EarthBlog

The headlines are inescapable: In Washington D.C., generations-long environmental rules are currently under assault. Industry-friendly officials and lawmakers seem intent on enriching multibillion dollar corporations while lowering life expectancies for thousands of Americans.

These efforts are as concerning as they are morally reprehensible. Thankfully, some of the impact is limited. States are in charge of developing and implementing their own rules intended to limit harmful emissions from polluting industries. 

In Colorado, this important responsibility falls on the Air Pollution Control Division (APCD). The staff at APCD:

• Grant and enforce permits for polluting facilities
• Monitor and model various air pollutants
• Craft policy and programs intended to reduce emissions of those pollutants
• And respond to public concerns about air quality issues. 

Due to the successful advocacy of Colorado communities fighting for changes to policy and legislation, APCD staff have also taken on additional responsibilities in recent years. The APCD must now provide expanded regulatory oversight of dangerous air toxics like benzene. They must advance environmental justice when developing and when enforcing air quality rules. And they must respond to community air quality complaints rapidly and with thorough, on-the-ground inspections.

All of this work is essential. It is also costly, in part because much of it remains unfinished. For instance, we recently highlighted significant improvements in responsiveness from APCD enforcement staff when we share evidence of harmful oil and gas pollution with the agency. Maintaining and building on these improvements requires sustained investment in staff capacity and resources for years to come. 

(Top) Gas plant in Weld County. (Bottom) Optical gas imaging (OGI) video showing significant hydrocarbon emissions including methane and other harmful volatile organic compounds from permitted venting from the facility’s compressors.

Fortunately, the state of Colorado is making these investments. In late May, the Air Quality Control Commission in Colorado unanimously approved a fee increase on polluters that will generate an additional $13.5 million to help fund the APCD. 

This means that polluters are footing the bill for advancing environmental justice and regulating air toxics, not Coloradans.

Colorado’s fee increase follows a historic fee increase in New Mexico. Regulators in New Mexico can now invest in new staff and resources to hold oil and gas companies accountable for their pollution. 

The federal government is stepping back from a commitment to protecting communities and the environment from polluting industries. States like Colorado and New Mexico have an even greater responsibility to demonstrate leadership and take action. Ensuring that regulatory agencies have the resources to enforce air quality rules is essential for this important work.

The post In Colorado, Polluting Just Got More Expensive appeared first on Earthworks.

This Hilcorp oil and gas well site is less than 900 feet from the Dzilth-Na-O-Dith-Hle Community School serving K-8 Navajo students.

New Mexico’s Oil Conservation Commission voted [Friday / DAY OF WEEK] to adopt the strongest standards in the country for making oil companies pay to clean up after themselves.

This win was years in the making and it belongs to every New Mexican who spoke up, showed up, or signed on.

[Add if results are MIXED]The final rules do not include all of the strongest safeguards that were proposed by community and environmental groups. They do include meaningful improvements that will help address the growing risks posed by inactive and abandoned oil and gas wells across the state.

What Happened and Why It Matters

Last fall, Earthworks published a blog laying out the scope of the problem: oil and gas companies in New Mexico were routinely walking away from low-producing wells without cleaning them up. Abandoned wells, when left poorly or improperly plugged, can continuously release toxic air pollution, contaminate soil and water supplies. And what’s more, abandoned wells in the state leave taxpayers exposed to anywhere from $700 million to $8 billion in future cleanup costs. Under the old rules, a single operator could own thousands of wells and post as little as $250,000 total. This is a tiny amount when the average cost to plug a single well is $163,000.

The Oil Conservation Commission just changed that.

The updated rules:

• raise bonding to $150,000 per well for high risk operations; 
• strengthen rules about transfers ownership of wells;
• require low-producing “marginal” wells to prove a useful purpose or be properly plugged;
• and tighten inactive well rules so that these can no longer remain indefinitely without cleanup plans.

These changes mark a fundamental shift in who is responsible for the cleanup cost of oil and gas extraction in New Mexico. 

The companies that profit from extraction will now be responsible for paying for cleaning up their own mess.

Earthworks’ New Mexico Lead Campaigner, Mandy Sackett, surveys an oil and gas site near Maljamar, NM.

