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Andreas Sieber is head of political strategy at 350.org. Cat Abreu is director of the International Climate Politics Hub.

From the US abduction of Venezuela’s president at the start of this year to the Iran war which rumbles on, disruption is the new normal for global geopolitics, more often than not linked to conflict over supplies of oil and gas. 

Events so far in 2026 – driven largely by the desire of the Trump administration to grab control of fossil fuels around the world – show that the climate community’s approach to energy diplomacy will have to evolve if we are to operate effectively and push for climate action in such a volatile landscape. 

Today’s climate and energy governance must be able to cope with trade wars, genocide, fascism, spiralling inequality and challenges to multilateralism. The increasingly dominant paradigms of economic competitiveness, energy security and green industrialisation can help drive the transition but they also challenge our collective mission to deliver an equitable green shift. 

US-China rivalry dominates

Longer-term geopolitical trends that are seeing power move from West to East and North to South have fuelled a US–China “superpower rivalry”, which is pulling the global economy apart and reining in trade. 

A key question will be how the fracture “lines” are drawn: by the US and China, or also by other countries or blocs? Many governments will try to remain “in the middle” between the two giants to capture economic gains from both sides. Yet despite the language of “strategic autonomy”, Washington and Beijing may be in a position to force choices via market access, export controls and sanctions.

• Jun 24, 2026 News EU, UK lead push for electrification as “powerful weapon” against fossil fuels A group of dozens of countries seeks to build momentum for a COP31 pledge to electrify 35% of global energy use by 2035 as an alternative to fossil fuels Read more
• Jul 20, 2026 News Top maritime court rejects bid to halt UN deep-sea mining inquiry Two subsidiaries of The Metals Company sought to block the probe into potential contract breaches launched after the firm’s application for US-sponsored permits Read more

At first glance, this may not seem particularly relevant for climate and energy politics. But Huawei’s exclusion from 5G operations across the political West and India following the so-called Clean Network Campaign by the US government serves as a warning of what could happen to climate green tech. 

And the recent debate to cut out Chinese inverters from European markets follows the same pattern – US security forces perceive a risk and start encouraging their allies to drop Chinese technology.

The new drivers: competition and security

Despite this fracturing geopolitical and economic context, energy transition is still happening. To ensure it is effective and equitable, we need to understand what is driving it and how to adapt climate politics so that it better responds to these drivers.

Put simply, China is supplying the world with low-cost renewables (roughly 60% of critical wind and 80% of solar components), batteries, EVs and other key elements. Other countries now also want their piece of the green tech pie and are forming industrial policies to get it.

It is this new competitiveness-driven logic that will shape the quest for decarbonisation, which has shifted from cooperating around the cost of tackling climate change to rivalry for the benefits of climate action. 

Over 90% of new renewables projects are now cheaper than fossil alternatives. Gas-fired power is 3–4 times more expensive than solar and wind. In 2015, most decarbonisation policies were “traditional” emissions-cutting strategies like carbon pricing or net zero dates, whereas green industrial policies now underpin the majority.

Iran war could boost fossil fuel phase-out push, says Colombian minister

Meanwhile, security has become a central driver of energy politics. We are living through the second major fossil fuel crisis in just four years. Elevated oil and gas prices will impose up to $1 trillion in additional costs on the global economy by the end of the year if disruption continues in the Strait of Hormuz. Fossil fuel supply chains have exposed countries to conflict, coercion and brutal price shocks.

Fossil fuel volatility destabilises whole economies – higher fuel costs drive up food prices, increase political instability, and push millions into poverty and hunger. This incentivises governments to shield themselves from global shocks, especially in countries that are net fossil fuel importers and home to roughly three-quarters of the world’s population. 

Yet security fears can cut both ways. The same instability that makes fossil fuel dependence untenable is also sharpening concern over China’s dominance of critical clean technologies and supply chains.

Equity, cooperation and the opportunity for change

Developing countries benefit from the rapid uptake of renewables enabled by low-cost Chinese technologies. But significant fiscal space and public investment is needed for the electricity grids and infrastructure required to fully unleash the energy transition, as well as for green industrialisation to diversify revenue streams.

Despite this, industrial-scale domestic production and ownership often remain out of reach for too many countries that lack the fiscal space to allow green supply chains to flourish and compete with their traditional industrial base. But more just and diversified green tech supply chains could be achieved with concomitant support.

Can giant batteries unlock Africa’s green industrial future?

For the first time in decades, the international order is being substantially reshaped. If within this context, decarbonisation is increasingly driven by green industrial policy, energy security and competitiveness, the climate policy community must better anticipate where these debates are moving. We must speak the same language, and enter the forums where decisions are made,  including security, trade and bilateral or trilateral spaces. 

We should build on an enlightened self interest recognising that cooperation remains essential and beneficial. This includes using the UN climate process differently: less as an ever-expanding negotiation machine, and more as a space for norm-setting, political alignment and deal-making. In an age of fragmentation, effective cooperation must not only be framed as necessary but thought of as a strategically compelling source of resilience and shared advantage. 

The post Energy transition policymaking must evolve to fit an age of rupture appeared first on Climate Home News.

Sixty years after surveyors first uncovered evidence of a sprawling coral reef off the West African nation of Benin, scientists have at last found the reef.

Read more on E360 →

Headline News:

• “Construction Surge Pushes US Wind Outlook Higher” • The US wind industry is on track to connect more than 50 GW of capacity through 2030, Wood Mackenzie said in its US Wind Energy Monitor Q2 2026 report. The research group raised its five-year outlook, noting that construction starts increased 8% from Q1 2025 to Q1 2026. [reNews]

Wind farm (Ørsted image)

• “Deal Sealed To Unlock 3.56 GW Capacity In NSW Renewable Energy Zone” • The New South Wales government’s planned South West Renewable Energy Zone is closer to delivery after EnergyCo signed a Project Development Deed with Transgrid to upgrade a key section of the grid to support 3.56 GW of new renewable energy capacity. [pv magazine Australia]
• “Oil Prices Rise As Fighting Between US And Iran Intensifies” • Oil prices rose as fighting between the US and Iran intensified. Oil prices jumped in early trading as the US announced attacks for a ninth consecutive night. Iran responded to the strikes by targeting US allies across the Middle East. Benchmark Brent crude rose 3.2% to $90.95 per barrel. [Euronews]
• “Court Orders EPA To Implement National Soot Standard” • The US District Court for the Northern District of California ruled that the US EPA must follow the law and implement the strengthened health-based 2024 National Ambient Air Quality Standard for particulate matter (PM2.5) air pollution, commonly called soot. [CleanTechnica]
• “The US Needs 5,000 Miles Of New High-Voltage Lines Every Year. It Only Built 392” • Some transmission experts say the grid needs about 5,000 miles of new lines. The additions reached almost 4,000 miles in 2013. In 2025, the industry added 402 miles. Before we supply AI with electricity, we have to know where it will come from. [OilPrice.com]

For more news, please visit geoharvey – Daily News about Energy and Climate Change.

The NFU believes that the NPF must prioritize five policy pillars: generational renewal; growing local markets and regional trade; food security through food sovereignty; long-term public agriculture research; and climate resilience.

The post Canada: The Next Agricultural Policy Framework Must Centre Food Sovereignty, says NFU appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

When the Strait of Hormuz first closed at the start of the 2026 Iran war, the world braced for the “largest energy crisis in history.” Before the conflict began, almost 20 percent of the world’s traded oil passed through the narrow waterway between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. Iran’s blockade of the strait effectively erased 15 million barrels per day from circulation overnight. 

Many experts and commentators predicted that the supply gap would have catastrophic consequences. Australia expected fuel rationing, the European airline industry warned of mass flight cancellations, and Goldman Sachs predicted widespread oil shortages. The International Monetary Fund warned of a potential global recession, and some traders worried that oil prices could hit $200 a barrel.

But a little over four months into the war, little of that has come to pass. 

