News Feeds

File:  ltr to Congress, 76 scientists 2012.pdfResource Type: Letters

File:  ltr to Congress, 76 scientists 2012.pdfResource Type: Letters

The United States celebrated its 200th anniversary in 1976, and in a lot of ways it felt like a year-long celebration of everything that made our country great.

But there were dark sides to the American Bicentennial, including civil rights struggles, a gas crisis, and (of course) American capitalism.

The over-commercialization of the Bicentennial started long before 1976. As early as September 1974 people were already starting to call it the “Buy-centennial,” with many products designed to part fools from their money with maximum efficiency. Commemorative cars? Check. Special coins? Check. Red, white and blue lawn chairs? Check. Useless parchment certificates proclaiming your patriotism? Check.

Literally, write and mail a check (in those pre-Venmo days) and all of that could have been yours.

The “patriotic” commerce was everywhere. SeaWorld renamed one of its captive killer whales “Yankee Doodle.” Companies marketed toilet seats with eagles underneath the lids. George Washington and other Revolutionary icons were painted onto just about any piece of crap you could imagine.

There were even awards to celebrate the “most tasteless exploitation” of the Bicentennial, with “winners” such as “Paul Revere” ice cream and red-white-and-blue funeral caskets. (I’m sure that last one was some sort of violation of the Flag Code.)

And it wasn’t just these Bicentennial-themed products. Retailers also got into the act, with special “Spirit of 76” sales or “wrapped in the flag” marketing campaigns starting in January and running rampant as Independence Day approached.

What was funny — or, perhaps, completely predictable — is that a lot of the people who set out to exploit the Bicentennial ended up losing their shirts. Come July 5, 1976, whatever Bicentennial-branded products remained on the shelves became instantly worthless. One guy in Utah bought 7,200 Bicentennial chains and medallions; by the end of 1976 he had about 7,120 left that he couldn’t even give away. Our nation’s landfills must all have a layer of red, white and blue crap from around this time for any hardy archeologists with enough intestinal fortitude to dig deep and explore.

Of course, none of this is much different from the aisles of cheap, imported junk we still see in stores every year come July 4 — especially this year as our nation’s 250th anniversary looms. Right now you can go to any local grocery store, drug store, or big-box retailer to buy poorly made flag T-shirts, flag plastic plates, patriotic disposable forks, cups with bald eagles on the side, and maybe — if you look hard enough — an actual flag or two buried amidst the disposables and Monster energy drinks we use to “celebrate” Independence Day.

Photo: John R. Platt/The Revelator

And this year has the extra capitalist curse of the Trump presidency looming over it. Our Grifter in Chief and his family have emblazoned his name and ugly mug on a veritable infinite number of products designed to siphon the few remaining dollars from his acolytes’ wallets or bank accounts.

The one saving grace compared to 50 years ago is that a lot of this ephemeral Trump “merch” is print-on-demand, so there won’t be as much unsold excess to end up in a landfill — just hundreds of AI-generated images destined for a computer’s trash bin.

But even ephemera can last a long time, thanks to the wonders of the Internet. I spent a few years researching the Bicentennial (a project from which this essay is adapted), and I’ve uncovered a host of things that still speak to the lessons we haven’t learned over the past 50 years.

So as the Trump-infused Semiquincentennial bears down on us, let’s look back at the capitalist dystopia of the Buy-Centennial through the wonder of 1976 newspaper advertisements. Maybe they can offer a few reminders that unchecked capitalism and waste aren’t patriotic — or worth celebrating.

Sexism never went out of style.

Your constitutional right to banking.

A lot of stories ran prices like this during the Bicentennial.

Free flag with a bucket of chicken!

Existing mascots often found themselves wearing tri-corner hats and waving flags.

This clip art of sexy “Uncle” Sam showed up in newspapers all over the country.

Here’s that same model in an ad for “Buy-sale-tennial Specials.” Sheesh.

High inflation and labor exploitation … sounds like today.

The British are coming … to watch HBO!

Follow the troops to Beth’s Kitchen. Wow, this one’s offensive.

Metal detectors helped in the Revolutionary War?

I call this George Washington-washing.

Ouch. That’s some awful artwork. But soooo Seventies.

This one is actually kind of cute.

Not the greatest drawing, but…

…it sure got used a lot. For a lot of different things. All over the country.

Another mascot embraces the day.

A sexy minuteman — er, maid — sells cars. This photo was used by companies all over the nation. Because sex.

Our founding fathers’ best quotes turned into ads for various companies. This same spread shows up in regional papers all over the country selling different stuff for each town.

200th birthday, save $200. This clipart of a town crier showed up all over the place. I love the awful paste-up job on the text here.

So many companies did this. “America is 200, and we’re 50, so it’s exactly the same thing!”

Is pointing a gun at your customers ever a good idea?

Local businesses often ran photos or caricatures of their salespeople in their ads, but rarely like this.

I don’t even know what this mascot is supposed to be.

What are the most egregious Semiquincentennial products you’ve encountered? Let me know at jplatt@therevelator.org — and send photos!

Republish this article for free! Read our reprint policy. Previously in The Revelator:

Let’s Rename the Day After Thanksgiving ‘Extinction Friday’

 

The post America 250: Echoes of the Buy-Centennial appeared first on The Revelator.

The flexible loads utilities need exist on your system, but you can't manage what you can't see.

Energy's AI adoption is low. The developers pulling ahead know which workflows to automate.

Approaching the utility rate case with data, strategy and diligence enables favorable outcomes and strengthens credibility.

Horne 5: une épée de Damoclès en zone urbaine surpolluée Quebec, Canada

Image : Horne 5. Crédit : Ressources Falco Ltée, Rouyn-Noranda.(1)

Résumé

Notre cas emblématique de résistance à l’extractivisme concerne la réouverture d’une mine dans la ville de Rouyn-Noranda, au Québec (Canada). Le projet minier Horne 5 de Ressource Falco Ltée vise l’extraction d’un gisement polymétallique dont le principal attrait économique est l’or. Le projet est situé dans le quartier Notre-Dame et sous la Fonderie Horne de Glencore qui, depuis son ouverture en 1927, pollue drastiquement l’air de Rouyn-Noranda. 

 

Le projet Horne 5 figure parmi les projets miniers les plus dangereux, inacceptables et nuisibles des dernières décennies au Québec. En plus de présenter des risques psychosociaux importants, ce projet comporte des dangers catastrophiques pour la sécurité publique, l’équilibre socioéconomique, ainsi que pour la protection de l’environnement.

Image : La Fonderie Horne – Symbole de la pollution à Rouyn-Noranda, 1978. Crédit : Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec.(2)

Image : Les travailleurs de la Mine Noranda — photo prise entre 1962 et 1978. Crédit : Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, Rouyn-Noranda.

Image : Travailleurs de la Mine Noranda sur la ligne de piquetage pendant la grève de 1946-1947. Crédit : Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, Rouyn-Noranda.

Image : Marche anti-pollution organisée par le théâtre de Coppe qui avait pour thématique l’enterrement du lac Osisko, 1985. Crédit : Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, Rouyn-Noranda.

Image : La Fonderie Horne de Glencore sous la neige et les rejets toxiques, photo prise entre 1962 et 1978. Crédit : Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, Rouyn-Noranda.

Image : La Fonderie Horne de Glencore pollue encore aujourd’hui. Crédit : Guillaume Proulx, 2019. Rouyn-Noranda.

 

Le paysage culturel de Rouyn-Noranda

Rouyn-Noranda est une ville de 42 000 habitant·e·s, située sur le Nitakinan, anicinape aki, territoire anicinabe non cédé. Le contexte politique de Rouyn-Noranda a été marqué par des luttes critiques sur les plans sociaux et juridiques et favorisant historiquement les industries extractives. Cette ville est un îlot de culture (musique, arts visuels, arts performatifs, théâtre, etc.) au sein de la forêt boréale. Rouyn-Noranda est le berceau d’une communauté pluriculturelle, résistante, militante et familiale. Le projet Horne 5 est situé notamment sur le territoire ancestral de la Première Nation de Long Point. Rouyn-Noranda cohabite avec les activités industrielles historiques depuis sa création, il y a 100 ans cette année.

Image : Page Facebook du Collectif 33 (3), Rouyn-Noranda.

Si accepté, le projet minier Horne 5 s’insérerait au cœur même de ce milieu de vie, sous une zone déjà fragilisée par de nombreuses galeries minières abandonnées. La littérature reflète d’ailleurs un manque de données sur les mines en milieu urbain, puisque ces études de cas sont peu nombreuses.