What Earthworks Sees in the Field

Earthworks was motivated to fight to change these rules by what we see firsthand in the oil and gas fields through our optical gas imaging camera. 

No spreadsheet or data can make the case for a change to these rules like the video evidence we capture at well site after well site, often right next to schools, homes and communities.

At one low-producing Hilcorp site near Counselor, Earthworks’ Indigenous Community Field Advocate has repeatedly found continuous emissions from multiple different sources: the tank vent, the sump area, and a horizontal separator. That site sits 900 feet from a K-8 school serving Navajo students.

The video clip above shows three sources of emissions at the well site near the Dzilth-Na-O-Dith-Hle Community School, from the vent stack on the separator, the tank vent and the sump area produced water tank.

At another low-producing Permian Resources site in Carlsbad, I found uncontrolled emissions from an improperly functioning flare a few hundred yards from an elementary school.

You can’t say the system is working when you can literally see methane and harmful gases and chemicals pouring into the sky through the optical gas imaging camera.

The hearing process drew a lot of public testimony from frontline Diné community leaders, health advocates, ranchers, and residents across the state. The polling confirms what the comment record showed: 89% of New Mexicans support requiring corporations to pay to clean up the wells they drill.

The Stakes Are Real Earthworks has documented this oil and gas site with multiple sources of emissions on numerous occasions, just 900 feet from the Dzilth-Na-O-Dith-Hle Community School serving K-8 Navajo students.

The Commission’s decision comes as the federal government moves in the opposite direction. The Trump administration is working to roll back environmental protections, revisit federal bonding rules set in the Biden-era, and expand drilling on public lands. 

With these rules, New Mexico joins a small group of states that have actually aligned bonding requirements with real-world cleanup costs, and done so in a way that’s risk-based, not one-size-fits-all. The rules target risky behavior, not small operators. 

Every company that profits from New Mexico’s land and resources should be prepared to clean up after itself.

Thank You

To the Oil Conservation Commission, the Oil Conservation Division, and the State Land Office: thank you for listening to New Mexicans and adopting rules that prioritize our water, our health, and our communities over the status quo.

To the coalition partners, the frontline voices, the public commenters, and the advocates who showed up across months of hearings: this win belongs to all of us. We’re not done, but today is a real step forward.

The post New Mexico Just Set One of the Strongest Oil and Gas Cleanup Standards in the Country appeared first on Earthworks.

As the world observes World Environment Day 2026, global attention is increasingly focused on the urgent need for climate action and environmental protection. This year’s theme, “Inspired by Nature. For Climate. For Our Future,” highlights that climate action is not only about reducing carbon emissions, but also rethinking the systems that shape economies, industries, and the relationship between people and the planet. 

In the Dominican Republic, the growing environmental crisis surrounding the Hatillo Reservoir in Cotuí has become a stark example of these challenges. Today, communities once again call attention to recent water contamination, and to demand remediation measures and stronger environmental protections. Their message is clear: protecting the Hatillo Reservoir is not only an environmental priority, but a social and economic necessity.

Communities Sound the Alarm

As the largest freshwater reservoir in the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean, the Hatillo Reservoir is vital for agriculture, ecosystems, and water supply to downstream communities. Yet decades of sediment buildup and the lack of proper maintenance of its dam have contributed to worsening environmental degradation, placing public health and local livelihoods increasingly at risk.

Multiple potential sources of contamination have already been identified, including agricultural runoff and industrial activities. There are three active mines located within the watershed flowing into the reservoir. The Comité Nuevo Renacer (CNR), representing five impacted communities – La Cerca, La Piñita, Las Lagunas, Jobo Claro, and Jurungo – are fighting to be relocated away from industrial mining activities, and argue the numerous potential sources of contamination and associated cumulative environmental impacts reflect a broader trend of environmental management failures in the area. 

Testing Shows Serious Risks 

Public concern intensified in December 2025, when residents living in communities surrounding the reservoir began sharing alarming photos and videos on social media showing that the water had turned a bright green color.  In response, the Ministry of Environment carried out water testing and issued a statement attributing the change in water color to an algae bloom.