TimelineHow the oil market has handled the Iran warFebruary 28The United States and Israel launch a joint military operation against Iran.MarchIran retaliates and announces that it has closed the Strait of Hormuz. Benchmark oil prices rise above $100 a barrel.

The International Energy Agency announces a coordinated strategic reserve release of around 400 million barrels from more than 30 countries, including the United States.

Governments across Asia introduce energy-saving measures such as remote work mandates and restrictions on who can drive.AprilThe United States and other countries increase domestic crude production and exports, filling the gap created by the closure of the strait.MayBrent crude rises toward around $120 a barrel, its highest level on the year, as traders fear a prolonged supply disruption.JuneOn June 17, the United States and Iran sign a ceasefire agreement. Commercial shipping resumes through the Strait of Hormuz, and benchmark oil prices fall back to about $70 per barrel.JulyThe ceasefire breaks down. The U.S. announces a new blockade of Iranian oil and Iran announces new transit requirements for the Strait of Hormuz. Prices rise back to about $85 per barrel.

True, oil prices have gone up around the world, and there have been critical shortages of products such as cooking oil in some places, but rationing and recession have largely not arrived. Instead, a series of emergency measures have helped avoid the predicted crises: Oil exporters including the United States stepped in to fill the gap, either by drawing down strategic petroleum reserves or increasing production. Countries that were most reliant on fossil fuel imports from the Middle East took emergency conservation measures to reduce their demand. 

Here’s how the world has averted the worst of the oil shock so far, and what experts say might happen next if the conflict continues to drag on.

Finding alternative sources of oil

In the months since Hormuz cut off access to Iran’s main oil supply, the world has scraped every corner to find substitute barrels of crude oil. Many countries had stockpiles of oil saved up for an emergency, and in March, the International Energy Agency coordinated a historic release of oil from those reserves. That put on the market more than 400 million barrels, enough to fill about 20 days’ worth of the supply from Hormuz. 

A U.S. flag flies over Marathon Petroleum Corp’s Los Angeles Refinery, one of the largest oil refineries in North America in March 2026 in Carson, California.
David McNew / Getty Images

In addition, oil producers around the world ramped up production to take advantage of elevated prices. The United States, Venezuela, and Norway all pumped out more crude in the first half of the year than they had in previous months, with those additional barrels going to countries that had previously relied on shipments from Iraq and Saudi Arabia. South Korea, for instance, doubled its oil imports from the United States between February and April of this year. Iraq and Saudi also routed more than 6 million barrels of oil per day through land pipelines that were operating below capacity, skirting the strait altogether.

China, the world’s largest oil importer, also helped stabilize the world market. It stopped buying oil for its own strategic reserve after the war began, and it also stopped purchasing crude for its own domestic refineries, shutting them down for months. To generate electricity, it pivoted to coal and solar. These measures together freed up another 5 million barrels per day for the world market.

Using less oil

Even as the world scrambled to replace Middle East oil, the Asian countries that rely on it moved aggressively to slash their usage. Many nations idled their factories and industrial facilities that use petroleum-based liquids, which shaved off a few million more barrels a day. Some increased imports of electric vehicles or accelerated plans to adopt solar and wind technology to reduce their dependence on foreign oil and gas. But the vast majority of imported oil is used for transportation and power generation, so in order to weather the crisis, countries also needed to change consumer behavior.

Read Next The Iran war is destroying oil demand. Could it also spark a shift to clean energy? Kate Yoder

More than 100 countries enacted some form of conservation measure, ranging from limits on elevator usage to outright restrictions on when people could drive. The Philippines, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka all moved to a four-day work week, and Myanmar restricted gas vehicles to driving every other day based on the number of one’s license plate. Bangladesh limited air conditioning temperatures to 77 degrees Fahrenheit and closed public university buildings. This helped reduce demand on a power grid that runs on imported oil and liquefied natural gas, much of which also comes through Hormuz.

Some wealthier countries in Europe got even more ambitious: The Netherlands, for instance, allowed citizens to trade in gas cars for electric ones, and Sweden halved the cost of public transportation fares.

Consumers wait to fill gas cylinders at the Nepal Oil Corporation depot in Kathmandu, Nepal, in March. Across much of Asia, cooking gas is in sort supply due to the Iran conflict.
Subaas Shrestha / NurPhoto via Getty Images

These conservation measures likely prevented an out-of-control price spiral, giving importers time to procure more oil from other nations. They also likely saved Asian countries from needing to impose extended periods of rationing the way the United States had to do during the oil crisis of the 1970s, the largest previous disruption to the world’s oil supply.

“There have been multiple measures taken by governments both on the supply and demand side, but mainly on the demand side for large oil importers,” said Kevin Morrison, an analyst at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis who focuses on oil and gas in Australia. “This is a trend that is likely to continue as the uncertainty around future oil supplies remains uncertain.”

How long can these tactics last?

Even though the most dire early predictions haven’t borne out, the closure has not been easy. In the early days of the crisis, before countries procured substitute fuel, price spikes and supply disruptions in Asia altered millions of lives. Taxi drivers in Myanmar lost their livelihoods and funeral homes shut cremation services for lack of fuel. A lack of fertilizer during key rice planting times in Asia will likely hamper harvests later this year, contributing to higher food prices.

Aside from crude oil, the war has caused shortages of other goods like helium and sulfur, shipments of which also pass through the Strait of Hormuz. This has contributed to broader inflation for everything from nickel to semiconductors.

A natural gas delivery worker waits at a red light with tanks of gas strapped to their motorcycle in Bangkok, Thailand, in April The cost of living in Thailand is increasing as petroleum prices skyrocket amid the U.S.-Israel war on Iran.
Matt Hunt / Anadolu via Getty Images

The market shifts of the last few months have had consequences even in places like the United States that could afford a consistent supply of oil. Refiners around the world have produced more jet fuel to keep airlines supplied, but that means they have also produced less gasoline for cars. As the U.S. heads into the peak summer driving season, its gasoline inventories are as low as they have been in a decade. Supplies could drop even lower this fall as companies perform delayed maintenance on their hard-working refineries, said Bob McNally, the founder of the analysis group Rapidan Energy Group, who also advised the administration of President George W. Bush on oil policy.

It may soon get a lot worse. Even though global oil prices have fallen from their peak, there’s still a fundamental mismatch between oil demand and oil supply. As a result, experts say the world could still experience severe economic disruption later this year if the strait remains closed. Some vessel traffic resumed through the Strait of Hormuz last month following a tentative agreement between the United States and Iran, but the ceasefire has collapsed and Iran now says the strait is closed again. 

Read Next The war in Iran could plunge the world into hunger Ayurella Horn-Muller

“The market decided at the end of Round 1 to price for perfection” in an Iran deal, McNally said. “Instead, we’re getting Round 2. We played some tricks and some cards, but all these things … are either wearing off or already known.”

Those “tricks” have run their course. Most countries’ emergency stockpiles are close to depleted, and the U.S. strategic petroleum reserve has fallen so low that its structural integrity is starting to strain. At the same time, China has ended what McNally called its “crash diet” and has started to buy oil for its refineries again. 

This leaves the world without the buffer that it had during the first round of the crisis. 

“Hormuz 1.0 was about supply and inventory,” said McNally. “In Hormuz 2.0, prices will have to do more of the work. And they have to go really high, because the problem is demand is inelastic — you’ve got to eat.”

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This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Why the Iran war hasn’t caused a global oil crisis — yet on Jul 21, 2026.

Low-income Indian workers, many of them migrants from rural areas hit by climate change, are paying for worsening extreme heat through lost working days and health complications, with the cost equivalent to 2% of national GDP per year, new research shows.

The International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), a London-based think-tank, worked with local organisations to survey around 540 households of informal workers in three Indian cities: Ajmer, Delhi and Agra. Most had migrated from rural areas to find work in industries such as construction, brick-making, garment manufacturing and food packaging.

