E2. Front Line Community Green

On February 5th, the Just Transition Alliance will join our comrades at the Labor Network for Sustainability (LNS) to celebrate the birthday of Rosa Parks with a Transit Equity Day of Action!

The COVID pandemic and recovery forever changed how communities function, work, socialize, and commute.  It also showed very clearly how public transit is critical to the lives of millions across the country.  Essential workers depend on and operate transit, small local businesses depend on transit, and historically marginalized communities depend on transit.  Transit is a key component of economic recovery and environmental sustainability, and it is a path to equity for isolated and under-invested urban, suburban, and rural communities.

But for far too long, policymakers in Washington have prioritized highways and cars over public transit.  This has devastating impacts not only for the climate crisis but for municipal budgets as well.  New legislation introduced in January by Congressman Hank Johnson from the Atlanta area would change that. The bill, “Stronger Communities through Better Transit Act,” will boost high-quality transit across the country by creating a new federal grant program available to all transit agencies to increase service frequency and dependability, thereby reducing wait times, expanding hours, and adding new lines to underserved communities.

For decades, the federal government has subsidized the cost of shipping and aviation.  Today, public transit is essential to workers and businesses – it is high time for Washington to treat it as such!  While Congress has taken some limited steps forward in recent years, including the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, this bill would provide crucial funding that would fill budget shortfalls currently experienced by numerous transit agencies.  These agencies, valuable public resources that are often among the largest employers in their areas, are powerful drivers of economic growth, jobs, and opportunity for tens of millions of people in the US, from small rural towns to major urban centers.  Every dollar invested in transit offers a 5-to-1 return, and every $1 billion invested in public transit produces 50,000 jobs.  As we have previously stated, investment in transit infrastructure presents opportunities for huge expansions in good union jobs, reduced dependence on personal vehicles dramatically improves quality of life in many neighborhoods, and fare-free transit services can increase equity for marginalized communities while actually reducing overall costs.

We also know that the climate crisis is here now, impacting our economy and nearly every aspect of our daily lives.  Investing in public transit is a powerful way to help address the climate crisis on the scale required.  It is a crucial part of the systemic changes that we need to build a new paradigm that improves the lives of workers and the environment.  Everyone fighting for real solutions for climate justice agrees on the need for widely-available, clean, free public transit.  Ambitious investment in transit by policymakers would be a win-win, for the economy and for the climate crisis.

We encourage all of our followers and allies to organize local events on February 5th.  See the LNS website for organizing tools and register your action or view other actions on the campaign page.

O conteúdo Transit Equity Day of Action! aparece primeiro em Just Transition Alliance.

The fight to end the era of fossil fuels is ramping up, along with efforts to build towards more democratic, just, non-extractive energy sources and systems. Feminist climate justice advocates have a vital role to play – especially as policymakers seek answers to the question “what comes next?” after fossil fuels.

We need to build energy systems that are renewable, democratic and better serve the needs of communities, in the US and worldwide. We must offer repair for energy injustices that have harmed communities of color, low income communities, and communities of the Global South – as people have been denied equitable access to energy while also facing harms from the pollution, environmental degradation, and the wars and occupations of fossil fuel extraction and destructive energy sourcing. We know we must transition off of fossil fuels, and we must build our set of resources to guide and shape what comes after.

An end to fossil fuel development and use is a feminist priority, with serious implications for sexual and reproductive health and rights. From extraction to worsening climate change impacts, fossil fuel pollution is linked with infertility, fibroids and other reproductive diseases, serious illnesses in pregnancy, mental health harms and preterm birth, stillbirth and other adverse health outcomes. Communities of color and other marginalized communities that already face unjust inequities in health outcomes are hit the hardest. 

In the energy infrastructure conversation in the US, a gendered and global justice framing is often missing. This leaves us open to the danger of reproducing and entrenching the harms of our current energy systems in an energy renewable era, especially as the threats rise of new resource wars and rights violations over lithium and other elements used in green technologies. We must not miss the opportunity to strengthen and accelerate more globally just, feminist approaches to the energy transition.