 

Horne 5 – L’épée de Damoclès

Image : Ressources Falco Ltée (4).

Le projet Horne 5 qui prévoit l’extraction de 15 500 tonnes de minerai par jour à des profondeurs allant jusqu’à 2 000 m et générant 80 millions de tonnes de résidus miniers a été soumis au BAPE (Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement) pour une consultation publique en 2024. Cette procédure nécessite, lorsque le gouvernement confie un tel mandat, que le président du BAPE forme une commission d’enquête chargée d’évaluer les impacts du projets., Cette évaluation formelle a mis en lumière  est associé à plusieurs enjeux critiques, dont :

1. Affaissements de terrain et sismicité induite : Sans compter tous les risques liés aux affaissements de terrain et la sismicité induite, notons que le projet est situé sous la Fonderie Horne — composée d’infrastructures désuètes — où des bassins d’acide sulfurique et autres produits toxiques pourraient engendrer de véritables catastrophes environnementales et des risques de mortalités importantes chez les travailleur·euse·s de même qu’au sein de la population. Rouyn-Noranda aura d’ailleurs déjà été témoin d’affaissement de terrain soudain en 2013, en plein coeur du parc Mouska — une aire de détente et de jeux familiale. Le trou de plus de 3 mètres se trouvait au-dessus du site de l’ancienne mine Chadbourne, l’une des nombreuses mines abandonnées dans les sous-sols de la ville. (5)

2. Droits ancestraux : L’apparence de contravention aux droits ancestraux de la Première Nation de Long Pointe constitue un enjeu important à ce projet minier. En effet, lors de la commission d’enquête, les réponses fournies par le gouvernement ont soulevé « des doutes raisonnables à l’effet que l’obligation constitutionnelle de consulter les autochtones détenteurs de droits ancestraux n’a pas été respectée pour l’ensemble des communautés dont le territoire est visé par le projet minier Horne 5, à commencer par la Première Nation de Long Pointe. ». (6)

3. Protection de l’eau : En plus de menacer l’intégrité de nombreux plans d’eau par l’implantation de pipelines de prélèvement d’eau douce, le projet Horne 5 comporte de nombreux risques de contamination grave du lac Dufault, soit le lac qui approvisionne l’unique station de pompage en eau potable de la ville de Rouyn-Noranda. Cette contamination pourrait se matérialiser par des fuites des pipelines de 17 km transportant les résidus miniers ou des fuites provenant des digues des parcs à résidus.

4. Écoblanchiment : La compagnie utilise un discours d’écoblanchiment quant aux actions liées à son plan de gestion du passif minier du projet, alors que leur plan en ce qui concerne les résidus miniers menace sérieusement l’environnement et la santé humaine. En effet, après avoir sélectionné un site non restauré pour accumuler les résidus projetés, le promoteur cherche à faire croire à la communauté qu’ajouter des matières acidogènes, lixiviables et cyanurées dans l’environnement puisse constituer une option avantageuse.

5. Qualité de l’air : Les activités industrielles réalisées par la Fonderie Horne de Glencore dans la ville de Rouyn-Noranda génèrent des taux alarmants de métaux lourds (arsenic, baryum, cadmium, cuivre, nickel et plomb). Les niveaux inacceptables de pollution atmosphérique générés par la fonderie, ainsi que la complicité du gouvernement qui les tolère constituent l’un des scandales environnementaux les plus persistants et les plus controversés au Québec. La littérature démontre d’ailleurs que la population de Rouyn-Noranda est exposée à un surplus de cancers du poumon, de maladies pulmonaires obstructives chroniques, de problèmes neurologiques et à des retards de croissance intra-utérins. La Fonderie Horne est encore autorisée à opérer la fonte de déchets provenant des quatre coins de la planète pour en extraire le cuivre, sous le seuil de 45 ng/m³ d’arsenic dans l’air à Rouyn-Noranda. La compagnie réclame actuellement un report jusqu’en 2030 pour l’atteinte d’un seuil intérimaire de 15 ng/m³, nonobstant la norme québécoise de 3 ng/m³. Pourtant, l’Institut national de santé publique du Québec stipulait en 2022 que si le seuil de 15 ng/m³ protège les groupes vulnérables (comme les enfants) contre certains effets, la seule cible à considérer comme sécuritaire demeure la norme de 3 ng/m³. Le projet Horne 5 cherche ainsi à s’insérer dans un milieu où les normes sont déjà dépassées, contrevenant au régime d’application de l’article 197 du Règlement sur l’assainissement de l’atmosphère. L’autorisation d’un nouveau projet minier ne ferait ainsi qu’aggraver une situation illégale tolérée depuis trop longtemps.

 

Credit: Guillaume Proulx, 2019, Rouyn-Noranda.

 

6. Coûts sociaux et économiques multiples : Les impacts socioéconomiques incluent d’abord l’augmentation de la demande en logement induite par l’arrivée de nouveaux travailleurs et de leur famille. Cette demande se manifeste malgré un taux d’inoccupation extrêmement faible de 0,9 % en 2025 (7), ce qui est nettement inférieur au seuil d’équilibre de 3 % reconnu au Québec. Autrement dit, Rouyn-Noranda est déjà confrontée à une grave crise du logement qui ne fera qu’empirer avec l’arrivée de nouveaux travailleurs. « Par ailleurs, la relocalisation progressive de résident·e·s pour la création d’une zone tampon à proximité de la Fonderie Horne — mesure à venir après 2028 — témoigne de l’ampleur des défis environnementaux et sanitaires avec lesquels la ville et sa population doivent (déjà) composer» (8). S’ajoutent à cela l’anxiété et la fatigue sociale de la population ainsi que les menaces sur l’attractivité et la vitalité de Rouyn-Noranda sur le long terme.

Agenda des luttes et de la résistance

Voici un survol de l’agenda de la mobilisation citoyenne en lien avec le projet Horne 5.

• 17 mai 2024 | Appel à la mobilisation citoyenne

Diffusion d’un communiqué de presse qui invitait la population de Rouyn-Noranda à assister à la première rencontre d’information au sujet du projet Horne 5. 

• 21 mai 2024 | Envoi d’une lettre officielle au ministre de l’Environnement et d’une lettre officielle au président du BAPE 

Envoi d’une lettre officielle au ministre faisant la demande conjointe d’audiences publiques menées par le Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement (BAPE) concernant le projet Horne 5 ainsi que d’une lettre officielle au président du BAPE faisant la demande conjointe de tenir une rencontre préparatoire à l’intention du public avant l’audience publique. La rencontre préparatoire a eu lieu le 13 août 2024.

• 27 juin 2024 | Invitation à un atelier de planification de la participation communautaire

Diffusion d’un communiqué de presse invitant les citoyen·ne·s à un atelier gratuit le 7 juillet 2024 sur la planification d’une participation aux audiences du Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement (BAPE) pour le projet minier Horne 5.

• 14 et 26 août 2024 | Participation à des rencontres stratégiques avec les citoyen·ne·s de Rouyn-Noranda

Deux rencontres stratégiques tout juste avant le début de la commission d’enquête.

• 27 août 2024 | Début des audiences du BAPE à Rouyn-Noranda : Plusieurs questions cruciales à poser sur l’inquiétant projet minier Horne 5

Diffusion d’un communiqué de presse stipulant que : « La société civile est prête pour l’exercice. Malgré le déclenchement du dossier en plein été et une présentation de la documentation anarchique et sans préavis de la part de la compagnie, les groupes sont parvenus à étudier en détail le dossier en mettant leurs ressources en commun.»

Image : Rouyn-Noranda pendant le Bureau d’audiences publiques de l’environnement au sujet du projet Horne 5. Crédit : Radio-Canada / Lise Millette (9)

• Du 27 au 29 août 2024 | Participation aux cinq séances de la première partie des audiences publiques du BAPE à Rouyn-Noranda.

Période d’information et de présentation des tenants et aboutissants du projet ainsi que des enjeux environnementaux. Les citoyen·ne·s peuvent notamment poser des questions au promoteur. 

 

• 16 au 26 septembre 2024 | Période de temps octroyée à la transmission de points de vue à l’oral, par le biais d’un mémoire, par commentaire ou par image commentée.

Le 26 septembre était la date limite pour le dépôt des mémoires. La Coalition Québec Meilleure Mine et MiningWatch Canada ont fait un dépôt d’un mémoire conjoint concernant le projet minier Horne 5 de Ressource Falco Ltée.

