
• Net debt: $39.7 billion, compared with $41.8 billion at the end of the preceding quarter

These figures illustrate the continuing financial strength of Shell’s operations.

They also sharpen the debate about capital allocation.

Shareholders must assess whether management is directing capital towards investments capable of delivering sustainable long-term returns, rather than merely pursuing businesses that appear attractive under a particular political or commercial climate.

For an oil and gas company navigating the energy transition, that challenge is especially important.

This is not Shell’s first bioenergy disappointment

The latest biogas impairment should not be considered in isolation.

In its third-quarter results, Shell also refers to an impairment recognised during the equivalent quarter of 2025, principally associated with its decision not to restart construction of the planned biofuels facility at the Shell Energy and Chemicals Park Rotterdam.

That earlier episode involved a different project and different commercial considerations.

Nevertheless, both developments illustrate the financial challenges that can arise when large energy-transition investments confront changing market assumptions.

Shell is not alone in facing those challenges.

The development of lower-carbon energy markets depends on regulatory arrangements, customer demand, infrastructure, technology, competitive conditions and the availability of commercially viable returns.

But Shell’s size, resources and influence make its investment decisions particularly consequential.

When management commits billions to emerging energy businesses, shareholders are entitled to expect rigorous scrutiny of the assumptions supporting those commitments.

When those assumptions change, the reasons should be explained transparently.

The distinction between adjusted earnings and reported profits

There is another important accounting consideration.

Shell’s preferred measure of adjusted earnings excludes identified items such as certain impairments, impairment reversals, divestment gains and other adjustments.

Consequently, the headline adjusted earnings figure of $10.814 billion does not measure the full effect of every accounting development during the quarter.

The biogas charge and LNG-related reversal are reflected in the company’s statutory financial reporting, but excluded from adjusted earnings through Shell’s reconciliation process.

That approach is not inherently improper. Adjusted earnings are commonly used to compare underlying operating performance between reporting periods.

However, readers should examine both adjusted and statutory results.

A multibillion-dollar impairment remains financially meaningful even when excluded from a company’s preferred performance measure.

Equally, an impairment reversal should not be mistaken for recurring operating earnings.

What Shell’s own disclosures tell us

For readers of The Shell Leaks Files and the Independent Shell Archive, the significance of these disclosures extends beyond one quarterly reporting period.

Our historical investigations have repeatedly examined the relationship between Shell’s public representations, internal commercial assessments and subsequent developments.

The Sakhalin-2 documentary record demonstrates why it is important to preserve contemporaneous evidence of what companies expected, what actually happened, and how management explained the differences.

The present circumstances are not evidence of wrongdoing or a repetition of the Sakhalin controversy.

They are, however, another example of why the company’s original financial disclosures deserve permanent preservation and careful analysis.

The figures published on 29 October 2026 provide a verifiable reference point against which future management explanations can be assessed.

Several questions arise:

First, which European biogas asset accounts for the $2.116 billion impairment, and what changes in market expectations produced such a substantial revision?

Second, how much of the LNG-related valuation improvement arises from revised commercial arrangements, and how much from the decision to proceed with Phase 2?

Third, what do these developments imply for Shell’s remaining investments in biogas, biofuels and other lower-carbon businesses?

Fourth, how does management reconcile these commercial developments with its longer-term energy-transition strategy?

These are legitimate questions for shareholders, analysts and the wider public.

They do not imply that Shell has concealed information or breached its reporting obligations.

They arise directly from the company’s published figures.

A revealing moment in Shell’s energy transition

Shell’s third-quarter results demonstrate that the company continues to generate substantial earnings and cash flow.

They also demonstrate that the value of particular energy-transition investments can change dramatically as commercial expectations evolve.

The biogas impairment suggests significant disappointment in the anticipated economics of one European asset.

The LNG Canada impairment reversal reflects more favourable expectations for an asset associated with a major expansion of natural gas production capacity.

The contrast is noteworthy.

Shell’s energy transition cannot be judged solely by corporate statements of ambition. It must also be judged by investment decisions, asset valuations, capital expenditure and the eventual financial and environmental outcomes.

The company’s own financial reporting provides some of the most important evidence.

And today’s figures offer another reminder that the distinction between an attractive corporate narrative and a commercially successful investment can be measured in billions of dollars.

The central question is not whether Shell remains profitable. Clearly, it does. The question is whether its evolving portfolio demonstrates that the energy-transition investments promoted to shareholders are delivering the commercial results originally anticipated.

That is a question worth continuing to investigate.

Principal sources and further reading

Primary corporate disclosures

Shell plc — Third Quarter 2026 and Nine Months Unaudited Results, published 29 October 2026

The principal source for all financial figures, impairment charges, impairment reversals, portfolio developments and share repurchases discussed above. See particularly the financial statement notes on page 31.

Shell plc — Third Quarter 2026 Results Announcement

Shell’s official results announcement and investor information.

Shell — Third Quarter 2026 Update Note, 7 October 2026

Shell’s earlier trading update, providing useful context for comparing preliminary expectations with the final quarterly results.

Previous independent reporting

Shell’s Latest SEC Filing Reveals the Contradictions of Its Energy Transition: Refining Profits, Carbon Costs and Biogas Write-Downs — 8 October 2026

Earlier coverage of Shell’s third-quarter outlook and the emerging biogas impairment issue.

Shell’s Green Future Moves to China Just as Its German Battery Dream Goes Bust — 25 October 2026

Related examination of Shell’s lower-carbon investment portfolio.