Subsequent microbiological studies conducted between December 2025 and January 2026 by the Institute of Microbiology and Parasitology (IMPA) at the Autonomous University of Santo Domingo (UASD), alongside analyses from Franja Laboratory, revealed alarming findings. The results shared publicly by journalist Nairobi Viloria on the programme “Te lo explico” and later reported by Diario Libre, identified high concentrations of bacteria associated with faecal contamination, indicating serious sanitary risks.

The studies also detected Microcystis species, a type of bacteria linked to excessive algae blooms leading to oxygen depletion that can produce potent toxins harmful to human health, livestock, and aquatic life. In addition, other types of microalgae were identified that signal nutrient-rich waters, high organic loads, and ecological imbalance. Together, these findings suggest a reservoir undergoing progressive environmental deterioration. Elevated nitrogen and phosphorus levels were also recorded contributing to harmful algae blooms.

Water in the Presa de Hatillo still has a green tint six months after the initial algae bloom. Credit: Ramón Ventura Heavy Metals Also Present 

Further analysis by Franja Labs revealed elevated concentrations of heavy metals and toxic substances, including nickel, total chromium, manganese, sulphates, and cyanide, with some exceeding established safety thresholds. These results point to multiple pollution sources, likely including mining activities, industrial discharge, agricultural runoff, and urban waste. 

Particularly concerning were nickel levels reaching up to 1,613 mg/L, far above the permissible limit of 0.1 mg/L for surface waters intended to support aquatic life. A 2025 paper published in Environmental Science and Pollution Research also reported elevated levels of copper, arsenic, antimony, aluminum, cobalt, and zinc in the Hatillo Reservoir. 

After reviewing the results tested at Franja Labs, the Dominican Association of Chemical Engineers issued a 20-page report expressing significant concerns over the water quality results and recommending continuous monitoring and testing, including of sediment at the bottom the reservoir, and reclassifying the water quality. 

The Academy of Sciences of the Dominican Republic also issued a public statement urging authorities to take immediate action. According to the statement, the greenish coloration observed in the reservoir may result from a combination of factors, including the intensive use of fertilisers and agrochemicals, the influx of organic matter, reduced water levels during prolonged drought periods, and possible discharges from nearby mining operations.

Communities Respond to Contamination

Beyond the scientific evidence, the environmental crisis surrounding the Hatillo Reservoir has sparked a strong civic response. Residents of Cotuí have mobilised to demand immediate action, voicing concern over the potential toxicity of the reservoir and its impact on health, livelihoods and the environment.

In March 2026, community members gathered nightly in the town park for candlelight vigils culminating in a large popular march on March  20th. Months later, they are still calling for environmental justice and urgent action to protect and restore the Hatillo Reservoir as a vital source of freshwater for the future.  

The post Communities in the Dominican Republic Call for Environmental Accountability on World Environment Day appeared first on Earthworks.

Mientras el mundo celebra el Día Mundial del Medio Ambiente de 2026, la atención global se centra cada vez más en la urgente necesidad de tomar medidas contra el cambio climático y la protección del medio ambiente. El tema de este año, “Inspirado por la Naturaleza. Por el Clima. Por Nuestro Futuro,” destaca que la acción climática no solo consiste en reducir las emisiones de carbono, sino también en replantearse los sistemas que dan forma a las economías, las industrias y la relación entre las personas y el planeta.

En la República Dominicana, la creciente crisis medioambiental en torno al embalse de Hatillo, en Cotuí, se ha convertido en un claro ejemplo de estos retos. Hoy, las comunidades hacen de nuevo un llamado sobre la reciente contaminación del agua y exigen medidas de remediación y una mayor protección medioambiental. Su mensaje es claro: proteger el embalse de Hatillo no es solo una prioridad medioambiental, sino una necesidad social y económica.

Las comunidades dan la voz de alarma

Conocido como el mayor embalse de agua dulce de la República Dominicana y el Caribe, el Hatillo es vital para la agricultura, los ecosistemas y el suministro de agua a las comunidades situadas aguas abajo. Sin embargo, décadas de acumulación de sedimentos y la falta de un mantenimiento adecuado han contribuido a agravar la degradación ambiental, poniendo cada vez más en riesgo la salud pública y los medios de vida locales.