 

• 30 septembre au 3 octobre 2024 | Deuxième partie d’audience publique du BAPE pour le projet minier Horne 5 de Ressources Falco.

Cette deuxième partie permet aux personnes de s’exprimer sur le sujet. C’est l’occasion d’émettre, par exemple, des recommandations ou même de faire la présentation à l’oral de son mémoire.

 

• Automne 2024 | Recommandation d’octroi d’un mandat d’analyse des risques sismiques de la part des autorités de santé régionales.

Les autorités de santé régionales (le CISSS-AT) ont recommandé au ministère d’exiger des études approfondies sur les risques de tremblements de terre causés par la mine. La préoccupation majeure concerne le centre de radio-oncologie — également situé dans le quartier Notre-Dame — de Rouyn-Noranda, où les vibrations pourraient endommager les équipements de soin.

• 23 décembre 2024 | Dépôt du rapport du BAPE au ministre.

 

Le nerf de la guerre

C’est par le processus du Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement (BAPE) que la Commission d’enquête a officiellement conclu, le 7 janvier 2025, que le projet Horne 5 est inacceptable. Le rapport stipule que le projet ne répond pas aux exigences minimales de sécurité, de santé publique et de protection de l’environnement. Un réseau important d’organisations s’est uni pour se tenir debout face à Ressource Falco Ltée avant et pendant la Commission d’enquête menée par le BAPE.

 

Portrait des combattant·e·s

Premières Nations

• Première Nation de Long Point (LPFN) : Suite à la commission d’enquête, la Première Nation se questionne au sujet des répercussions du projet sur la qualité de l’air, de l’eau et sur l’économie locale. Elle exige que des études environnementales et socioéconomiques soient menées directement par la communauté pour protéger ses droits ancestraux. La LPFN s’est exprimée lors des audiences du BAPE, a fait valoir ses droits sur son territoire traditionnel non cédé et a insisté sur le fait que le projet doit obtenir le consentement préalable et éclairé de la LPFN, tel que détaillé dans son communiqué de presse : « No Consent = No project ».

 

Groupes environnementaux

• Conseil Régional de l’environnement de l’Abitibi-Témiscamingue — Organisme sans but lucratif (OSBL) visant à promouvoir la conservation et l’amélioration de la qualité de l’environnement) : a soumis 162 recommandations au BAPE, dénonçant le manque de considération des effets cumulatifs du projet. Le CREAT souligne l’insécurité sanitaire illustrée par les « gestes simples » (nettoyage par aspirateur avec filtres HEPA, alimentation spécifique pour limiter l’absorption de plomb et de cadmium) suggérés à la population par la Santé publique, témoignant d’un milieu déjà saturé de contaminants et de stresseurs environnementaux.

• Eau Secours — OSBL basée à Montréal visant la promotion de la protection et de la gestion responsable de l’eau au Québec : rappelle à la deuxième partie du BAPE le manque flagrant de cohérence dans la proposition de la compagnie de créer un parc à résidus minier (prévision de 40 millions de tonnes de résidus hautement réactifs et acidogènes) directement dans le bassin versant de la source d’eau potable de la ville, soit le Lac Dufaut. L’organisme souligne que le promoteur n’a d’ailleurs pas présenté de plan d’urgence en cas de bris d’installations.

• Action Boréale — OSBL basée en Abitibi-Témiscamingue visant à promouvoir la préservation des forêts boréales du Québec : Rappelle au gouvernement, suite au dépôt du dur rapport du BAPE, son rôle de responsable de l’environnement. L’Action Boréale affirme que le projet comporte plus de répercussions négatives que d’avantages pour la communauté.

• Société pour vaincre la pollution (SVP) — OSBL oeuvrant à défendre les droits des citoyen·ne·s à un environnement sain : Apporte un soutien, affirmant qu’« il s’agit d’une mine de trop pour Rouyn-Noranda ».

• MiningWatch Canada — organisation non gouvernementale basée à Ottawa, agissant à titre de chien de garde de l’industrie minière : Demande encore à ce jour au gouvernement de cesser tout investissement dans ce projet nocif et de confirmer publiquement son opposition.

• Regroupement vigilance mines de l’Abitibi et du Témiscamingue (Revimat) — OSBL qui milite pour améliorer la Loi sur les mines et pour la protection de l’environnement : réitère son opposition au projet dans un communiqué de presse conjoint de réaction notamment puisque « la possibilité de mouvements sismiques peut causer des dommages aux structures de la fonderie et libérer des produits toxiques dans l’air ». 

• Comité Arrêt des rejets d’émissions toxiques (ARET) — groupe citoyen qui milite pour la réduction des polluants atmosphériques  : fais, pour sa part, référence à la qualité de l’air dans ce même communiqué de presse : « Nous comptons donc que ces recommandations mettront fin au projet, car la population est déjà surexposée à des rejets toxiques de façon inacceptable ».

Santé, justice sociale, et solidarité communautaire

• Mères au Front (Rouyn-Noranda) — groupe local du mouvement pancanadien Mères au front qui rassemble des mères et grands-mères mobilisées par le désir d’agir pour protéger l’avenir de nos enfants et la vie sur terre face à l’urgence climatique. Ce groupe, agissant uniquement par devoir de protection envers les générations futures, place au cœur de sa lutte le droit à la santé, à la sécurité et à un environnement sain. Elles considèrent que l’industrie minière est incompatible avec les périmètres urbains et s’opposent au projet Horne 5 parce qu’il accroîtrait la vulnérabilité d’une population déjà surexposée à de nombreux contaminants neurotoxiques.

Image : Manifestation organisée par Mères au Front le 13 octobre 2024 à Rouyn-Noranda pour rappeler au gouvernement Legault (premier ministre à l’époque) que la situation qui perdure à Rouyn-Noranda est inacceptable. Crédit : Maude Desbois (10)

• Centre Entre-Femmes : Présent dans la communauté depuis plus de 30 ans, cet organisme œuvre à l’amélioration des conditions de vie des femmes. Sa lutte contre le projet Horne 5 porte sur la pauvreté et les inégalités économiques : les emplois créés étant majoritairement masculins, le centre dénonce un accroissement des écarts salariaux en région industrielle et demande une analyse des impacts selon le genre, craignant également une hausse des risques de violence et des problématiques liées à la consommation d’alcool et de drogue.

 

• Coopérative d’habitation Boréale : S’opposant à la vision de 15 ans du promoteur, la Coopérative défend un cycle de développement urbain sur 40 ans en vue d’assurer l’avenir du quartier. Sa lutte met en lumière les coûts sociaux invisibles : elle rappelle que les populations portent dans leur chair les détresses (suicides, violences conjugales) liées aux fluctuations du prix de l’or, des drames humains dont aucun budget ne prévoit d’éponger les conséquences. La Coopérative a reçu une très forte demande dans les dernières années, demande auquel elle ne peut répondre.

 

 

• L’Association des locataires de l’Abitibi-Témiscamingue : s’oppose aussi au projet Horne 5 et a participé au BAPE, revendiquant notamment au sujet de la pression que ce projet viendrait ajouter à cette « zone sacrifiée ». Cette association considère qu’un logement est « un lieu où toustes devrait être en sécurité jour et nuit. ». La ville de Rouyn-Noranda est en crise du logement depuis près de 15 ans. Leur argumentaire soulignait aussi qu’en plus de toutes les dangerosités soulevées du projet, le milieu a plus souvent qu’autrement le fardeau de trouver des solutions et les accommodements pour la population. Cette pression supplémentaire n’est absolument pas souhaitable sur les organismes communautaires de Rouyn-Noranda.

L’oppression systémique de l’extraction

 

Au Québec, les communautés visées par des projets miniers sont opprimées par un flagrant manque de suivi de la part du gouvernement dans les investissements massifs qu’il octroie au secteur minier, ainsi que par l’accélération des projets miniers au détriment des communautés. 

Pour sa part, Ressources Falco Ltée. exerce une rétention et une déformation de l’information perpétuelle, en plus de manquer d’écoute face aux inquiétudes de la population et de considération envers les évaluations environnementales. Le dépôt récent (sorti dans les médias à la fin mai 2026) du rapport d’experts mandaté pour l’analyse des risques associés à la sismicité abonde en ce sens. Ce rapport tant attendu par la population n’a pas éclairé le flou qui persiste quant à la sécurité des personnes et du centre de radio-oncologie. Une demande d’accès à l’information n’a permis d’obtenir qu’une version entièrement caviardée dudit rapport, empêchant de connaître presque l’entièreté du contenu. 