We must build on the existing frameworks and expertise that have been offered by Indigenous, Black, and disability justice movements globally, interlinking those and bridging their recommendations into US policy spaces. 

As the global mobilization to end the era of fossil fuels accelerates, the Feminist Green New Deal Coalition will create space for feminist climate justice advocates to gather their core, actionable principles for just and feminist energy transitions – and to channel those recommendations into US climate policymaking.

Join us in winter 2023 and early 2024 for virtual exchange sessions to discuss and gather principles and recommendations on a just, feminist energy transition. In these sessions, we will weave together our analysis and experience responding to questions like:

• Why should feminists be committed to ending the fossil fuel era? Why is a just energy transition a feminist issue? 
• Why is an intersectional analysis of race, gender, class and global justice critical for building a more just energy system? (production & use)
• What are the core tenets of a feminist, just and equitable energy system in the US? What are we building?
• How must our transition address repair for past harms and injustices in the current energy system?

The Feminist Green New Deal Coalition will gather the outputs of these discussions to inform a written report, campaign, briefing – to be determined – for distribution to US policymakers and movement partners.

To indicate your interest in this exploration and/or recommendations for additional folks to reach out to who may be interested in these conversations, please share here and stay tuned for more updates.

Justicia Energética Feminista: invitación y declaración de intenciones de la Coalición del FemGND y una invitación

La lucha para terminar con la era de los combustibles fósiles está cobrando más fuerza al igual que los esfuerzos dedicados a construir fuentes de energía y sistemas no extractivos justos y más democráticos. Las personas activistas de la justicia climática feminista juegan un papel vital, principalmente ocupando el rol de desarrolladores de políticas que buscan responder a la pregunta “¿qué sigue?” luego de los combustibles fósiles.

Necesitamos construir un sistema de energía que sea renovable, democrático y supla las necesidades de las comunidades, tanto en Estados Unidos como a nivel mundial. Debemos ofrecer reparaciones por las injusticias energéticas que sufren las comunidades de color, las de bajos ingresos y las del sur global. Entre estas injusticias a las que se enfrentan, además de que se les niega el acceso igualitario a la energía, se encuentran los daños a causa de la contaminación, la degradación ambiental y las guerras y ocupaciones por la extracción de los combustibles fósiles y las fuentes destructivas de energía. Debemos transicionar y dejar atrás los combustibles fósiles y construir un conjunto propio de recursos para guiar y darle forma a lo que viene después.

Es una prioridad feminista terminar con el desarrollo y el uso de los combustibles fósiles y, a su vez, evaluar las implicancias sustanciales que éstos tienen sobre los derechos sexuales y de salud reproductiva. Desde la extracción hasta el empeoramiento de los impactos del cambio climático, la contaminación de los combustibles fósiles se vincula con la infertilidad, fibromas y enfermedades de reproducción, graves enfermedades durante el embarazo, afecciones de salud mental, nacimientos prematuros, fetos muertos y otros efectos perjudiciales para la salud. Las comunidades de color y otras comunidades marginadas que ya enfrentan desigualdades injustas relacionadas con la salud son las más afectadas.

En la conversación en relación a la infraestructura energética en EE. UU., por lo general falta un marco de justicia global y con perspectiva de género. Esto nos deja expuestas al peligro de reproducir y fortificar los daños de los sistemas energéticos actuales en una era de energía renovable, especialmente en la medida en que aumentan las amenazas sobre nuevas guerras por los recursos y violaciones de derechos por el uso de litio y otros elementos que se utilizan para las tecnologías verdes. No podemos perder la oportunidad de fortalecer y acelerar el desarrollo de enfoques más justos y feministas a nivel mundial para lograr la transición energética.