The survey found them struggling through long working days with little access to shade, cooling, rest or water, as well as few toilets for women. And even when they go home, many live in makeshift shelters or airless cramped rooms with barely a single fan, bringing almost no respite.

Outdoor workers are losing about 24 days of work a year due to heat, costing them nearly a tenth of their annual earnings, while indoor workers sacrifice roughly 15 days. On top of losing income, they are also bearing the cost of health problems like heat exhaustion, psychological stress and kidney damage brought on by repeated dehydration.

If the survey’s findings are extrapolated to a national level, the IIED researchers estimate that the decline in productivity and effects of kidney disease combined add up to lost wages of $78 billion each year.

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Vishram Meena, 45, from Alwar in Rajasthan, has worked on construction sites in Ajmer for more than a decade, toiling for 10 to 12 hours a day carrying materials and mixing cement in the full sun.

In May 2024, on one of the hottest days, he collapsed after feeling dizzy and suffering a nosebleed. His wife and colleagues managed to get him to hospital where he was diagnosed with heat stroke. He has since returned to the same building work because the family needs the money.

“I went back because what else could I do? We are not machines. We are human beings. The heat is killing us slowly,” he was quoted as saying in a report on the survey’s findings.

“Victorian-era” conditions

Ritu Bharadwaj, IIED’s director of climate resilience, finance and loss and damage, described some of the stories from workers about their experiences of extreme heat as “genuinely horrifying”.

Kusum, a tailor at a garment manufacturing and export unit in Kapashera, Delhi, recounted how the machines for ironing finished garments are in the same tiny room where workers are making the clothes, with steam and hot air building up through her shift.

Fans are too far apart to move the air and nothing has changed in over a decade, she said, adding that “in summer, the unit feels like a furnace”.

“These are Victorian-era working conditions and they’re completely unacceptable in the 21st century,” said Bharadwaj. She called for stepped-up social protection from the government to pay people for days they are unable work due to heat, as well as micro-insurance schemes with payouts triggered by temperature measurements.   

This money would help families buy food and pay medical bills when their income dips if they fall ill or cannot work their usual hours due to soaring temperatures.

Climate change-driven heatwaves hit Delhi’s Red Fort market traders

The aim of the IIED study, Bharadwaj added, is to get policy-makers’ attention by showing the scale of damage extreme heat is doing to India’s GDP in an economy whose growth relies on service-led industries. “If the workers within them start falling sick, you know it’s the economic growth which is going to get impacted,” she told a webinar to present the research.

“Whether [policymakers] care about the workers or not, at least they would care about the GDP, and therefore then invest in the care that is needed for them,” she explained.

Labour code leaves out heat

However, Bharadwaj noted that a 2026 reform to India’s labour law bringing a range of regulations together in one code does not include heat-related protections for workers and only applies to businesses above a certain size. She urged the government to introduce a temperature threshold above which all workers would be able to stop their activities.

IIED and its partners have also carried out a similar study in Bangladesh which will be published later this month, showing that extreme heat is costing its workforce the equivalent of nearly 1.4% of GDP.

Shakirul Islam, chairperson of the Ovibashi Karmi Unnayan Program (OKUP) in Bangladesh, said the government had introduced stricter safety policies for garment-making companies after the Rana Plaza complex collapsed in 2013. But, he said, these rules are rarely followed by manufacturers, especially at the level of smaller subcontractors.

The workers’ welfare centres that do exist are open mainly during work hours so they are difficult to visit. Some companies also make saline water available for heat stress, which is no good for those with high blood pressure, he noted.

For Indian women workers, a just transition means surviving climate impacts with dignity

Archana Shukla Mukherjee, CEO of India’s Change Alliance, which also partnered with IIED on the survey, said it was time to hold both the government and businesses accountable for finding solutions to the intensifying problem of extreme heat’s effects on workers.

She said that employee state insurance schemes should identify heat stroke as an occupational disease while companies along the whole supply chain should start putting in place heat protection measures, including for informal workers and migrants.

If the tools and mechanisms available to help workers do not reach the most vulnerable and marginalised people, “then I think we are not doing something right,” she said.

The post Extreme heat costing India’s poorest workers 2% of GDP, survey finds appeared first on Climate Home News.

The government of French Polynesia plans to challenge an American startup’s proposal to explore the waters just beyond its maritime borders for seabed mining. 

“We were approached, but we were not consulted,” Moetai Brotherson, the territory’s president, told Grist. “We are not remaining passive while industrial activities are proposed immediately next to ecosystems that French Polynesia has chosen to protect.”

As Grist reported last week, a Bay Area investor wants the Trump administration’s approval to explore seabed mining in international waters entirely surrounded by the maritime borders of the Cook Islands, Kiribati, and French Polynesia. The company, American Deep Sea Minerals, has a permit application pending before U.S. regulators and hopes to extract minerals essential to the production of batteries and military technologies. It is one of at least a dozen applications under consideration as President Trump races to make the United States a leader in critical mineral mining. 

Negotiators from dozens of countries are meeting this month in Jamaica at the headquarters of the International Seabed Authority, where they are debating the minutiae of a regulatory framework that’s been in progress for more than a decade. Last year, the Trump administration invited companies to apply for permits to mine the high seas directly through the U.S. rather than wait for the adoption of those rules. That has prompted global outrage from countries who say it flouts international law. 

“The deep seabed belongs to no single country and no corporation; it belongs to all of us,” Letitia Carvalho, the secretary-general of the regulatory body, said in Jamaica last week. “If we lose sight of this, we risk repeating on the ocean floor the same injustices and destruction we still strive to remedy on land.” 

French Polynesia doesn’t have a seat at the authority because it remains a French territory whose Indigenous people haven’t been granted political self-determination. And until recently, when environmental nonprofit organizations extended their observer status to Indigenous advocates, the voices of French Polynesians were largely left out of the discussion. Still, Brotherson said he prefers the international regulatory process to recent U.S. actions. 

“This case therefore goes beyond one company or one licence application,” Brotherson said. It raises a fundamental question, he said, about whether an individual country can unilaterally authorize a new industry in international waters, particularly those adjacent to Pacific island nations and protected marine areas. 

According to Brotherson, American Deep Sea Minerals sent a brief introductory email to a government representative; the government replied asking for more information. “No response was received,” he said. “Thus, no consultation has taken place regarding this proposal, and the government has not been provided with sufficient information to assess the project or its potential environmental implications.” Under international law, Indigenous peoples have the right to free, prior and informed consent — and to withhold such consent — regarding development and extractive projects on their ancestral territories. 

Graham Goulet, the CEO of American Metals, told Grist the company intended to consult the governments of the Cook Islands, Kiribati, and French Polynesia “as the exploration program develops.” Those discussions will, he said, occur under U.S. oversight and in accordance with the intentions outlined in its application. The filing notes that it intends to create a benefit sharing agreement with Pacific nations and plans to avoid interfering with fishing.

The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, the U.S. government agency overseeing seabed licenses in international waters, is still considering Goulet’s application. It is available for public comment online until August 3. 

Read Next Indigenous concerns surface as Trump calls for seabed mining in Alaskan waters Anita Hofschneider

The environmental implications of seabed mining have long concerned French Polynesia, which banned the practice in 2022, followed quickly by France in 2023. Indigenous peoples with longstanding connections to the ocean, such as for traditional navigation, account for 80 percent of the territory’s population. Studies show extraction could harm fisheries, and Indigenous Pasifika leaders from across the region have raised cultural concerns about the significance of disturbing the sea floor. 

“As if climate change wasn’t enough, the spectre of deep-sea mining threatens to strip-mine the ocean floor, our sacred place of creation,” said Hinano Murphy, an Indigenous cultural expert from Moorea and Tahiti in a TEDxTalk last year.  

Last September, Brotherson added further prohibitions on seabed mining within Tainui Atea, a marine protected area that encompasses nearly all of the islands’ exclusive waters. The preserve sustains 21 species of sharks, 176 species of coral, and more than 1,000 species of fish, according to the United Nations. One survey found more than 92 percent of French Polynesians support Tainui Atea because it honors their traditional cultural practices. 