Editorial note: This article is based principally on Shell plc’s unaudited third-quarter financial statements published on 29 October 2026. The accounting figures and explanations attributed to Shell are drawn from its own disclosures. Commentary concerning the implications for investment strategy and shareholders represents independent editorial analysis. This article does not allege accounting misconduct or regulatory violations. The financial results are company-issued primary disclosures; their status as a new SEC EDGAR filing has not been independently established.

Shell plc is invited to provide factual corrections or additional explanations, including identification of the European biogas asset concerned and further details of the commercial assumptions underpinning the impairment and LNG-related reversal. Any substantive response will be considered for publication.

Shell’s $10.8 Billion Profit Bonanza: A $2.1 Billion Biogas Write-Down as LNG Canada Gains $1.8 Billion in Value was first posted on October 29, 2026 at 1:06 pm.
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Compostable plastics are touted as a greener alternative to conventional petroleum-based plastics that can linger in the environment for centuries. But there’s a catch. Degradable plastics only break down in the right conditions typically found in a composting facility. The tons of compostable plastic that ends up in oceans can still float around for decades and threaten marine life and ecosystems.

Researchers have found a way for plastics to break down much faster in the ocean. They embedded tiny amounts of plastic-degrading enzymes in compostable polyester plastics. The enzyme-containing polyesters completely degraded in a relatively short time period even in microbe-scarce environments.

The method works at all depths from coastal waters to the deep open sea, the researchers report in the journal Nature.

There are many types of biodegradable plastics in commercial use today. These plastics are designed to decompose completely by microorganisms at certain temperatures and humidities. Those conditions are found in industrial composting facilities and with more care in backyard compost settings. But out in cold ocean water, biodegradable plastics can persist for a long time.

The research team from Japan took four types of compostable plastic—PBS, PBSA, PCL, and PBAT—and melted them. The heat of the melt would destroy plastic-degrading enzymes. So the researchers made freeze-dried forms of Candida antarctica lipase B and Humicola insolens cutinase enzymes. They added the enzymes to the melts at very low concentrations ranging from 0.1–3% by weight.

 

.IRPP_ruby , .IRPP_ruby .postImageUrl , .IRPP_ruby .centered-text-area {height: auto;position: relative;}.IRPP_ruby , .IRPP_ruby:hover , .IRPP_ruby:visited , .IRPP_ruby:active {border:0!important;}.IRPP_ruby .clearfix:after {content: "";display: table;clear: both;}.IRPP_ruby {display: block;transition: background-color 250ms;webkit-transition: background-color 250ms;width: 100%;opacity: 1;transition: opacity 250ms;webkit-transition: opacity 250ms;background-color: #eaeaea;}.IRPP_ruby:active , .IRPP_ruby:hover {opacity: 1;transition: opacity 250ms;webkit-transition: opacity 250ms;background-color: inherit;}.IRPP_ruby .postImageUrl {background-position: center;background-size: cover;float: left;margin: 0;padding: 0;width: 31.59%;position: absolute;top: 0;bottom: 0;}.IRPP_ruby .centered-text-area {float: right;width: 65.65%;padding:0;margin:0;}.IRPP_ruby .centered-text {display: table;height: 130px;left: 0;top: 0;padding:0;margin:0;padding-top: 20px;padding-bottom: 20px;}.IRPP_ruby .IRPP_ruby-content {display: table-cell;margin: 0;padding: 0 74px 0 0px;position: relative;vertical-align: middle;width: 100%;}.IRPP_ruby .ctaText {border-bottom: 0 solid #fff;color: #0099cc;font-size: 14px;font-weight: bold;letter-spacing: normal;margin: 0;padding: 0;font-family:'Arial';}.IRPP_ruby .postTitle {color: #000000;font-size: 16px;font-weight: 600;letter-spacing: normal;margin: 0;padding: 0;font-family:'Arial';}.IRPP_ruby .ctaButton {background: url(https://www.anthropocenemagazine.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts-pro/assets/images/next-arrow.png)no-repeat;background-color: #afb4b6;background-position: center;display: inline-block;height: 100%;width: 54px;margin-left: 10px;position: absolute;bottom:0;right: 0;top: 0;}.IRPP_ruby:after {content: "";display: block;clear: both;}Recommended Reading:Ocean microbes may be developing taste for plastic pollution

 

Then the researchers shaped the materials into films and microbeads. After sealing the samples in a polyethylene meshes, they placed the meshes at various locations off the coast of Tokyo, ranging in water depths from 2–6 m to 5,503 m. They monitored the samples over periods ranging from one month to 18 months.

At 757 m, PBS, PBSA and PCL films containing 3% cutinase nearly completely disappeared within five months. Films of those three plastics containing only 0.1 wt% cutinase lost 27.4%, 100% and 85.5% of their mass, respectively, in 1 month. But PBAT was more resistant, losing just over 12% under the same conditions.

Enzyme-free samples barely degraded. And enzyme-containing plastics also showed moderate biodegradation on the cold floor of the deepest test site. Meanwhile, microbeads embedded with 0.1 wt% cutinase formed visible pores and cracks within 2 weeks in coastal seawater.

“These results demonstrate enzyme embedding as a material-level strategy to enhance the environmental degradability of the compostable polyesters…across diverse marine environments without compromising their mechanical properties,” the researchers write.

Source: QiuYuan Huang et al. Enzyme-embedded polyesters for accelerated biodegradation in the deep sea. Nature, 2026.

©Anthropocene Magazine

A temporary shortage of meter components should be fully resolved by the end of the year, the electrical equipment supplier said in its third-quarter earnings call.