Tenemos que construir sobre los marcos y las experiencias ya existentes brindadas por movimientos globales de justicia indígena, negra, y de discapacidad. Debemos vincularlos y acercar sus recomendaciones en los espacios de desarrollo de políticas de EE. UU.

A medida que la movilización global acelera el fin de la era de los combustibles fósiles, la Coalición Feminista del Green New Deal crea un espacio para las personas activistas de la justicia climática feminista con el objetivo de unificar los principios esenciales y de acción para que las transiciones energéticas sean feministas y justas, asi como también para comunicar esas recomendaciones en los espacios de desarrollo de políticas climáticas en EE. UU.

Acompáñanos en el invierno 2023 y principios de 2024 en sesiones virtuales de intercambio para debatir y unificar principios y recomendaciones sobre una transición energética justa y feminista. Durante estas sesiones, debatiremos con el objetivo de dilucidar en conjunto nuestro análisis y experiencia en respuesta a preguntas tales como:

• ¿Por qué las personas feministas deben comprometerse a terminar con la era de combustibles fósiles? ¿Por qué es una problemática feminista una transición energética justa?
• ¿Por qué un análisis interseccional de raza, género, clase, y justicia global es fundamental para construir un sistema energético más justo? (producción y uso)
• ¿Cuál es el dogma principal de un sistema energético igualitario, justo y feminista en EE. UU.? ¿Qué estamos construyendo?
• ¿De qué manera nuestra transición debe abordar las reparaciones por los daños e injusticias en el sistema de energía actual?

La Coalición Feminista del Green New Deal reunirá las contribuciones sobre estos debates para redactar un informe escrito, una campaña, un documento (a determinar) para su difusión entre las personas encargadas de desarrollar las políticas en EE. UU. y los movimientos asociados.

Para indicar su interés en esta elaboración o para recomendar la participación  de colegas que puedan tener interés de participar y deseen comunicarse, haga clic aquí para compartir y manténgase al tanto de actualizaciones.

This past spring I was part of a two person delegation of GGJ members to the first ever International English Language Course on Political Training for Political Educators outside of Sao Paolo, Brazil. The 6-week course was coordinated by the Landless Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra [the MST]) at their national school for political education, Escola Nacional Florestan Fernandes (ENFF). I came as a representative of the Vermont Workers’ Center, and was among 60 participants from 47 organizations and 17 countries. Most organizations were members of La Via Campesina, an international organization primarily dedicated to the issues of peasant movements around the world and food sovereignty (GGJ is a member).  Organizations ranges from small farmer movements in Zimbabwe to organizations that work with adavasi (indigenous) movements in India to South African trade unionists to members of the Kurdish liberation struggle to a leftwing Mexican youth organization.

ENFF is the flagship school of the MST. Since their founding 31 years ago, the MST has been committed to political education (or formação in Portuguese). They have schools dedicated to political education in all 23 Brazilian states where they have a presence. ENFF was built 11 years with the volunteer labor of over 1,000 MST members and many other supporters of the movement. It is a gorgeous campus, populated with vibrant flowers, inspiring revolutionary murals made by each class that had passed through there, beautiful architecture, small plots of food productions, and a design that emphasized communal space (a small plaza in the middle of a cluster of dormitories, with benches and a gazebo; the courtyard where we held our daily misticas; the open verandas where we had cultural nights, celebrations, etc., on both stories of the building that held the kitchen, cafeteria, and a small store with MST products). There was also an incredible library that held thousands of books on various subjects, from the history of revolutionary struggles around the world to social theory to agroecology (mostly in Portuguese and Spanish). The MST leaders at the school described ENFF as the “patrimony of the international working class.”