“French Polynesia’s position is therefore not only a political statement. The protection of deep-sea ecosystems is now embedded in our domestic regulatory framework,” Brotherson said. 

The waters that American Deep Sea Minerals is eyeing, known as Eastern High Seas Pocket 3, are also a popular tuna fishing spot, as well as a potential conservation area. 

In January, the United Nations High Seas Treaty, an international law intended to protect marine ecosystems, took effect, allowing nations to create conservation areas in international waters for the first time. French Polynesia wants to use the law to protect the Eastern High Seas Pocket 3. Doing so could set an important precedent for how effective the treaty is, and how protected the world’s oceans will be in the future, Brotherson said. 

If American Deep Sea Minerals’ application proceeds, French Polynesia wants a say in what happens and a thorough environmental review. Recently, U.S. regulators fast tracked the approval process for deep-sea mining applications by halving the number of environmental reviews required for commercial permits. “We expect the interests of neighboring Pacific countries and territories to be fully taken into account through prior notification, meaningful consultation, and a comprehensive, independent and participatory environmental impact assessment,” Brotherson said.

As part of a U.S. application, American Deep Sea Minerals will need to conduct scientific studies of the area and create an environmental impact assessment. Brotherson said that his government supports independent scientific research conducted on deep-sea ecosystems.

“However, we do not regard this particular application as neutral scientific research,” he said. Although the company says it does not yet intend to apply for a commercial license, its application shows that it intends to conduct the research necessary to apply for one, as well as a mining test. “It is therefore part of a pathway towards potential commercial mining,” Brotherson said. 

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline French Polynesia objects to an American seabed mining plan made without its input on Jul 21, 2026.

This story is published through the Indigenous News Alliance.

The Arctic is warming four times faster than other regions, a trend that disproportionately harms the Indigenous Sámi people — particularly their access to vital traditional resources like reindeer and salmon, which are used for food, clothing, weapons, and more.

As northern temperatures rise, snow is melting and refreezing at an accelerating rate. That forms ice, preventing reindeer from reaching the lichen below and dramatically increasing starvation rates. “Those impacts in nature are severe for our culture and livelihoods,” said Tuomas Aslak Juuso, vice president of the Sámediggi, or Sámi Parliament, of Finland. “So survival of reindeer and then survival of our livelihoods [and] cultures is then questioned.” 

Last week, the impacts of climate change and colonialism were among the key issues raised by the hundreds of Indigenous people gathered in Geneva. They’d come from around the world to discuss these mounting threats at the United Nations Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, or EMRIP. They agreed that a multitude of crises will only grow worse unless they are given greater say in international negotiations and decision-making. That’s why in addition to pushing specific policy recommendations on conflict, AI, and other key issues, Indigenous delegates continued their decades-long demand for better representation at the U.N.

“What we are trying to do is to get some implementation resources for us to adapt to the climate change. With Finland, for example, we don’t have any adaptation resources on how to adapt to these situations,” Juuso said. “To be able to bring these issues forward to the global discussion, we would have to have the opportunity to participate.”

Member states are granted access to U.N. gatherings, where they can easily express views, determine policies, and outline their progress implementing international commitments required by the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and other agreements. But Indigenous advocates say the voices of the peoples directly impacted by such actions aren’t always heard at international forums. 

The U.N. structure requires participation through either a member state or a registered civil society agency — for instance, a non-governmental organization, academic institution, or accredited Indigenous organization. But Indigenous nations don’t fit neatly into one of those categories and are reduced to participating as NGOs. Beyond those structural barriers, Indigenous peoples also face financial and other resource challenges that compound the difficulty of making themselves heard at the international level. That’s why those attending EMRIP continued the long fight for what is called enhanced participation, which could finally give Indigenous nations and organizations the same access and power the United States and other countries enjoy.

That increased influence is especially important when many countries ignore Indigenous priorities. Throughout the week, many delegates identified climate and environmental issues as one area where national governments often have different priorities than Indigenous peoples, who consider land and ecosystems more important than economic growth — a value system they believe is at odds with the world’s best interests. 

Read Next For Indigenous peoples, conflict means so much more than war Te Aniwaniwa Paterson

“We’ve got to try and balance immediate economic interests with longer-term environmental protections,” said Kym Hamilton, who is from the tribes of Ngāti Kahungunu, Ngā Rauru, Ngāti Raukawa in Aotearoa New Zealand. “I think we’ve got a responsibility to protect our descendants.”

In U.N. lexicon, enhanced participation is the catchphrase often used for efforts to elevate Indigenous peoples’ voices. Those gathered in Geneva asserted the right to represent their communities in crucial global discussions that impact them. They are also demanding more respect from member-state governments and other policymakers, something they argue will better help them to survive conflict and other crises.

“The question before us is no longer whether Indigenous peoples should participate more fully in the Human Rights Council,” Hamilton, who spoke on behalf of the National Iwi Chairs Forum that represents 87 tribes, said. “The question now is how quickly we will implement these commitments.” 

She offered recommendations for EMRIP’s seven expert Indigenous members, including a clear timeline for creating participatory status for Indigenous peoples’ institutions and appointing Indigenous and state representatives with equal standing to lead the process. She also called for the establishment of an independent and transparent accreditation mechanism to prevent states from vetoing Indigenous representatives, and initiatives to provide predictable and sustainable funding to take part.

Hamilton said Indigenous peoples’ full participation in international deliberations includes the right to decide who represents their communities. “Governments don’t always tell the truth,” she said, citing the U.N. Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review — which all 193 member states must undergo every 4.5 years — which she said revealed gaps between the reports governments submitted and the actual human rights situations within their jurisdictions.

Kenneth Deer, member of the Mohawk Nation of Kahnawà:ke and longtime international Indigenous advocate, echoed that point. “The government never speaks ill about itself,” he said. “You can’t let government speak for us.”

But the U.N.’s accreditation and recognition process can hinder progress toward collectively tackling the challenges impacting Indigenous peoples, he noted. “For us, as a representative institution, there isn’t actually any clear path to accreditate ourselves — and that leads to them trying to improvise, and try to find ways how we can accreditate ourselves.”

Read Next Indigenous cultural practices are a climate solution, report finds Joseph Lee

The National Congress of American Indians also called for increased Indigenous participation at the international level. “Recognition and participation of Indigenous peoples must accommodate the numerous ways we identify, organize, and represent ourselves,” President Mark Macarro said. “It is essential that we participate directly in matters of global concern that affect our environment, health, human rights, and unique rights as Indigenous peoples.”

Deer said he’s seen many caucuses of Indigenous delegates at the U.N. engage in important collaborations. But he wishes they could have a higher profile. “Indigenous peoples want to have a voice,” he said. “They want to be heard.”

A diversity of voices at the U.N.’s highest levels, he believes, would improve the U.N. processes and system to the benefit of all countries. “What we need is the states, now, to agree to a process that was run by Indigenous people,” he said.

Throughout the week, EMRIP delegates identified a host of other barriers to participation. For example, communications technology within remote communities presents challenges to joining global deliberations. Additionally, there are significant financial barriers for under-resourced communities when U.N. forums are held far from their homelands.

The U.N. Voluntary Fund for Indigenous Peoples, which helps finance travel to U.N. forums, is also experiencing budget shortfalls, inhibiting many delegates’ ability to attend. It is seen as an important way to increase participation among delegates from areas where governments do not recognize the Indigenous peoples within their borders. Sheryl Lightfoot, EMRIP’s North America region member, is an Anishinaabe expert in Indigenous rights, global politics, and public policy.

She said states are not involved in how EMRIP officially recognizes Indigenous peoples. “Worldwide, there’s a need — and this is especially true across Africa and Asia — of Indigenous peoples seeking just mere recognition of their existence from their governments,” she said. “States seem to be more resistant now than they were 10 years ago to recognize that peoples are Indigenous peoples and have those rights attached to them.”