La preocupación pública se intensificó en diciembre de 2025, cuando los residentes de las comunidades situadas alrededor del embalse comenzaron a compartir alarmantes fotos y vídeos en las redes sociales que mostraban que el agua había adquirido un color verde brillante. En respuesta, el Ministerio de Medio Ambiente llevó a cabo análisis del agua y emitió un comunicado en el que atribuía el cambio de color del agua a una proliferación de algas.

Se han identificado múltiples fuentes posibles de contaminación, incluyendo efluentes agrícolas  y actividades industriales. Hay tres minas en operación situadas dentro de la cuenca hidrográfica que desemboca en el embalse. El Comité Nuevo Renacer (CNR), que representa a cinco comunidades afectadas —La Cerca, La Piñita, Las Lagunas, Jobo Claro y Jurungo— ha abogado por el reasentamiento lejos de las actividades mineras y sostiene que las numerosas fuentes potenciales de contaminación y los impactos ambientales asociados reflejan grandes deficiencias en la gestión medioambiental de la zona. 

Los análisis revelan graves riesgos

Los estudios microbiológicos posteriores realizados entre diciembre de 2025 y enero de 2026 por el Instituto de Microbiología y Parasitología (IMPA) de la Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo (UASD), junto con los análisis del Laboratorio Franja, revelaron hallazgos alarmantes. Los resultados, difundidos públicamente por la periodista Nairobi Viloria en el programa “Te lo explico” y posteriormente diseminados por Diario Libre, identificaron altas concentraciones de bacterias asociadas a la contaminación fecal, lo que indica graves riesgos sanitarios.

Los estudios también detectaron especies de Microcystis, un tipo de bacteria relacionada con la proliferación excesiva de algas que provoca la depleción de oxígeno y puede producir potentes toxinas perjudiciales para la salud humana, el ganado y la vida acuática. Además, se identificaron otros tipos de microalgas que indican aguas ricas en nutrientes, altas cargas orgánicas y desequilibrio ecológico. En conjunto, estos hallazgos sugieren que el embalse está sufriendo un deterioro ambiental progresivo. También se registraron niveles elevados de nitrógeno y fósforo, lo que contribuye a la proliferación de algas nocivas.

También hay metales pesados

Un análisis del Laboratorio Franja reveló concentraciones elevadas de metales pesados y sustancias tóxicas, entre ellas níquel, cromo total, manganeso, sulfatos y cianuro, algunas de las cuales superan los umbrales de seguridad establecidos. Estos resultados apuntan a múltiples fuentes de contaminación, entre las que probablemente se incluyen actividades mineras, vertidos industriales, escorrentías agrícolas y residuos urbanos. 

Resulta particularmente preocupante los niveles de níquel, que alcanzan hasta 1.613 mg/L, muy por encima del límite permisible de 0,1 mg/L para aguas superficiales destinadas a sustentar la vida acuática. Un artículo de 2025 publicado enEnvironmental Science and Pollution Research también informó sobre niveles elevados de cobre, arsénico, antimonio, aluminio, cobalto y zinc en el embalse de Hatillo.

Tras revisar los resultados analizados por el Laboratorio Franja, la Asociación Dominicana de Ingenieros Químicos publicó un informe de 20 páginas en el que expresaba su profunda preocupación por los resultados de la calidad del agua y recomendaba un seguimiento y análisis continuos, incluyendo los sedimentos del fondo del embalse, así como la reclasificación de la calidad del agua.

La Academia de Ciencias de la República Dominicana también emitió una declaración pública instando a las autoridades a tomar medidas inmediatas. Según la declaración, la coloración verdosa observada en el embalse puede deberse a una combinación de factores, entre ellos el uso intensivo de fertilizantes y agroquímicos, la afluencia de materia orgánica, la reducción de los niveles de agua durante períodos prolongados de sequía y posibles vertidos procedentes de operaciones mineras cercanas.