The school was coordinated and “staffed” by a brigade of 40 MST members who took 4 month shifts to help run the logistics and programming of the school. Like all groupings in the MST, they had a name and slogan: “Apolônio de Carvalho,” named after an important Brazilian socialist. To facilitate the functioning of the school, all students were expected to do “militant work,” volunteer labor to support the day-to-day needs of the school community. I was on the coffee team that set up and cleaned up for the multiple coffee breaks through the “school day.” Other militant work ranged from the production team that helped produce and harvest the food grown on campus; a childcare team; a cultural team that helped plan the “cultural nights,” helped with the programming for the campus radio station; collective laundry; cleaning up after meals. Militant work is a central part of the pedagogy of the MST, partly around wanting to put intellectual labor alongside other forms of labor and also as part of creating new social relations, where labor is about meeting collective needs and is not performed because of coercion.

We had classes 6 days per week. Every day began with a 10-20 minute long “mistica,” planned by each of us in our small groups (“nucleos do base” [NB’s]) and by other NB. Mistica both describes a particular activity and a broader concept. The activity is usually a short “performance” that tells a particular story about a particular struggle, while projecting a vision of the future. I put “performance” in quotes because the MST is emphatic that it is not “theater,” but rather an expression of reality as we experience it. Mistica incorporates symbols, music, art, movement, “acting,” participation by “spectators.” One of the misticas my NB planned conveyed the intersection of patriarchy, dispossession, and capitalism. One of the ones that Daryl (the other GGJ representative) and his group prepared conveyed the patterns of state violence around the world and their link to imperialism.

Many MST movement elders attribute mistica as the primary reason they’re still in the movement. It’s spiritual and intellectual sustenance, and stretches minds and hearts in preparation for the activity of the day, Mistica also described the overall “spirit” or “expression” of a group of people, the outward expression of collective revolutionary spirit.

An MST member riding with me and another classmate to the airport at the end of the program commented that our class seemed to have a very beautiful mistica. There were songs that were our songs (some people brought from their movements, others that were brand new and composed spontaneously); chants that were ours; countless manifestations of a profound camaraderie formed through intense, emotional learning together, sharing and hearing each other’s stories, working together, traveling together during the intensive “field week,” celebrating together during various cultural nights and late night festivities.

The coursework itself was incredible. The MST sees left theory as a living body of theory, and draws heavily from the Marxist Leninist tradition. Some of the more interesting courses were on the history and development of imperialism, the reproduction of capital in agriculture, a great session on gender, political organization, and popular education. There was quite a lot of healthy debate on organizational form, the role of the state, the legacy of colonialism and the persistence of racism, the dynamics between the old hegemonic imperial nations and the newly industrializing “BRICS” countries that increasingly play out imperial relations on a more regional level.

I learned an incredible amount about social movements in Brazil and around the world. From the MST, we learned about their incredible dynamic relationship between organizational form, strategy, and tactics. Their process of land takeovers entailed setting up an incredibly cooperative mini-society of several hundred families, a “movement baptism” that created the conditions for embodying radical new forms of human relations. The MST doesn’t actually legally exist in Brazil, and many of the movements represented there were very suspicious of the growth of World Bank and foundation-funded Non-Governmental Organizations and Non Profit Organization (seeing with incredibly clarity the ways in which they coopt movements and movement leaders).

One of the profound lessons for me was on the meaning of true internationalism and solidarity. The MST is in a very challenging moment in Brazil’s political and economic history: the ruling Workers Party has betrayed many of its original principles to the whims of international finance capital; the right wing is mobilizing larger crowds than have been seen in decades. Yet, instead of turning inwards, they continue to launch programs like this training, have helped started countless other movements around the Brazil, and remain committed to the development of an international revolutionary social force. In fact, I believe that’s exactly what see as necessary in this context, rather than turning inwards.

It’s hard to some up any one main takeaway from that 6 weeks. I’m incredibly inspired to be personally connected 60 people fighting in inspiration liberation struggles around the world. I’m inspired by the deep and broad commitment to political education and leadership development. I’m deeply moved by the way in which the MST both fights for total social transformation while building the new social right now. And I’m so impressed with the many examples of the ways in which strategy flows from a profound and sharp assessment of the objective and subjective conditions during this phase of advanced capitalism.