Despite Hamilton’s doubts about how much change has been achieved internationally, hearing her peers from other Indigenous nations testify about how they’ve persevered inspired her and restored her hope. “I feel like there’s a real sense of … urgency and concern,” she said. “We don’t want our grandchildren’s grandchildren to have to keep coming here and doing this stuff.”

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline As climate change threatens their lands, Indigenous nations demand more power at the UN on Jul 21, 2026.

If the post-truth era reflects a shift in people’s understanding of whom or what to trust, it should also reflect a shift in how we earn people’s trust. Only by building strong levels of trust can we encourage people to question their own beliefs and accept alternative viewpoints.

Recent weeks have seen a flurry of reports from public health authorities and scientists that estimate the deaths caused by Europe’s record-breaking summer heatwaves.

The election of Mayor Zohran Mamdani in NYC has brought the question of socialist governance to the fore. But what does “success” mean in the context of socialist governance from within the capitalist state?

Lucky Neko menjadi salah satu permainan bertema keberuntungan yang paling sering diperbincangkan oleh para penggemar game digital. Bukan hanya karena tampilannya yang penuh warna, tetapi juga berkat konsep unik yang mengusung ikon kucing pembawa keberuntungan khas budaya Jepang. Popularitasnya terus meningkat di berbagai komunitas, mulai dari media sosial hingga forum diskusi, sehingga tidak mengherankan jika banyak orang penasaran dengan daya tarik yang dimilikinya.

Lalu, apa sebenarnya yang membuat Lucky Neko saat ini sedang naik daun? Mari kita bahas dengan santai.

Desain Menarik yang Mudah Disukai

Hal pertama yang langsung mencuri perhatian adalah desain visualnya. Lucky Neko menghadirkan nuansa cerah dengan dominasi warna emas, merah, dan putih. Ikon kucing yang mengangkat satu tangan atau dikenal sebagai Maneki Neko dipercaya dalam budaya Jepang sebagai simbol keberuntungan dan kemakmuran.

Bagi banyak pemain, tampilan seperti ini memberikan pengalaman yang terasa lebih menyenangkan dibandingkan desain permainan yang terlalu gelap atau rumit. Animasi yang halus serta efek suara yang ringan juga membuat suasana bermain terasa lebih hidup tanpa berlebihan.

Gameplay yang Mudah Dipahami

Tidak semua orang menyukai permainan dengan aturan yang rumit. Di sinilah Lucky Neko memiliki keunggulan. Mekanisme permainannya relatif sederhana sehingga pemain baru pun dapat memahami cara kerjanya dalam waktu singkat.

Kesederhanaan tersebut justru menjadi nilai tambah. Pemain tidak perlu menghabiskan waktu lama untuk mempelajari berbagai fitur sebelum mulai menikmati permainannya. Hal ini membuat Lucky Neko mampu menjangkau berbagai kalangan, baik pemain berpengalaman maupun pemula.

Ramai Dibahas oleh Komunitas

Popularitas sebuah permainan biasanya tidak lepas dari peran komunitas. Saat ini, Lucky Neko cukup sering menjadi topik pembahasan di berbagai platform digital. Banyak pengguna berbagi pengalaman, membahas fitur permainan, hingga memberikan tips berdasarkan pengalaman pribadi mereka.

Fenomena ini menunjukkan bahwa sebuah permainan tidak hanya dinilai dari tampilannya saja, tetapi juga dari seberapa aktif komunitas yang mendukungnya. Semakin banyak orang membicarakannya, rasa penasaran calon pemain pun ikut meningkat.

Namun, penting untuk diingat bahwa setiap pengalaman bermain dapat berbeda. Informasi dari komunitas sebaiknya dijadikan referensi, bukan sebagai jaminan hasil tertentu.

Tema Budaya yang Memberikan Nilai Tambah

Lucky Neko tidak sekadar mengandalkan visual menarik. Permainan ini juga mengangkat unsur budaya yang cukup dikenal secara internasional. Maneki Neko telah lama menjadi simbol keberuntungan dalam tradisi Jepang dan sering ditemukan di toko, restoran, maupun tempat usaha.

Penggunaan simbol tersebut memberikan identitas yang kuat sehingga Lucky Neko lebih mudah dikenali dibandingkan banyak permainan lain dengan tema umum. Kombinasi budaya tradisional dan teknologi modern menciptakan pengalaman yang terasa unik sekaligus familiar.

Mengapa Banyak Orang Mencobanya?

Ada beberapa alasan yang membuat Lucky Neko semakin populer saat ini. Pertama, tampilannya menarik sehingga mudah memikat perhatian sejak awal. Kedua, mekanisme permainannya sederhana sehingga tidak membuat pemain merasa kesulitan. Ketiga, banyaknya pembahasan di komunitas digital ikut mendorong rasa ingin tahu masyarakat.

Selain itu, perkembangan industri hiburan digital membuat pemain semakin terbuka untuk mencoba berbagai tema baru. Lucky Neko berhasil memanfaatkan momentum tersebut dengan menghadirkan konsep yang ringan namun tetap memiliki karakter kuat.

Dari sudut pandang pengalaman pengguna, permainan yang mudah dipahami dan memiliki identitas visual yang jelas memang cenderung lebih cepat mendapatkan perhatian. Hal ini juga sejalan dengan tren industri game yang mengutamakan aksesibilitas dan pengalaman bermain yang nyaman.

Kesimpulan

Lucky Neko saat ini memang sedang naik daun berkat perpaduan antara desain yang menarik, gameplay yang sederhana, tema budaya yang ikonik, serta dukungan komunitas yang aktif. Popularitasnya bukan muncul secara kebetulan, melainkan karena mampu menghadirkan pengalaman hiburan yang mudah dinikmati oleh berbagai kalangan.

Meski demikian, setiap orang tentu memiliki preferensi yang berbeda dalam memilih permainan. Karena itu, pendekatan terbaik adalah menikmati Lucky Neko sebagai bentuk hiburan digital secara bijak dan tetap memiliki ekspektasi yang realistis. Dengan cara tersebut, pengalaman bermain akan terasa lebih menyenangkan sekaligus bertanggung jawab.

Gene editing regulations ruled unlawful Channel News brendan 21st July 2026 Teaser Media

Update on EWG-sponsored California bills to boost consumer safety, choice and transparency Ketura Persellin July 20, 2026

California, the world’s fourth-largest economy, could soon prove – once again – its status as a leader in environmental and public health policy that helps reshape the U.S. marketplace. 

When Sacramento lawmakers return from recess next month, they’ll consider four EWG-sponsored bills that address key issues: energy affordability, “forever chemicals” pesticides, toxic chemicals in diapers and ultra-processed foods, or UPF. 

If enacted, these bills would help consumers lead cleaner, healthier lives through transparency, commonsense safety regulations and choice. They face further votes in the Legislature in August before being sent to Gov. Gavin Newsom for his signature. 

1. Using solar to lower sky-high electricity bills (Senate Bill 868)

The average California ratepayer faces electricity bills higher than those of most Americans. “Balcony solar” could help.

SB 868 would make it easier for everyone, including renters, apartment and condo dwellers, as well as owners of single-family homes, to plug into the sun using balcony solar systems – small, portable solar panels that can easily be set up on a patio or balcony and taken along when the owner moves. 

The systems are inexpensive enough that ratepayers can recoup their investment within a couple of years, putting solar – and savings – within reach of more people. And the costs should decline as the market grows. 

But complex rules make accessing balcony solar unnecessarily hard, if not impossible for many.

That’s why EWG is sponsoring this bill, known as the Plug and Play Solar Act, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco). If enacted, it would ensure that balcony solar systems meet strict safety standards and remove hurdles for Californians who want to take more ownership over their utility bills.

SB 868 passed in the California Senate in May, and through the Assembly Utilities and Energy Committee in June. No major amendments have been added to this bill and the next step in the process is review by the Assembly Appropriations Committee. 