Parallèlement, la communauté de Rouyn-Noranda subit un cycle historique de menaces de fermeture industrielle de la part de Glencore, créant une polarisation profonde au sein des familles et de la population, plaçant les citoyen·ne·s dans un faux dilemme permanent entre survie économique ainsi que de la protection de l’environnement et de la santé globale. 

Toustes retiennent leur souffle depuis longtemps maintenant.

Un an et demi après le dépôt du rapport du BAPE, le projet Horne 5 franchit ses dernières étapes d’évaluation d’impacts. À ce stade critique précédant une possible exploitation, les communautés sont dans l’attente de la décision finale concernant le décret d’autorisation prétendu pour juin 2026, selon le dernier Comité consultatif de la compagnie en date du 18 mars 2026. Le paysage culturel de la ville dépend désormais de ce décret gouvernemental, qui déterminera si les autorités choisissent d’ignorer ou de respecter le constat d’inacceptabilité émis par le BAPE. Il est sincèrement souhaité que la décision finale serve le meilleur intérêt de la population locale et de la Première Nation Anicinape, tout en garantissant la protection de l’environnement ainsi que la qualité de l’eau et de l’air.

À ce jour, toutefois, le réseau de militant·e·s demeure mobilisé. 

Et dans quel but?

Une victoire signifierait le rejet et l’arrêt définitif du projet Horne 5 afin de garantir la sécurité et la santé des citoyen·ne·s de Rouyn-Noranda grâce à une considération réaliste des impacts cumulatifs du projet, de la capacité de support du milieu où siège le projet et du rythme effréné de l’agenda pro-extractiviste des entreprises qui prisent la région de l’Abitibi-Témiscamingue. En attendant, nous sommes fier·ère·s de dire que les gens de Rouyn-Noranda sont une grande inspiration pour la Coalition Québec meilleure mine et que leurs efforts représentent un exemple à suivre. Les moyens pris par la communauté pour se mobiliser contre tous ces géants extractivistes est « admirable à l’échelle mondiale ».

Image : La Fonderie Horne au coucher du soleil. Crédit : Guillaume Proulx, 2020, Rouyn-Noranda.

Image : Quartier Notre-Dame, la nuit. Crédit : Guillaume Proulx, 2019, Rouyn-Noranda.

Notes de fin d’ouvrage

 

1 – Profil Facebook de l’entreprise : https://www.facebook.com/RessourcesFalco/

 

2-  Rivard, J. (December 2021). Démarrage de l’usine d’acide sulfurique de la fonderie Horne – 20 décembre 1989 | Héros sans panache | Société d’histoire de Rouyn-Noranda.http://shrn.ca/des-jours-qui-ont-fait-rouyn-noranda/20-decembre-1989-demarrage-de-lusine-dacide-sulfurique-de-la-fonderie-horne

 

3 – Page Facebook du Collectif 33 :https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=122104798005292317&set=pcb.122104801341292317&locale=fr_CA

 

4 –  Cotnoir, J.-M. (May 25, 2026).Horne 5 : le flou persiste quant aux risques sismiques. Radio-Canada.https://ici.radio-canada.ca/nouvelle/2256119/horne-5-mine-risque-sismique-cisss-at

 

5 –  Luneau, A.-C. (2013, February 6). Rouyn-Noranda : le sol s’affaisse au parc Mouska. Radio-Canada.  https://ici.radio-canada.ca/nouvelle/599141/trou-parc-mouska

 

6 –  QMM and MWC. (2024, September 26). Mémoire | BAPE projet minier Horne 5 de Ressources Falco à Rouyn-Noranda | Mining Watch Canada. https://miningwatch.ca/fr/blog/2024/9/26/memoire-bape-projet-minier-horne-5-de-ressources-falco-rouyn-noranda

 

7-  OBVAT. (2026, 4 juin). Taux d’inoccupation des logements, Abitibi-Témiscamingue et Québec, 1996 à 2026p – L’Observatoire de l’Abitibi-Témiscamingue. https://www.observat.qc.ca/statistiques/taux-dinoccupation-des-logements-abitibi-temiscamingue-et-quebec-1996-a-2026p/ 

8- BAPE, Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement. (2024).Projet Horne 5 à Rouyn-Noranda par Ressources Falco ltée: rapport d’enquête et d’audience publique. Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement. https://www.bape.gouv.qc.ca/fr/dossiers/mine_horne5/

 

9 –  Millette, L. (2025, 4 mars). Projet Horne 5 : Québec freine l’élan de Ressources Falco. Radio-Canada. https://ici.radio-canada.ca/nouvelle/2145532/falco-horne-fonderie-rouyn-noranda-mine

10 –  Fortin-Rondeau, I. (2025, 18 novembre). Le Pudding à l’arsenic : une version industrielle signée Fonderie Horne. https://www.meresaufront.org/billets-de-blogue/le-pudding-a-larsenic-une-version-industrielle-signee-fonderie-horne

 

Horne 5: A Sword of Damocles Hanging Over a Heavily Polluted Urban Area Quebec, Canada

Image: Horne 5. Credit: Ressources Falco Ltée, Rouyn-Noranda. (1)

Abstract

Our emblematic case of resistance to extractivism concerns the reopening of a mine in the city of Rouyn-Noranda, Quebec (Canada). Falco Resources Ltd’s Horne 5 mining project aims to extract a polymetallic deposit whose primary economic value lies in gold. The project is located in the Notre-Dame neighborhood and beneath Glencore’s Horne Smelter, which, since its opening in 1927, has drastically polluted the air in Rouyn-Noranda. The Horne 5 project ranks among the most dangerous, unacceptable, and harmful mining projects in Quebec in recent decades. In addition to posing significant psychosocial risks, this project entails catastrophic dangers for public safety, socioeconomic stability, and environmental protection.

Image: The Horne Smelter – A symbol of pollution in Rouyn-Noranda, 1978. Credit: Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec. (2)

Image: Workers at the Noranda Mine—photo taken between 1962 and 1978. Credit: Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, Rouyn-Noranda.

Image: Noranda Mine workers on the picket line during the 1946–1947 strike. Credit: Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, Rouyn-Noranda.

Image: Anti-pollution march organized by the Théâtre de Coppe, themed around the “burial” of Lake Osisko, 1985. Credit: Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, Rouyn-Noranda.

Image: Glencore’s Horne Smelter under snow and toxic waste, photo taken between 1962 and 1978. Credit: Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, Rouyn-Noranda.

Image: Glencore’s Horne Smelter continues to pollute to this day. Credit: Guillaume Proulx, 2019. Rouyn-Noranda.

 

The Cultural Landscape of Rouyn-Noranda

Rouyn-Noranda is a city of 42,000 residents, located on Nitakinan, Anicinape Aki, unceded Anishinaabe territory. The political context of Rouyn-Noranda has been marked by critical social and legal struggles and including a long legacy of tensions with extractive industries. This city is an island of culture (music, visual arts, performing arts, theater, etc.) within the boreal forest. Rouyn-Noranda is the home of a multicultural, resilient, activist, and family-oriented community. The Horne 5 project is located notably on the ancestral territory of the Long Point First Nation. Industrial activities have been a central part of Rouyn-Noranda’s development since the city’s founding 100 years ago this year.

Image: Facebook page of Collectif 33 (3) , Rouyn-Noranda.

If approved, the Horne 5 mining project would be situated at the very heart of this dynamic city, in a vibrant residential area, beneath an area already weakened by numerous abandoned mine tunnels. The literature also reflects a lack of data on mining in urban areas, as there are few such case studies.

 

Horne 5 – A Sword of Damocles

Image: Falco Resources Ltée. (4)

The Horne 5 project, which plans to extract 15,500 tons of ore per day from depths of up to 2,000 meters and generate 80 million tons of mine tailings, was entrusted to the BAPE (Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement) for a public review in 2024. As is standard procedure when the government grants such a mandate, the BAPE president formed a commission of inquiry to evaluate the project’s impacts. This formal examination brought to light several critical issues including:

1. Land subsidence and induced seismicity: Even before considering the risks associated with ground subsidence and induced seismicity, it is worth noting that the project is located beneath the Horne Smelter—an industrial complex with outdated infrastructure—where ponds of sulfuric acid and other toxic substances could cause major environmental disasters and pose significant risks of fatalities to workers as well as the general population. Rouyn-Noranda has, in fact, already witnessed a sudden ground subsidence in 2013, right in the heart of Mouska Park—a family recreation and playground area. The hole, over 3 meters wide, was located above the site of the former Chadbourne Mine, one of the many abandoned mines beneath the city. (5)

2. Ancestral Rights: The apparent violation of the ancestral rights of Long Point First Nation is a major issue in this mining project. Indeed, during the commission of inquiry, the government’s responses raised “reasonable doubts that the constitutional obligation to consult Indigenous peoples holding ancestral rights was not respected for all communities whose territory is affected by the Horne 5 mining project, starting with the Long Point First Nation.” (6)

3. Water Protection: In addition to threatening the integrity of numerous water bodies through the installation of freshwater intake pipelines, the Horne 5 project poses numerous risks of serious contamination of Lake Dufault, the lake that supplies the sole pumping station in the drinking water supply of the city of Rouyn-Noranda. This contamination could result from leaks in the 17-kilometer pipelines transporting mine tailings or from leaks in the tailings pond dams.