El agua del Embalse de Hatillo sigue con un color verdoso seis meses después de la primera proliferación de algas. Crédito: Ramón Ventura Las comunidades responden a la contaminación

Más allá de las pruebas científicas, la crisis medioambiental en torno al embalse de Hatillo ha provocado una fuerte respuesta ciudadana. Los residentes de Cotuí se han movilizado para exigir medidas inmediatas, expresando su preocupación por la posible toxicidad del embalse y su impacto en la salud, los medios de vida y el medio ambiente.En marzo de 2026, los miembros de la comunidad se reunieron cada noche en el parque del pueblo para celebrar vigilias a la luz de las velas, que culminaron en una gran marcha popular el 20 de marzo.  Meses después, siguen haciendo un llamado por la justicia medioambiental y medidas urgentes para proteger y restaurar el embalse de Hatillo, como una fuente vital de agua dulce para el futuro.

The post Con motivo del Día Mundial del Medio Ambiente, las comunidades de la República Dominicana reclaman responsabilidad ambiental appeared first on Earthworks.

With the official start to hurricane season right around the corner, people living in the path of hurricanes are experiencing rain, wind and stormy weather. These communities are no strangers to the full extent of damage caused by destructive weather. Many have lost everything to storms and are still building their lives back after throwing away all of their belongings, boarding up broken windows, buying generators and living out of hotel rooms. 

Meanwhile, the fossil fuel industry is making more money than ever before. Six of the world’s biggest fossil fuel companies that are driving the climate crisis – Chevron, Shell, BP, ConocoPhillips, Exxon and TotalEnergies – are on track to make almost $3,000 in profits every single second this year, according to a new report, as households across the world grapple with soaring energy prices and inflation, which are driving a cost-of-living crisis.

The climate crisis increases global temperatures. Rising temperatures mean hurricanes that form have the potential to bring stronger winds and heavier rain, which, in turn, means more damage. But it’s not just the fossil fuel industry that is making storms worse. Oil and gas companies cannot build their destructive projects without the same corporations that hold significant power over our financial security and daily lives: insurers, banks and investors.

Insurers

Just like how we can’t drive a car or buy a house without insurance, oil and gas corporations can’t build or operate new projects without insurance. Insurance giants like Chubb, Liberty Mutual and AIG provide insurance to fossil fuel companies so more destructive projects can be built. Insurers also take the money we pay for car, health and life insurance and invest it in fossil fuel companies. It’s estimated that insurance companies have more than $534 billion invested in coal, oil, and gas companies.

Insurers know the climate crisis is happening now and that they’re on the hook to pay for the damage it’s causing. But instead of ditching fossil fuels, they’re withdrawing coverage for communities in disaster-prone areas. In Louisiana, insurance is becoming harder to find and difficult to afford. Massive claims from Hurricane Katrina and Hurricane Rita drove large national insurance companies to scale back their coverage and remaining companies to jack up rates. Homeowners in New Orleans saw their premiums double, with some required to pay an extra $3,000 per year. After Louisiana was hit by Hurricanes Laura, Delta, Ida, and Zeta, a dozen insurers became insolvent and many others left the state. We pay more and get less protection. They do business “as usual.”

Banks

Similar to a car loan or mortgage, banks lend fossil fuel companies money that must be repaid over time with interest. Banks also give companies revolving loans or lines of credit that companies can draw from as needed, kind of like a credit card. They also help companies raise money by facilitating the sale of stocks and bonds to investors, a process called underwriting.

In 2024, the warmest year on record, JP Morgan Chase was the world’s top fossil fuel financier for the year, with $53.5 billion in fossil fuel financing. Bank of America rose two ranks to become the second biggest financier of fossil fuels globally. Over two-thirds of banks covered in the Banking on Climate Chaos report (45 banks) increased their fossil fuel financing from 2023 to 2024, with Citigroup, JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America, and Barclays each financing over $12 billion more than last year.

Investors 

Investors provide the funding for fossil fuel projects by purchasing the stocks and bonds that companies issue. Institutional investors hold more than $1.6 trillion in shares and bonds across companies planning major petrochemical expansions in the U.S. Vanguard is the largest investor in fossil fuels worldwide, with $444 billion invested across the sector. The new Toxic Finance report found just five investors control nearly one-third (31%) of companies leading the U.S. petrochemical expansion: Vanguard, BlackRock, State Street, Capital Group, and Berkshire Hathaway.