2. Widespread use of PFAS pesticides (Assembly Bill 1603)

This bill would address the use of the toxic “forever chemicals” known as PFAS that are currently being allowed to be used as pesticides in California.

Over 2.5 million pounds of these chemicals are applied to crops each year within the state, contaminating not just produce but soil and water too.

The bill follows EWG research showing state test results finding PFAS pesticides on nine in 10 California-grown samples of peaches, nectarines and plums. It’s critical to address this source of toxic pollution in the state that grows about half the country’s produce.

Our interactive map shows the California fields where PFAS pesticides are applied. 

As introduced, AB 1603, by Assemblymember Nick Schultz (D-Burbank), would have banned the use, sale and manufacture of PFAS pesticides statewide beginning in 2035. It would have also immediately paused state approvals, phased out by 2030 the PFAS pesticides not allowed in Europe, and required public disclosure of PFAS pesticide uses. 

AB 1603 passed the Assembly in May and went on to pass through two Senate policy committees in June, Environmental Quality and Agriculture, where it was heavily amended. The Senate Appropriations Committee will next review the bill, followed by a full Senate vote.

The bill has been modified to no longer prohibit the sale or use of PFAS pesticides. It requires disclosure only. Still, that’s an important first step in addressing the use of these chemicals.

AB 1603 also maintains a categorical approach – viewing PFAS as a class of chemicals, rather than regulating them one at a time. 

3. Baby diapers made of mystery chemicals (Assembly Bill 1901)

Many categories of personal care products are a virtual black box, their ingredients a mystery. 

That’s especially true for baby diapers, since infants and toddlers wear them constantly for at least a couple years. Their developing bodies make them particularly vulnerable to toxic chemical exposure. 

AB 1901, by Assemblymember Marc Berman (D-Menlo Park), would require manufacturers of children’s diapers sold, distributed or manufactured in California to fully disclose their ingredients on product packaging and online.

Recent tests have found diapers may contain phthalates, linked to hormone disruption, bleaching agents associated with skin and respiratory irritation, and volatile organic compounds, including hazardous air pollutants like toluene and xylene.

Parents and caregivers deserve to know what chemicals sit for years on their child’s body 24/7.

AB 1901 passed the California State Assembly and the Senate Environmental Quality Committee. In August, the bill heads, with no major changes, to the Senate Appropriations Committee for review. 

4. What is and isn’t ultra-processed food (Assembly Bill 2244)

UPF make up more than two-thirds of children’s diets and more than half of the typical adult diet in the U.S. 

AB 2244 addresses the confusion shoppers face in distinguishing ultra-processed from less processed food, with the intent of helping to rein in skyrocketing and harmful UPF consumption. 

If enacted, the bill would establish a system for certifying qualifying foods as free from the additives, emulsifiers, food dyes and flavors that often characterize UPF. It would tie that system to California’s first-in-the-nation definition of UPF, which was adopted last year as the result of an earlier bill, also intended to stem the consumption of UPF.

Assemblymember Jesse Gabriel (D-Encino) is the lawmaker behind this bill and several other pioneering laws addressing food safety, especially for kids. His work has helped galvanize a national movement to address food chemicals. 

AB 2244 passed the Assembly in May, when it was revised to give grocers more flexibility in how they display products sporting the UPF label. The Senate health and judiciary committees have passed the bill, and the Senate appropriations panel will consider it next.

Protein powder bill falls short

EWG also sponsored a fifth bill, which aimed to require manufacturers of protein powder and shakes to disclose levels of heavy metals in their products. 

Millions supplement their protein intake in various forms every day. But they have no way to know whether the shakes, powders and bars they consume contain concerning levels of harmful contaminants: lead, cadmium, mercury and arsenic. One recent study showed about half the products tested exceeded at least one state or federal safety limit for these contaminants.

The fifth bill, SB 1033, would have required manufacturers to disclose levels of heavy metals in their products. Its author, state Sen. Steve Padilla (D-San Diego), sought to make manufacturers accountable for a product that is under-regulated by federal standards.

This bill would have brought greater transparency to protein products, much like an earlier law, which holds producers of baby food to a safety standard for heavy metal. But the legislation did not advance out of the Senate.

Areas of Focus Ultra-Processed Foods Children’s Health Toxic Chemicals Pesticides PFAS Chemicals California July 23, 2026

Antimining Barricade Torn Down In Palawam - But Indigenous People Resistance Will Not Be Silenced

Palawan — long celebrated as the Philippines’ last ecological frontier — is now ground zero for a disturbing pattern: mining incursions advancing with impunity, and Indigenous Peoples’ rights being trampled by the very institutions mandated to protect them.

On March 26, in Sitio Linao, Barangay Ipilan, Brooke’s Point, Pala’wan communities watched in shock as two backhoes belonging to Calmia Nickel Inc. (CNI) crossed the invisible boundary that has safeguarded their upland ancestral domain for generations. For the first time, heavy machinery penetrated a landscape where selfsufficiency still thrives: forests rich with wildlife, upland rice and cassava fields, and dozens of freshwater springs sustaining entire communities.

Support the Pala’wan

What you can do: to support this struggle, please sign and send this email letter to Hon. Cesareo Benedito Jr., Mayor of Brooke’s Point, including also the other electronic addresses in Cc.

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Along with many concerned individuals worldwide, I am particularly alarmed by developments in the Municipality of Brooke's Point, where the mining tenements of companies such as Ipilan Nickel Corporation (INC) and Calmia-MacroAsia overlap with the Mount Mantalingahan Protected Landscape (MMPL), an area of both national and international ecological significance. Allowing further degradation in these zones risks irreversible consequences for the island's sustainable future. Public records reveal that at least 218,854 trees have already been targeted under "Special Tree Cutting and EarthBalling Permits" for mining operations in Palawan. This number is staggering - not only because of the trees themselves, but because each permit threatens watersheds, biodiversity, soil stability and the entire ecological system that sustains life on the island. It is disheartening to learn of the Municipal Government's recent endorsement of the business permit renewal for Ipilan Nickel Corporation - an action that would authorize the cutting of approximately 32,000 trees in primary forest. I sincerely hope that this decision, supported by nine members of the Sangguniang Bayan, can still be reconsidered and ultimately reversed in the interest of long-term environmental stewardship. I am equally concerned about the situation in Sitio Linao, where the barricade erected by Indigenous residents to stop Calmia's heavy equipment was dismantled on 29 June. This community has safeguarded and sustainably managed its environment for generations, and their grievances merit urgent attention and meaningful action. They are not alone in facing the impacts of mining; the livelihoods of farmers and fisherfolk across Brooke's Point are already being undermined, as seen in the experience of barangay Maasin proper. This pattern of harm cannot be allowed to continue. I respectfully urge your office not to endorse a business permit to Calmia Nickel Inc. and to ensure that existing operations - particularly those of INC - are not permitted to expand, and ideally are halted altogether. While the recent provincial moratorium on new mining applications is a welcome step, it is discouraging to learn that several officials are circumventing it with increasing ease and impunity. Please be assured that the international network of civil society organizations is closely monitoring the situation in Palawan and remains committed to supporting efforts to protect what has long been recognized as the "Philippines' Last Ecological Frontier." As Mayor, you hold the authority and responsibility to ensure that Brooke's Point remains one of the greenest and most beautiful municipalities in Palawan. I earnestly hope that you will use your mandate to safeguard the forests that Indigenous peoples have protected for centuries, so that future generations may inherit a landscape that remains intact, vibrant, and life-sustaining. Respectfully, [Your Name]` }; } function openActionEmail(type) { const data = getActionEmailData(); if (type === 'gmail') { window.open( 'https://mail.google.com/mail/?view=cm&fs=1' + '&to=' + encodeURIComponent(data.to) + '&cc=' + encodeURIComponent(data.cc) + '&su=' + encodeURIComponent(data.subject) + '&body=' + encodeURIComponent(data.body), '_blank' ); } if (type === 'outlook') { window.open( 'https://outlook.office.com/mail/deeplink/compose?' + 'to=' + encodeURIComponent(data.to) + '&cc=' + encodeURIComponent(data.cc) + '&subject=' + encodeURIComponent(data.subject) + '&body=' + encodeURIComponent(data.body), '_blank' ); } if (type === 'mailto') { window.location.href = 'mailto:' + data.to + '?cc=' + encodeURIComponent(data.cc) + '&subject=' + encodeURIComponent(data.subject) + '&body=' + encodeURIComponent(data.body); } } function copyPalawanLetter(button) { const data = getActionEmailData(); const completeText = 'TO: brookespointmayorsoffice@gmail.com\n' + 'CC: mabuhay@palawan.gov.ph, tjsmatta@gmail.com, oed@pcsd.gov.ph, ohea@denr.gov.ph, region4b@ncip.gov.ph, jenmarcantonjos@gmail.com, ich@unesco.org, comite.liaison.ong@unesco.org\n\n' + data.body; const textArea = document.createElement('textarea'); textArea.value = completeText; textArea.setAttribute('readonly', ''); textArea.style.position = 'fixed'; textArea.style.top = '0'; textArea.style.left = '0'; textArea.style.width = '1px'; textArea.style.height = '1px'; textArea.style.padding = '0'; textArea.style.border = '0'; textArea.style.fontSize = '16px'; textArea.style.opacity = '0.01'; document.body.appendChild(textArea); textArea.focus(); textArea.select(); textArea.setSelectionRange(0, completeText.length); let copied = false; try { copied = document.execCommand('copy'); } catch (error) { copied = false; } document.body.removeChild(textArea); if (copied) { showCopyConfirmation(button); return; } /* Segundo intento para navegadores compatibles */ if (navigator.clipboard && window.isSecureContext) { navigator.clipboard.writeText(completeText) .then(function () { showCopyConfirmation(button); }) .catch(function () { showManualCopy(completeText); }); } else { showManualCopy(completeText); } } function showCopyConfirmation(button) { const originalText = button.textContent; button.textContent = 'Letter copied!'; setTimeout(function () { button.textContent = originalText; }, 2000); } function showManualCopy(text) { window.prompt( 'Press and hold the text, then select Copy:', text ); }