4. Greenwashing: The company uses greenwashing rhetoric regarding actions related to its project’s mining liability management plan, even though its plan for handling mine tailings poses a serious threat to the environment and human health. Indeed, after selecting an unreclaimed site to store the planned tailings, the developer is trying to convince the community that adding acid-generating, leachable, and cyanide-containing materials to the environment could be a beneficial option.

5. Air Quality: The industrial activities carried out by Glencore’s Horne Smelter in the city of Rouyn-Noranda generate alarming levels of heavy metals (arsenic, barium, cadmium, copper, nickel, and lead). The company’s unacceptable levels of air pollution from the smelter and the government’s complicity in allowing it are one the most persistent and controversial environmental scandals in Quebec. The literature shows that the population of Rouyn-Noranda is exposed to an increased incidence of lung cancer, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, neurological problems, and intra-uterine growth retardation. The Horne Smelter is still authorized to operate by smelting waste from all over the world to extract copper, provided that arsenic levels in the air in Rouyn-Noranda remain below 45 ng/m³. The company is currently seeking an extension until 2030 to meet an interim threshold of 15 ng/m³, despite Quebec’s standard of 3 ng/m³. However, the Institut national de santé publique du Québec stated in 2022 that while the 15 ng/m³ threshold protects vulnerable groups (such as children) from certain effects, the only target to be considered safe remains the 3 ng/m³ standard. The Horne 5 project thus seeks to operate in an environment where standards are already being exceeded, violating the enforcement regime of Section 197 of the Clean Air Regulation. Authorizing a new mining project would therefore only exacerbate an illegal situation that has been tolerated for far too long.

Credit: Guillaume Proulx, 2019, Rouyn-Noranda.

 

6. Multiple social and economic costs: The socioeconomic impacts include, first and foremost, the aggravation of the housing crisis. The arrival of new workers and their families will lead to an increased demand for housing. This demand occurs despite an extremely low vacancy rate of 0,9 % recorded in 2025 (7), which is significantly below the 3% balance threshold recognized in Quebec. In other words, Rouyn-Noranda is already facing a severe housing crisis that will be further exacerbated by the arrival of new workers. “Furthermore, the gradual relocation of residents to create a buffer zone near the Horne Smelter — a measure to be implemented after 2028 — underscores the scale of the environmental and health challenges that the city and its population must (already) contend with.” (8) Added to this are the population’s anxiety and social fatigue, as well as threats to Rouyn-Noranda’s long-term attractiveness and vitality.

Timeline of Resistance

Here is an overview of the timeline of citizen mobilization related to the Horne 5 project.

• May 17, 2024 | Call for citizen mobilization

Release of a press release inviting the residents of Rouyn-Noranda to attend the first information meeting regarding the Horne 5 project. 

• May 21, 2024 | Official letters sent to the Minister of the Environment and the President of the BAPE 

An official letter was sent to the Minister requesting that the Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement (BAPE – Office of Public Hearings on the Environment) hold public hearings regarding the Horne 5 project, along with an official letter to the President of the BAPE requesting a preparatory meeting for the public prior to the public hearing. The preparatory meeting took place on August 13, 2024.

• June 27, 2024 | Invitation to a community engagement planning workshop

Release of a press release inviting citizens to a free workshop on July 7, 2024, on planning participation in the Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement (BAPE) hearings for the Horne 5 mining project.

• August 14 and 26, 2024 | Participation in strategic meetings with residents of Rouyn-Noranda

Two strategic meetings just before the start of the public inquiry.

• August 27, 2024 | Start of the BAPE hearings in Rouyn-Noranda: Several crucial questions to ask about the troubling Horne 5 mining project

Release of a press release stating: “Civil society is ready for the process. Despite the case being launched in the middle of summer and the company’s chaotic and unannounced presentation of documentation, the groups managed to study the case in detail by pooling their resources.”

Image: Rouyn-Noranda during the Bureau d’audiences publiques de l’environnement (BAPE) hearing on the Horne 5 project. Credit: Radio-Canada / Lise Millette (9)

• August 27–29, 2024 | Participation in the five sessions of the first part of the BAPE public hearings in Rouyn-Noranda.

Period for providing information and presenting the ins and outs of the project as well as environmental issues. Citizens may, in particular, ask questions of the proponent.

 

• September 16–26, 2024 | Period set aside for the submission of views orally, via a brief, through comments, or via annotated images.

September 26 was the deadline for submitting briefs. The Coalition Québec Meilleure Mine and MiningWatch Canada submitted a joint brief regarding Falco Resources Ltd.’s Horne 5 mining project.

 

• September 30 to October 3, 2024 | Second part of the BAPE public hearing for Falco Resources’ Horne 5 mining project.

This second part allows individuals to speak on the subject. It is an opportunity to, for example, make recommendations or even present one’s brief orally.

 

• Fall 2024 | Recommendation by regional health authorities to commission a seismic risk analysis.

Regional health authorities (the CISSS-AT) recommended that the ministry require in-depth studies on the risks of earthquakes caused by the mine. The primary concern is the radiation oncology center—also located in the Notre-Dame neighborhood—in Rouyn-Noranda, where vibrations could damage medical equipment.

 

• December 23, 2024 | Submission of the BAPE report to the minister.

 

The turning point

It was through the process of the Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement (BAPE) that the Commission of Inquiry officially concluded, on January 7, 2025, that the Horne 5 project is unacceptable. The report states that the project does not meet minimum requirements for safety, public health, and environmental protection. A large network of organizations came together to stand up to Ressource Falco Ltd. before and during the BAPE-led Commission of Inquiry.

 

Portraits of the activists

First Nations

• Long Point First Nation (LPFN) : Following the inquiry, the First Nation has raised concerns about the project’s impact on air and water quality, as well as on the local economy. It is demanding that environmental and socioeconomic studies be conducted directly by the community to protect its ancestral rights. The LPFN spoke at the BAPE hearings, asserted its rights over its traditional unceded territory, and emphasized that the project must obtain the LPFN’s prior and informed consent, as detailed in its press release: “No Consent = No Project”.

 

Environmental Groups

• Abitibi-Témiscamingue Regional Environmental Council — A non-profit organization (NPO) dedicated to promoting environmental conservation and improving environmental quality. They submitted 162 recommendations to the BAPE, criticizing the lack of consideration for the project’s cumulative effects. The CREAT highlights the health risks illustrated by the “simple measures” (vacuuming with HEPA filters, specific dietary guidelines to limit lead and cadmium absorption) suggested to the public by provincial public health authorities, reflecting an environment already saturated with contaminants and environmental stressors.

 

• Eau Secours — a Montreal-based non-profit organization dedicated to promoting the protection and responsible management of water in Quebec. Eau Secours has pointed out to the second part of the BAPE the glaring lack of consistency in the company’s proposal to create a mine tailings pond (projected to hold 40 million tons of highly reactive and acid-generating tailings) directly within the watershed of the city’s drinking water source, Lake Dufaut. The organization also points out that the developer has not presented an emergency plan in the event of a facility failure.

 

• Action Boréale — a non-profit organization based in Abitibi-Témiscamingue dedicated to promoting the preservation of Quebec’s boreal forests. They have consistently reminded the government, following the release of the BAPE’s scathing report, of its responsibility for the environment. Action Boréale asserts that the project has more negative impacts than benefits for the community.

 

• Société pour vaincre la pollution (SVP) — a non-profit organization working to defend citizens’ rights to a healthy environment: Offers support and states that “this is one mine too many for Rouyn-Noranda.”

 

• MiningWatch Canada — an Ottawa-based non-governmental organization acting as a watchdog for the mining industry. They continue to call on the government to cease all investment in this harmful project and to publicly confirm its opposition.