Storms didn’t used to be this bad. It didn’t get this hot so soon. Wildfires weren’t this frequent. In fact, a new report from the UN states that the next five years are projected to be the hottest on record. Fossil fuel companies and the institutions that finance them know this, yet they won’t stop injecting their client’s money into projects that continue sacrificing communities for short-term profits. All financial institutions have a responsibility to adopt transition plans that drastically cut fossil fuel financing, including an immediate end to expansion financing. Their money would be much better spent on clean, renewable energies so we can prevent disasters before they happen.

The post Who Makes Hurricane Damage Worse? Insurers, Banks and Investors appeared first on Earthworks.

At General Motors’ annual shareholder meeting on June 2, 2026, shareholders will have the opportunity to vote on whether the company should report on the effectiveness of its policies and processes related to Indigenous Peoples’ rights.

General Motors has made commitments to respect Indigenous Peoples’ rights. Now the company needs to show how it is following through. The controversies and harms associated with the Thacker Pass lithium mine are just one example of how General Motors is not adequately implementing its policies on respecting Indigenous Peoples’ rights.

The shareholders who presented the proposal, the Sisters of St. Joseph of Peace, say that not respecting Indigenous Peoples’ rights exposes General Motors and its investors to material risk. Project delays, higher costs, damage to a company’s reputation, loss of public trust, and more can all result when mining projects violate Indigenous Peoples’ rights. 

The Thacker Pass Mine raises concerns

The Thacker Pass lithium mine is just one example of a project that raises concerns about the significant risks associated with sourcing materials from projects that violate Indigenous Peoples’ rights. General Motors invested $650 million in Lithium Americans Corp in 2023 and became a joint owner of the mine in 2024. 

The mine is located in a landscape that is sacred to the Paiute, Shoshone, and Bannock peoples in Nevada in the United States, who have cared for it since time immemorial.

In 1865, the US Cavalry massacred dozens of people when they attacked families in a Paiute camp now known as Peehee Mu’huh or Rotten Moon. The attack took place during the so-called “Snake Wars,” when settlers came into Paiute, Shoshone, and Bannock lands and took land, water, game, and gold. 

Now, the Thacker Pass lithium mine is making permanent changes to this sacred landscape. Ranchers, environmental nonprofit organizations, and local Tribes opposed the Bureau of Land Management’s (BLM) approval of the mine. They raised concerns about inadequate consultation with Indigenous Peoples, inadequate analysis of mining claims, and impacts to water. The entire permitting process for the fast-tracked project lasted approximately one year.

Despite these shortcomings, the BLM approved the project in 2021. Courts concluded that the BLM had violated the law by not properly validating the mine’s claims, but the courts did not take away the mine’s permit. 

A 2025 report by the ACLU and Human Rights Watch concluded that by permitting the mine, the US government had violated Indigenous Peoples’ rights. A new report from Amnesty International on lithium mining in Nevada held up the mine as an example of a “business model that systematically prioritizes speed, scale and profit at the expense of Indigenous Peoples’ rights and the environment.”

The federal government invested in Lithium Americas and the Thacker Pass mine last year, diluting GM’s shares and posing potential political risks.

The litigation delays, alongside higher exploration, administrative, and investment costs related to the problematic mine resulted in a net loss of $42.6 million and increased liabilities, according to analysis by the US Sustainable Investment Forum.

A gap between commitments and actions

This is not the first time concerns about GM’s investment in Thacker Pass and its impact on Indigenous Peoples’ rights have come up. In a report published by Mighty Earth in 2023, civil society and Indigenous-led groups highlighted an important gap. The report revealed that although GM has made ambitious commitments to respect Indigenous Peoples’ rights, the company does not have adequate mechanisms to ensure these commitments were put into practice.