According to tribal leader Panglima Celso Paida,

“The company entered our ancestral domain without consulting us at all. We had no choice but to act immediately and set up a community barricade to stop further intrusions. In spite of this, they’re leveling an area where they, supposedly, plan to put up their building.”

For nearly three months, indigenous residents guarded the barricade day and night. It became a living symbol of resistance – a collective assertion of ancestral rights and a civil society defense of Brooke’s Point’s watersheds, which sustain upland communities, farmers, and fisherfolk downstream.

A Brutal Dismantling — Backed by State Agencies

On June 29, this outpost of Indigenous selfdetermination was dismantled. The operation was carried out with coordination and support from the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP), Palawan National Police (PNP), the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), the Mining and Geoscience Bureau (MGB) and other agencies.

The order to dismantle the barricade was executed under NCIP Memorandum Order No. 1562026, based on a resolution issued by IPDOBICAMM, an organization whose legitimacy is widely contested by true Pala’wan leaders. In a striking display of bias, NCIP Provincial Director Atty. Jansen Jontilla personally served the dismantling order while wearing a mining helmet — a visual confirmation of where NCIP’s loyalties lie, and a betrayal of the very communities the agency is legally mandated to protect.

Illegitimate Leaders Elevated, True Custodians Ignored

IPDOBICAMM President Julhadi Titte, a key figure behind the dismantling, claimed the barricade violated prior agreements and breached IP rights under the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA). But Pala’wan leaders reject this narrative outright. One of them argues: “Titte is not a legitimate Indigenous leader, he does not belong to the Pala’wan tribes and IPDOBICAMM does not represent the true custodians of the ancestral domain, across the six ‘barangays’ (administrative units)”. Yet NCIP continues to elevate such figures – a pattern that conveniently aligns with mining interests.

“IPDOBICAMM was created through collusion between mining companies and NCIP. Our legitimate leaders are reorganizing through PEKP (traditional leaders), supported by MKE (women’s groups) and SAMAKA (youth opposing mining).”

A respected Pala’wan representative

A Flawed FPIC Process — Manipulated to Favor Mining

The agreements cited by IPDOBICAMM are deeply questionable. According to legitimate Pala’wan leaders, the Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) process was manipulated by NCIP officials. One leader explains: “NCIP validated mining approval through dubious ‘majority’ votes rather than genuine consensus, as required by IPRA.”

An indigenous woman advocate corroborates:

“Several of those consulted are not truly indigenous. They collaborate with mining companies for personal gain. They speak in our name without our consent — and NCIP validates them instead of us.”

Mining Agreements Built on Fraud and Violations

The Mineral Production Sharing Agreement (MPSA) of MacroAsia Mining Corp., implemented by Calmia Nickel Inc., allegedly received community support leading to NCIP’s issuance of a Certification Precondition (CP). But the consultations involved illegitimate leaders, not the true custodians recognized by local communities.

Indigenous leaders are now demanding an investigation into how the Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) was secured – and how mining approvals were pushed through despite widespread opposition.

“Why does NCIP follow the orders of IPDOBICAMM - a group that manages mining royalties - instead of the indigenous community who actually live within the ancestral lands to be mined?”

Victor Colili – Former Brooke’s Point Councillor and Indigenous Peoples’ leader

“NCIP was created to protect Indigenous Peoples, not undermine them. When decisions affecting ancestral domains disregard the voices of those who have long protected these lands, public trust in the institution collapses.”

Mary Jean Feliciano – Vice Mayor of Brooke’s Point

Legal Violations, Broken Promises, and a Threat to a UNESCO Landscape

MacroAsia/Calmia promised nine programs for IPs in the MOA — none have been fulfilled. Their mining tenement overlaps with the Mount Mantalingahan Protected Landscape (MMPL), a UNESCOrecognized biodiversity hotspot feeding 33 rivers and providing ecosystem services valued at US$5.5 billion, supporting 200,000 people.

The project also lacks a business permit from the Brooke’s Point Mayor and should not be allowed to push through, given the Provincial Ordinance No. 3646, which imposes a 50year mining moratorium. Yet enforcement agencies continue to ignore these violations. This reflects a familiar pattern in Philippine resource governance: corruption, clientelism, and impunity, undermining Palawan’s status as a UNESCO Man & Biosphere Reserve and threatening one of the country’s last intact forests.

IPRA Under Attack — A Dangerous Legislative Shift

The Philippines has some of Asia’s strongest Indigenous rights laws. Yet corruption hollow them out. Even the landmark Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act (IPRA) is now under threat. Proposed laws such as House Bill 9608 and House Bill 621 seek to transfer IPRA functions from NCIP to DENR — the same agency whose Mines and Geosciences Bureau grants mining permits. If passed, Indigenous rights would fall under the authority of those who profit from their erosion. This would mark the death of IPRA.

“The destruction of the barricade will not stop us. It will only make us more determined to defend our forest and the future of the coming generations.”

Blockade participants led by Celso Paida

Indigenous Resistance Continues

Despite the dismantling, Indigenous resolve remains unbroken.

The struggle of the Pala’wan and civil society to protect Brooke’s Point’s pristine environment will continue — until mining operations retreat and ancestral domains are respected.

What you can do: To support this struggle, please sign and send this email letter to Hon. Cesareo Benedito Jr., Mayor of Brooke’s Point, including also the other electronic addresses in Cc.