 

• Regroupement vigilance mines de l’Abitibi et du Témiscamingue (Revimat) — a non-profit organization advocating for improvements to the Mining Act and environmental protection. They have consistently reiterated their opposition to the project in a joint press release, noting in particular that “the possibility of seismic activity could damage the smelter’s structures and release toxic substances into the air.” 

 

• Comité Arrêt des rejets d’émissions toxiques (ARET) — a citizens’ group advocating for the reduction of air pollutants. They refer to air quality issues in the same press release: “We therefore expect these recommendations to put an end to the project, as the population is already unacceptably overexposed to toxic emissions.”

 

Health, Social Justice, and Community Solidarity

• Mères au Front (Rouyn-Noranda) — a local chapter of the pan-Canadian Mères au Front movement, which brings together mothers and grandmothers driven by a desire to act to protect our children’s future and life on Earth in the face of the climate emergency. This group, acting solely out of a duty to protect future generations, places the right to health, safety, and a clean environment at the heart of its struggle. They believe that the mining industry is incompatible with urban areas and oppose the Horne 5 project because it would increase the vulnerability of a population already overexposed to numerous neurotoxic contaminants.

Image: Protest organized by Mères au Front on October 13, 2024, in Rouyn-Noranda to remind the Legault government that the ongoing situation in Rouyn-Noranda is unacceptable. Credit: Maude Desbois (10)

 

• Centre Entre-Femmes: Active in the community for over 30 years, this organization works to improve women’s living conditions. Its opposition to the Horne 5 project centers on poverty and economic inequalities: since the jobs created are primarily male- , the center condemns the widening wage gaps in industrial regions and calls for a gender-based impact analysis, also fearing an increase in the risk of violence and issues related to alcohol and drug use.

 

• Coopérative d’habitation Boréale: Opposing the developer’s 15-year vision, the housing cooperative advocates for a 40-year urban development cycle to secure the neighborhood’s future. Its struggle highlights the invisible social costs: it points out that communities bear the brunt of the hardships (suicides, domestic violence) linked to fluctuations in the price of gold—human tragedies for which no budget provides to absorb the consequences. The Cooperative has received a very high volume of demand in recent years, a demand it cannot meet.

 

• The Abitibi-Témiscamingue Tenants’ Association also opposes the Horne 5 project and participated in the BAPE, raising concerns in particular about the pressure this project would place on this “sacrificed zone.” This association considers housing to be “a place where everyone should be safe day and night.” The city of Rouyn-Noranda has been in a housing crisis for nearly 15 years. Their argument also emphasized that, in addition to all the dangers raised by the project, the community more often than not bears the burden of finding solutions and accommodations for the population. This additional pressure is absolutely undesirable for Rouyn-Noranda’s community organizations.

The systemic oppression of extraction

 

In Quebec, communities affected by mining projects are oppressed by a glaring lack of oversight by the government regarding the massive investments it grants to the mining sector, as well as by the acceleration of mining projects at the expense of communities. 

For its part, Falco Resources Ltd. engages in the constant withholding and distortion of information, in addition to failing to listen to the public’s concerns and to take environmental assessments seriously. The recent filing (released to the media in late May 2026) of the expert report commissioned to analyze the risks associated with seismic activity supports this view. This report, so eagerly awaited by the public, has failed to clarify the uncertainty that persists regarding the safety of people and the radiation oncology center. A freedom of information request yielded only a heavily redacted version of the report, making it impossible to access nearly all of its content. 

At the same time, the community of Rouyn-Noranda is enduring a historic cycle of threats of industrial closure from Glencore, creating deep polarization within families and the population, and placing citizens in a constant false dilemma between economic survival and the protection of the environment and overall health. 

Everyone has been holding their breath for a long time now.

A year and a half after the BAPE report was submitted, the Horne 5 project is entering the final stages of its environmental impact assessment. At this critical juncture preceding potential mining operations, communities are awaiting the final decision regarding the authorization decree, which is reportedly scheduled for June 2026, according to the company’s latest Advisory Committee meeting dated March 18, 2026. The city’s cultural landscape now hinges on this government decree, which will determine whether authorities choose to ignore or respect the BAPE’s finding of unacceptability. The community is sincerely holding out hope that the final decision will serve the best interests of the local population and the Anicinape First Nation, while ensuring the protection of the environment as well as water and air quality.

To date, however, the network of activists remains mobilized. 

 

And to what end?

A victory would mean the rejection and permanent stop of the Horne 5 project in order to ensure the safety and health of the citizens of Rouyn-Noranda through a realistic assessment of the project’s cumulative impacts, the carrying capacity of the project site, and the relentless pace of the pro-extractive agenda of companies targeting the Abitibi-Témiscamingue region. In the meantime, we are proud to say that the people of Rouyn-Noranda are a great inspiration to the Coalition Québec meilleure mine, and that their efforts serve as an example to follow for other mining struggles throughout the province. The measures taken by the community to mobilize against all these extractive giants are “admirable on a global scale.”

Image: The Horne Smelter at sunset. Credit: Guillaume Proulx, 2020, Rouyn-Noranda.

Image: Notre-Dame neighborhood at night. Credit: Guillaume Proulx, 2019, Rouyn-Noranda.

Endnotes

 

1 – Company Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/RessourcesFalco/

 

2-  Rivard, J. (December 2021). Démarrage de l’usine d’acide sulfurique de la fonderie Horne – 20 décembre 1989 | Héros sans panache | Société d’histoire de Rouyn-Noranda.http://shrn.ca/des-jours-qui-ont-fait-rouyn-noranda/20-decembre-1989-demarrage-de-lusine-dacide-sulfurique-de-la-fonderie-horne

 

3 – Collectif 33 Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=122104798005292317&set=pcb.122104801341292317&locale=fr_CA

 

4 –  Cotnoir, J.-M. (May 25, 2026).Horne 5 : le flou persiste quant aux risques sismiques. Radio-Canada.https://ici.radio-canada.ca/nouvelle/2256119/horne-5-mine-risque-sismique-cisss-at

 

5 –  Luneau, A.-C. (2013, February 6). Rouyn-Noranda : le sol s’affaisse au parc Mouska. Radio-Canada.  https://ici.radio-canada.ca/nouvelle/599141/trou-parc-mouska

 

6 –  QMM and MWC. (2024, September 26). Mémoire | BAPE projet minier Horne 5 de Ressources Falco à Rouyn-Noranda | Mining Watch Canada. https://miningwatch.ca/fr/blog/2024/9/26/memoire-bape-projet-minier-horne-5-de-ressources-falco-rouyn-noranda

 

7-  OBVAT. (2026, 4 juin). Taux d’inoccupation des logements, Abitibi-Témiscamingue et Québec, 1996 à 2026p – L’Observatoire de l’Abitibi-Témiscamingue. https://www.observat.qc.ca/statistiques/taux-dinoccupation-des-logements-abitibi-temiscamingue-et-quebec-1996-a-2026p/ 

8- BAPE, Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement. (2024).Projet Horne 5 à Rouyn-Noranda par Ressources Falco ltée: rapport d’enquête et d’audience publique. Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement. https://www.bape.gouv.qc.ca/fr/dossiers/mine_horne5/

 

9- Millette, L. (2025, March 4). Projet Horne 5 : Québec freine l’élan de Ressources Falco. https://ici.radio-canada.ca/nouvelle/2145532/falco-horne-fonderie-rouyn-noranda-mine

 

10-  Fortin-Rondeau, I. (2025, November 18). Le Pudding à l’arsenic : une version industrielle signée Fonderie Horne. https://www.meresaufront.org/billets-de-blogue/le-pudding-a-larsenic-une-version-industrielle-signee-fonderie-horne 

 

Duke CEO admits “24/7” recruiting of data centers; regulator decries corporate focus on profits over public, calls for pause on new data centers

Statement by Executive Director Jim Warren:

Durham, N.C. – In a regulatory hearing this week, Duke Energy’s top executives admitted that they recruit the very data centers used to justify a $63 billion expansion of fossil fuels and nuclear power plants in the Carolinas. Today, NC WARN declares that the case for that expansion is dead, and that existing coal- and gas-fired power plants can be rapidly and inexpensively phased out by the far cheaper solar and battery storage that Duke Energy has blocked for years. 

Duke Energy CEO Harry Sideris recently boasted to corporate investors, “We have a [recruiting] team in place that their goal, 7 days a week, 24 hours a day, is how do we get these things signed quicker?” Duke’s North Carolina president Kendal Bowman confirmed (1:03:00) during the hearing that this same aggressive recruiting of energy-guzzling data centers is in use in NC.