The Lead the Charge Leaderboard is an annual ranking of 18 of the world’s leading automakers and their commitment to building fossil-fuel-free supply chains that respect Indigenous Peoples’ rights and human rights and protect the environment. It shows a poor track record of respect for the rights of Indigenous People affected by mining for the materials used to build GM vehicles. Since the Leaderboard began in 2023, GM has only received 11 out of 100 points on its respect for Indigenous Peoples’ rights, with no improvement in three years. 

According to the latest report, “Despite having commitments [to Indigenous Peoples’ rights in its supply chain], the company fails to disclose tangible evidence of how they are being effectively operationalized and enforced in practice.”

A look at next steps

A more sustainable future can only be built by recognizing Indigenous Peoples’ rights, leadership, and stewardship of land and water. Auto manufacturers that demand that their materials come from mines that respect these rights can help shape the future and build public confidence that their dollars are buying a product that is sustainably made. 

Investors deserve more transparency and information on General Motors’ risk management and human and Indigenous Peoples’ rights due diligence processes. The shareholder proposal requesting a report on GM’s practices regarding Indigenous Peoples’ rights is an important step in ensuring General Motors upholds its own Indigenous Peoples’ rights commitments.

The post Investors Call for Report on General Motor’s Commitment to Indigenous Peoples’ Rights appeared first on Earthworks.

One year ago, hundreds of Xinka People gathered in Guatemala City’s central park to announce their decision to deny consent for Pan American Silver’s Escobal mine in their territory. 

The announcement was the culmination of a more than eight-year long consultation process ordered by Guatemala’s Supreme Court in 2017. The consultation has been led by the Guatemalan Ministry of Energy and Mines, and according to the company’s website, the company “fully respect(s) this process.” 

While administrative aspects of the consultation are still ongoing, the Xinka People’s decision marked an important milestone in the process, making it impossible for Pan American Silver to re-open the mine and respect its commitments to human rights and Indigenous People’s rights. 

Silence from Pan American Silver

Pan American Silver has still not publicly recognized or adequately disclosed the Xinka Peoples’ decision to deny consent. It has not explained how the decision will impact its investment or the financial costs of adequately closing the Escobal mine. 

Saying One Thing, Doing Another

That silence is inconsistent with the company’s Global Human Rights Policy, which states that it will “recognize and respect cultural values, beliefs and traditions of people in the countries and communities in which we operate and the rights of indigenous peoples.” 

The Xinka People’s May 2025 decision is the culmination of a rigorous process that included in-depth information gathering and analysis of the environmental and cultural impacts of the mine by Xinka authorities with the support of technical experts. 

The company’s Global Human Rights Policy also includes a commitment to “act with transparency and avoid knowingly being complicit in activities that cause, or are likely to cause, adverse human rights impacts.” This is important given the Escobal mine has been marred in controversy and marked by violence. The mine was the subject of a civil suit filed in British Columbia by shooting victims against the previous mine owner. 

Throughout the consultation process, Xinka and other community leaders have pointed to Pan American’s community engagement programs and communication efforts, like mine visits and social media campaigns, as a problem. They said these public relations efforts spread misinformation and undermined the possibility of a good faith process. And yet the company persists with these types of community relations activities. 

Strong Opposition to the Mine

The widespread opposition to this mine since 2011 is well documented. On more than 16 occasions in the last 15 years, Xinka people and other local residents have voted overwhelmingly against the mine in municipal and community level referendums. 

There is also an around-the-clock encampment that has remained in the town of Casillas, 15 km from the mine, for nearly nine years to monitor mine-related traffic. This enables the community to make sure the company did not resume mining.

Bringing the Message Home to Pan American Silver

Xinka leaders and allies have brought the message to Pan American Silver’s home country of Canada. On May 4, Canadian Member of Parliament and Green Party leader, Elizabeth May,  formally tabled a petition in the House of Commons demanding respect for the Xinka People’s decision. With over 700 signatures from 12 provinces across the country, the petition urges the Government of Canada to reaffirm the Xinka People’s right to free, prior and informed consent and self-determination, and to support the safety and security of Xinka defenders. 

The Canadian government has 45 days from the tabling of the petition to respond. The petition also urges Pan American Silver and Guatemalan authorities to respect the results of the consultation. In November 2025, concerned citizens in Vancouver delivered another petition with over 6,000 signatures to Pan American Silver’s office, demanding respect for Xinka People’s self-determination. This petition was the culmination of the second visit of Xinka leaders to Canada in 2025, to demand the company respect their decision in the consultation process. 