/* Contenedor */ .palawan-actions { width: 100%; padding: 30px 20px; box-sizing: border-box; } .palawan-actions-desktop, .palawan-actions-mobile { align-items: center; justify-content: center; flex-wrap: wrap; gap: 14px; } /* Botones */ .palawan-actions .palawan-button { position: static !important; display: inline-flex !important; align-items: center; justify-content: center; float: none !important; width: auto !important; min-height: 48px; margin: 0 !important; padding: 12px 22px !important; background: #94164f !important; color: #ffffff !important; border: 2px solid #94164f !important; border-radius: 4px !important; font-family: inherit; font-size: 16px !important; font-weight: 700 !important; line-height: 1.2 !important; letter-spacing: 0 !important; text-align: center; text-decoration: none !important; white-space: nowrap; cursor: pointer; box-shadow: 0 3px 8px rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.14); transition: background-color 0.2s ease, color 0.2s ease, border-color 0.2s ease, transform 0.2s ease; } /* Evita el ícono y el desplazamiento automático de Divi */ .palawan-actions .palawan-button::before, .palawan-actions .palawan-button::after { display: none !important; content: none !important; } .palawan-actions .palawan-button:hover, .palawan-actions .palawan-button:focus { padding: 12px 22px !important; background: #ffffff !important; color: #94164f !important; border-color: #ffffff !important; transform: translateY(-2px); } .palawan-actions .palawan-button:focus-visible { outline: 3px solid rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.6); outline-offset: 3px; } /* Escritorio */ .palawan-actions-desktop { display: flex; } .palawan-actions-mobile { display: none; } /* Tablet y celular */ @media only screen and (max-width: 980px) { .palawan-actions { padding: 24px 20px; } .palawan-actions-desktop { display: none !important; } .palawan-actions-mobile { display: flex !important; } } /* Celular */ @media only screen and (max-width: 480px) { .palawan-actions-mobile { flex-direction: column; gap: 12px; } .palawan-actions .palawan-button { width: 100% !important; max-width: 280px; white-space: normal; } } Send with Gmail Send with Outlook Copy letter Open email app Copy letter function getPalawanActionSubject() { if (!window.palawanSelectedSubject) { const subjects = [ "Protect Brooke's Point and Palawan's Indigenous communities", "Stand with the Indigenous communities of Palawan", "Urgent action needed to protect Brooke's Point", "Defend Palawan's forests and Indigenous rights", "Stop mining expansion in Brooke's Point", "Protect Palawan's Last Ecological Frontier", "Respect Indigenous rights in Brooke's Point", "Appeal to protect Brooke's Point from mining" ]; window.palawanSelectedSubject = subjects[Math.floor(Math.random() * subjects.length)]; } return window.palawanSelectedSubject; } function getActionEmailData() { return { to: 'brookespointmayorsoffice@gmail.com', cc: [ 'mabuhay@palawan.gov.ph', 'tjsmatta@gmail.com', 'oed@pcsd.gov.ph', 'ohea@denr.gov.ph', 'region4b@ncip.gov.ph', 'jenmarcantonjos@gmail.com', 'ich@unesco.org', 'comite.liaison.ong@unesco.org' ].join(','), subject: getPalawanActionSubject(), body: `Dear Mayor Benedito, With each passing month, I continue to receive deeply troubling reports regarding the accelerating intrusion of mining operations within Palawan, a UNESCO Man and Biosphere Reserve. Along with many concerned individuals worldwide, I am particularly alarmed by developments in the Municipality of Brooke's Point, where the mining tenements of companies such as Ipilan Nickel Corporation (INC) and Calmia-MacroAsia overlap with the Mount Mantalingahan Protected Landscape (MMPL), an area of both national and international ecological significance. Allowing further degradation in these zones risks irreversible consequences for the island's sustainable future. Public records reveal that at least 218,854 trees have already been targeted under "Special Tree Cutting and EarthBalling Permits" for mining operations in Palawan. This number is staggering - not only because of the trees themselves, but because each permit threatens watersheds, biodiversity, soil stability and the entire ecological system that sustains life on the island. It is disheartening to learn of the Municipal Government's recent endorsement of the business permit renewal for Ipilan Nickel Corporation - an action that would authorize the cutting of approximately 32,000 trees in primary forest. I sincerely hope that this decision, supported by nine members of the Sangguniang Bayan, can still be reconsidered and ultimately reversed in the interest of long-term environmental stewardship. I am equally concerned about the situation in Sitio Linao, where the barricade erected by Indigenous residents to stop Calmia's heavy equipment was dismantled on 29 June. This community has safeguarded and sustainably managed its environment for generations, and their grievances merit urgent attention and meaningful action. They are not alone in facing the impacts of mining; the livelihoods of farmers and fisherfolk across Brooke's Point are already being undermined, as seen in the experience of barangay Maasin proper. This pattern of harm cannot be allowed to continue. I respectfully urge your office not to endorse a business permit to Calmia Nickel Inc. and to ensure that existing operations - particularly those of INC - are not permitted to expand, and ideally are halted altogether. While the recent provincial moratorium on new mining applications is a welcome step, it is discouraging to learn that several officials are circumventing it with increasing ease and impunity. Please be assured that the international network of civil society organizations is closely monitoring the situation in Palawan and remains committed to supporting efforts to protect what has long been recognized as the "Philippines' Last Ecological Frontier." As Mayor, you hold the authority and responsibility to ensure that Brooke's Point remains one of the greenest and most beautiful municipalities in Palawan. I earnestly hope that you will use your mandate to safeguard the forests that Indigenous peoples have protected for centuries, so that future generations may inherit a landscape that remains intact, vibrant, and life-sustaining. Respectfully, [Your Name]` }; } function openActionEmail(type) { const data = getActionEmailData(); if (type === 'gmail') { window.open( 'https://mail.google.com/mail/?view=cm&fs=1' + '&to=' + encodeURIComponent(data.to) + '&cc=' + encodeURIComponent(data.cc) + '&su=' + encodeURIComponent(data.subject) + '&body=' + encodeURIComponent(data.body), '_blank' ); } if (type === 'outlook') { window.open( 'https://outlook.office.com/mail/deeplink/compose?' + 'to=' + encodeURIComponent(data.to) + '&cc=' + encodeURIComponent(data.cc) + '&subject=' + encodeURIComponent(data.subject) + '&body=' + encodeURIComponent(data.body), '_blank' ); } if (type === 'mailto') { window.location.href = 'mailto:' + data.to + '?cc=' + encodeURIComponent(data.cc) + '&subject=' + encodeURIComponent(data.subject) + '&body=' + encodeURIComponent(data.body); } } function copyPalawanLetter(button) { const data = getActionEmailData(); const completeText = 'TO: brookespointmayorsoffice@gmail.com\n' + 'CC: mabuhay@palawan.gov.ph, tjsmatta@gmail.com, oed@pcsd.gov.ph, ohea@denr.gov.ph, region4b@ncip.gov.ph, jenmarcantonjos@gmail.com, ich@unesco.org, comite.liaison.ong@unesco.org\n\n' + data.body; const textArea = document.createElement('textarea'); textArea.value = completeText; textArea.setAttribute('readonly', ''); textArea.style.position = 'fixed'; textArea.style.top = '0'; textArea.style.left = '0'; textArea.style.width = '1px'; textArea.style.height = '1px'; textArea.style.padding = '0'; textArea.style.border = '0'; textArea.style.fontSize = '16px'; textArea.style.opacity = '0.01'; document.body.appendChild(textArea); textArea.focus(); textArea.select(); textArea.setSelectionRange(0, completeText.length); let copied = false; try { copied = document.execCommand('copy'); } catch (error) { copied = false; } document.body.removeChild(textArea); if (copied) { showCopyConfirmation(button); return; } /* Segundo intento para navegadores compatibles */ if (navigator.clipboard && window.isSecureContext) { navigator.clipboard.writeText(completeText) .then(function () { showCopyConfirmation(button); }) .catch(function () { showManualCopy(completeText); }); } else { showManualCopy(completeText); } } function showCopyConfirmation(button) { const originalText = button.textContent; button.textContent = 'Letter copied!'; setTimeout(function () { button.textContent = originalText; }, 2000); } function showManualCopy(text) { window.prompt( 'Press and hold the text, then select Copy:', text ); }

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