Duke conceded that use of electricity has fallen over the long term despite huge population growth, and that it has consistently and grossly exaggerated future projections for years while arguing it must build a huge number of new power plants for electricity usage that ultimately never materializes. 

Now, they’ve been caught admitting that they’re actively recruiting new large customers to try to justify the largest expansion of fossil fuels and experimental nuclear plants in the nation. 

This is a scandal and crime being perpetrated against the people of North Carolina who are already struggling with soaring power bills, repeated devastation by storms and assaults on their communities by massive data center developers who provide almost no jobs after initial construction. It is outrageous that a state-sanctioned monopoly should be allowed to drive even higher profits by gouging the public with constant rate hikes year after year.

A witness for the Utilities Commission’s Public Staff stated (1:42:55) that Duke is acting in the interest of shareholders over ratepayers by overzealously signing new large load customers. The Public Staff now recommends (4:03:15) that the Commission impose a 1-year pause on new data centers and scrutinize new contracts for any future data centers. 

NC WARN’s expert witness, engineer Bill Powers, provided evidence in the proceeding that local solar-plus-storage (SPS) can rapidly replace existing coal- and gas-fired power plants and avoid any new ones. Powers shows that the massive potential for local SPS in North Carolina makes it the fastest, cheapest, most equitable tool to move the state off its course toward climate and social chaos.

NC WARN is calling on Governor Josh Stein and Attorney General Jeff Jackson to cut through the years of scandal and deception and stop the criminal behavior by this giant corporation run by a gang of millionaires. We cannot wait for a ruling in six months and hope the Utilities Commission will remedy this scandalous behavior by Duke Energy executives. 

###

Now in its 38th year, NC WARN is building people power in the climate and energy justice movement to persuade or require Charlotte-based Duke Energy – one of the world’s largest climate polluters – to make a quick transition to renewable, affordable power generation and energy efficiency in order to avert climate tipping points and ongoing rate hikes. 

The post Scandal at Duke Energy Hearing Kills the Case for $63 Billion Fossil Fuel and Nuclear Expansion — NC WARN News Release appeared first on NC WARN.

Since the first rumors about a massive land purchase to build a new community in Solano started, Greenbelt Alliance has joined forces with the Solano Together coalition to understand and confront this sprawl development and invest in existing Solano cities.

Now, Silicon Valley Tech billionaires continue to push for a proposal to develop over 15,000 acres of natural and agricultural land. To avoid a vote of the people, California Forever’s current plan is to impose this development by annexing the land into Suisun City, even though the project starts over seven miles from the existing city limits. Here is more about the Suisun Expansion Plan. 

And while the billionaire land owners make lots of claims about a future “promise” for jobs and housing production, their only publicly available plan shows that virtually EVERY area of the plan allows data centers with NO community input.

California Forever claims widespread support for their plan, but the City Council refuses to allow even an advisory vote from the people of Suisun City, who would be stuck paying the bills for increased infrastructure and energy use.

Tell Suisun City leaders that Suisun residents deserve to have a vote in a project of this magnitude! Sign the petition to demand that the City Council LET THE PEOPLE VOTE. Suisun City and Solano County residents are encouraged to sign, as well as allies across the region, state, and country. Take action today:

What’s at Stake

This project paves over farmland, it puts our water supply at risk, and for what?

Data centers use significant energy and water resources, impacting communities’ utility prices, and create fewer jobs than almost any other use of land.

Background

For nearly 70 years, Greenbelt Alliance has stood on the front lines whenever sprawl threatened the landscapes and communities that define this region. In the face of the threat in Solano, we’ve paired our advocacy for open space protection with strong support for new climate-smart development within our existing cities and towns. In 2024, after pressure and mobilization from the Solano Together coalition, California Forever withdrew a proposed ballot initiative called the East Solano Plan at the last minute.

As a core member of the Solano Together coalition, we are working with partners such as the Orderly Growth Committee, Solano County Farm Bureau, and many more. We provide strategic, backbone, and communications support and coordination for a group of diverse partners. Now, we’re continuing to support environmentally sustainable growth and mobilize against harmful developments over six decades later. And with “California Forever,” the fight is ongoing.

Learn more at solanotogether.org and follow on social media @solanotogether.

Blog written with original content from Solano Together.

The post Sign Petition: Say No To California Forever’s Data Center City appeared first on Greenbelt Alliance.

Invenergy will redirect the funds toward natural gas plants in Indiana, Wisconsin, Iowa, Kansas, and Missouri as well as geothermal projects, the U.S. Department of the Interior said.

The new criteria seeks to help corporate and organizational buyers understand what makes a “high-quality” low-carbon fuel and build on past standards from the climate solutions company.

The Department of Defense said the xAI data center powered by the gas plant is critical to national security, revealing Grok was used to fire thousands of missiles in the Iran war.

PFAS are one of the biggest public health threats of our time. These “forever chemicals” have infested seemingly every facet of our lives, from water and soil to kitchen products, safety equipment, and even our babies’ toys. As a country we need real urgency to address this risk quickly and do it the right way.

Despite rollbacks and standstills of PFAS regulation federally, we’re seeing impressive bipartisan support to tackle forever chemicals at the state level. This is an important step in the right direction. But as states introduce legislation to regulate PFAS, it’s imperative that they move forward with responsible legislation that has been proven to be effective.

There are two policy paths moving through state legislatures, which I call the “Michigan model” and the “Maine model.”

Maine and Michigan both lead the charge for state-level PFAS regulation, but there are two key differences in their approaches that make the Maine Model the gold standard for states to follow.

First, Maine’s model takes a proactive approach, banning PFAS from consumer products before they’re manufactured.

Second, Maine was the first state in the nation to pass a comprehensive ban on the land application of sewage sludge, also known as biosolids, and the sale and distribution of sludge-derived compost. This stops PFAS before they have a chance to pollute our state’s drinking water, farmland, and local communities.

As a Maine policy leader who helped pass this legislation in my home state, I’ve seen the benefits of having a proactive strategy against PFAS. Currently, every state other than Maine and Connecticut is adding to its PFAS contamination through additional sludge spreading, which just deepens the crisis, increasing future remediation and health costs.

States Need a Proactive Legislative Strategy

Though Michigan was an early leader in setting drinking-water standards (Maximum Contaminant Level or MCLs) for specific PFAS chemicals, the Great Lakes state has now fallen behind. Michigan’s PFAS strategy depends on detecting PFAS and mitigating it through cleanup initiatives — a strategy that’s well intended but leaves room for harm to reach the public.

Adding to this, states are finding themselves needing more money to pay for PFAS cleanups, as settlements from polluters aren’t covering the costs.

Maine’s policies stand out because they anticipate the impact of sweeping PFAS prevention measures and create safety nets for the businesses and communities that are most at risk. This shows up in different ways, but a prime example is our partnership with farmers who have been harmed by toxic sludge threatening their land and livelihood.

About six years ago, we started to work with farmers who were no longer able to cultivate and sell their products safely due to PFAS contamination from fertilizer and sewage sludge on their land. We created a PFAS emergency relief fund, which gives farmers the resources they need to navigate safe transitions for their farms. The fund can help farmers pay for initial PFAS testing, access wellness and mental-health services, and sometimes receive short-term income replacement and invest in infrastructure adaptations — which are all essential when you lose your livelihood.

Since creating the infrastructure to transition farms safely away from threats of PFAS contamination, we have supported more than 100 farms. Only the earliest farms to discover contamination — prior to a safety net being in place — have faced closure.

This safety net for our agricultural leaders has been so successful because it prioritizes public health, financial stability, and long-term sustainability. Our food systems, public health, and economic vitality depend on our policies to both turn off the tap on PFAS chemicals being added to products that end up in the waste stream and create safety nets throughout the transition to cleaner infrastructure so small businesses are protected.

Combatting Lax Sludge Standards and Fighting for Accountability

In addition to being proactive, states need to set smart thresholds for sludge. Michigan has set incredibly high contamination thresholds for PFAS concentration in biosolids, which means that large amounts of contaminants will still be applied to the land. If thresholds aren’t meaningful, they aren’t protecting anybody.

Legislation with smart thresholds for sludge has quickly proven itself to be crucial, as attempts to water down anti-sludge policies are cropping up in states across the country. These attempts show up as high thresholds for PFAS contamination in sludge and liability shields for corporations engaged in sludge disposal. To prevent this policy trend from growing, it’s imperative that anti-sludge and anti-PFAS legislation addresses corporate loopholes like these.