Standing in Solidarity

Earthworks is proud to amplify the decision of the Xinka People, to reinforce their efforts, and to stand in solidarity with the larger movement in Guatemala that is defending land, water and the right to a clean and healthy environment. 

Like Indigenous Peoples everywhere, the Xinka People have a right to decide their own future. They have a right to say yes, yes with conditions, or no to mining. Now that the Xinka People have formally denied consent for the Escobal Mine, we continue to join partners in Canada, Guatemala, and around the globe who are lifting up their urgent message.

We know Pan American Silver can hear us. The question is — will they take action? 

The post One Year Later, We’re Still Waiting for Pan American Silver to Acknowledge the Xinka People’s Decision appeared first on Earthworks.

In a stunning victory last week, a Federal District Court in South Dakota ordered a graphite mining company to immediately halt an exploration project before destroying a sacred site in the Black Hills National Forest. 

Ming threatens a sacred site

In late April 2026, a mining company started drilling at Pe’ Sla. This landscape has a high mountain meadow, grasslands, and forests sacred to many Lakota, Dakota, and Nakota peoples. In 2016, the US Government recognized this sacred area.  It dedicated more than 2,000 acres into trust for four Tribes: the Rosebud Sioux, Shakapee Mdewakanton Sioux Community, Standing Rock Sioux, and Crow Creek Sioux. In 2024, the US Government agreed to protect a two-mile radius surrounding a portion of Pe’Sla. Despite this, a mining company staked claims within the protected area. And, in February 2026, the US Forest Service unlawfully allowed mine exploration. 

Legal action and protests

During the Spring season, for thousands of years, Native peoples gather at Pe’Sla to perform ceremonies.  When members of the NDN Collective discovered new roads, drilling, and blasting activities near Pe’Sla, they filed a lawsuit. Earthworks, Black Hills Clean Water Alliance, and nine federally recognized Great Sioux Nation Tribes joined in the suit. This kicked off a week-long occupation at Pe’Sla by many Tribal leaders and youth, led by NDN Collective.  

On May 5, the Court granted an injunction to temporarily stop building and drilling activities until the lawsuit concluded. Two days later, the mining company packed up, withdrew their plans, and pledged not to mine there again. On May 18, the Court issued an order ending mining activities but allowing the operator to clean up and restore the lands to their previous condition.   

Mining affects Indigenous Peoples’ rights

Graphite, along with minerals like nickel and lithium, is used for batteries for electric vehicles, cleaner energy projects, and military technology. Pressure to mine more, especially for these minerals, has driven rushed mining. In the US, this rush is happening with support from the Trump administration. 

Mining often happens on Indigenous Peoples’ land, and the United States is no exception. Impacts on people and the environment happen everywhere mining occurs, but these mines can also permanently change sacred and culturally significant places. 

A just transition to sustainable energy demands solutions that honor Indigenous Peoples’ sovereignty and stewardship. Projects like the exploration at Pe’Sla do the opposite.

Better laws could protect sacred places

What happened at Pe’Sla isn’t an isolated incident. It reveals the weakness of the 1872 Mining law, the statute that still governs almost all public lands mining, including in the sacred Black Hills. Under this law, any person may claim public lands as their own for a small fee. They can begin drilling, blasting, construction, and other exploration, sometimes without even asking permission.  

To remedy this, Congress should pass durable reforms to the 1872 Mining law to protect Pe’ Sla and all sacred landscapes from mining without public notice nor meaningful consultation with affected Tribes. Senator Lujan’s Mining Waste, Fraud, and Abuse Prevention Act will do just that. 

Here, the Tribes and nongovernment organizations won because the Forest Service unlawfully excluded the mine project from environmental review and public and Tribal input.  The leadership and organizing from the Tribes and NDN Collective ultimately helped secure this victory. 

But asking a judge to step in every time a mine threatens Pe’Sla or any other sacred place is not a good system. Congress should pass meaningful mining reform and provide a better way.

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