Maine’s policies opt for a more comprehensive approach, regulating PFAS as an entire category rather than by individual chemical regulations. Furthermore, we were the first state to mandate a near-total ban on PFAS in products.

Our state has also passed legislation that pushes for accountability from manufacturers who are unable to rid their products of PFAS, giving them a Currently Unavoidable Use (CUU) determination. Our Department of Environmental Protection will only issue a CUU to businesses if the department has determined a product is essential for health, safety, or the functioning of society and for which alternatives are not reasonably available.

Pretty soon it won’t be a choice of whether or not states take action against PFAS, but how they do it. And Maine’s policy is the blueprint for how the rest of America should address this issue to prevent this poisonous public-health threat at the source.

Republish this article for free! Read our reprint policy. Previously in The Revelator:

The Silent Threat Beneath Our Feet: How Deregulation Fuels the Spread of Forever Chemicals

The post Amid National PFAS Frenzy, the ‘Maine Model’ Shows States How to Stop ‘Forever Chemicals’ at the Source appeared first on The Revelator.

The climate pattern should reduce Atlantic storm activity this year, but utilities still face localized power outage concerns as flooding and wildfires shift to other parts of the country, experts say.

The PJM Interconnection improperly makes ratepayers pay for data center-driven transmission projects that don’t benefit them, according to Maryland's ratepayer advocate.

This is a re-post from Yale Climate Connections by Ben Tracy, Climate Central

If you feel like your electricity bill just keeps climbing, you aren’t imagining it. Since 2020, U.S. residential energy prices have surged by about 30%, making power the largest household energy expense behind gasoline, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.

But for residents like Alex Curtis, the days of feeling powerless against rising costs are coming to an end. Curtis is waging a war on his electric bill, and his new weapon of choice is a lightweight, thin-film solar panel.

“Oh, it’s super light too,” Curtis remarked as he unboxed the kit on the balcony of his condo in Sunnyvale, California. It weighs just about 10 pounds. 

The ‘plug-and-play’ revolution Unlike traditional rooftop solar, which requires thousands of dollars in upfront costs, specialized mounting hardware, and professional electricians, this system is designed for the everyday consumer. It’s a $400 kit from Bright Saver, a non-profit advocating for “plug-and-play” solar that works for renters and homeowners alike.

The setup is deceptively simple: you hang the panel on a balcony or prop it up in a backyard and plug it directly into a standard wall outlet.

“I did some rough math and this might save me like $30 to $50 a month,” Curtis said.

The magic happens behind the scenes. Once plugged in, a small inverter syncs the solar energy with the home’s existing electrical infrastructure. It took about 15 minutes to get it all set up. Bright Saver’s Rupert Mayer then pointed to a light on the inverter: “Ah, here it is, it’s blue.”

“This is it. Easy,” Curtis replied. Within minutes, he was generating his own clean energy. He estimates it will be enough to power an appliance like his refrigerator. 

Small panels, big impact

Cora Stryker, co-founder of Bright Saver, believes this technology is key to democratizing the green energy transition. It not only cuts an individual’s planet-warming pollution but also their electric bill. 

“Clean energy actually is the cheapest form of energy around,” Stryker said, “and we the consumers should be benefiting from that.”

While these panels won’t take a home entirely off the grid, Stryker says the units can trim monthly costs by 10% to 25% depending on how many panels a user installs. More savings can be had if the panels are paired with batteries that can store excess solar energy. 

“They cover a part of your energy bill and then you do need to draw the rest from the grid as you do now,” Stryker explained. 

The “Balkonkraftwerk” trend

While the technology is just gaining a foothold in the U.S., it is already a cultural phenomenon in Europe. In Germany, these systems are so common they have a specific name: Balkonkraftwerk, or “balcony power plant.”

An estimated 4 million balcony solar units are currently installed in Germany. The U.S., however, has been slower to adopt the tech, largely due to a patchwork of utility regulations and bureaucratic red tape. Utilities in some states have pushed back against the use of these systems citing potential hazards to the safety of the grid and line workers. 

“And that is patently ridiculous for these little systems,” Stryker said. “Those laws were intended for rooftop systems 5 to 20 times as large.”

A changing legal landscape

The tide is quickly turning. In 2025, Utah became the first state to officially authorize plug-in solar. Overall, 34 states and Washington, D.C., have introduced legislation to allow for use of the technology. It has passed in Colorado, Connecticut, Maine, Maryland, New Hampshire, and Virginia. 

For advocates like Stryker, it’s a matter of personal liberty: “It’s kind of like ‘don’t tell me what to do in my own backyard and on my own balcony.’”

As for Alex Curtis, he knows his Sunnyvale neighbors might have questions when they see the sleek panel hanging from his railing, but he’s focused on his newfound taste of energy independence. 

“I think that’s what gets me excited,” Curtis said. “Being able to power my own stuff and be self- sufficient like in baby steps which is pretty cool.”

Climate Central is an independent group of scientists and communicators who research and report the facts about our changing climate and how it affects people’s lives. It is a policy-neutral 501(c)(3) nonprofit.

Arctic Refuge Drilling Fails Again — Why Congress Must Repeal the Leasing Mandate 

On Friday, June 5, the Trump administration held its third oil and gas lease sale on the coastal plain of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. For the third time, the results told the same story: no major oil company bid and the financial promise used to justify drilling in one of America’s last great wild places remained unfounded. 

Caribou on the Coastal Plain of the Arctic Refuge (Photo credit: Pam Miller)

Nine bids came in and just two entities placed them (AIDEA and Hex Energy). Total revenue was only $3,741,528 — less than 0.4% of the nearly $1 billion Congress claimed Arctic Refuge drilling would generate to offset the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. 

After three tries, across three lease sales, the cumulative return still hasn’t even reached 1% of what was promised. Arctic Refuge oil

What We Did to Get Here 

This moment didn’t happen in a vacuum. It is the result of years of sustained, coordinated advocacy — from Gwich’in Nation leaders, from conservationists, from faith communities, from everyday people across the country.

In the lead-up to Friday’s sale, our coalition mobilized on every front: 

More than 335,000 public comments were submitted from 22 different groups, directed at the administration, Congress, and the corporations that were being asked to participate in this sale.

126 national organizations signed on to a letter opposing the lease sale. So did 12 conservation and sportsmen’s organization CEOs, members of Congress, and faith and business leaders through the National Religious Partnership for the Environment.

The Gwich’in Steering Committee wrote directly to oil and gas CEOs requesting a meeting to hear directly from people whose homeland, whose food sovereignty, and whose cultural survival are at stake.

Community hearings in Portland, Seattle, Fairbanks, and Houston gave voice to the thousands of people who understand that the Arctic Refuge coastal plain — what the Gwich’in call the Sacred Place Where Life Begins — is not a line item in a budget reconciliation bill. It is a living landscape. It is the calving ground of the Porcupine Caribou Herd. It belongs to all of us, and most urgently, to the people who have called it home for thousands of years.

Community Hearing event in Portland, OR

Op-eds ran in the Anchorage Daily News, the Chicago Tribune, and the Columbian. The film The Arctic: Our Last Great Wilderness screened in Leavenworth, Washington, days before the sale. Members of Congress — including Sens. Markey and Merkley and Reps. Huffman and Vasquez — spoke out publicly and forcefully in statements. Others like Rep. Vasquez and Sen. Heinrich showed up powerfully on social media. 

Why The Results Matter 

The financial argument for drilling in the Arctic Refuge has now failed three consecutive times. The world’s largest banks — Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase, Wells Fargo — walked away from financing Arctic Refuge drilling years ago. Major insurers declined to underwrite it. Oil companies with the technical and financial capacity to operate in one of the world’s most demanding environments looked at the cost structures, the accelerating permafrost instability, and the long-term demand outlook and passed. 

The only two bidders who showed up were a state development authority and a little-known company placing a handful of bids. 

As AWL Executive Director Kristen Miller put it in our statement: 

Economic gain was a false justification to permanently sell off the most ecologically and culturally significant landscapes in the United States. The American people don’t want this, the oil industry doesn’t want this, and our public lands deserve so much better.

But We Can’t Stop Here 

Friday’s sale was a market failure and a moral embarrassment, but the legal mandate that required it to happen is still on the books. The 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act included a provision requiring the administration to hold lease sales in the Arctic Refuge coastal plain, regardless of market demand, taxpayer return, or the clear and consistent opposition of the Gwich’in Nation. 

That means another sale could happen. And another after that. 

That is why passing the Arctic Refuge Protection Act matters so much. Repealing the leasing mandate is the only way to ensure that these results are the last time we have to fight this fight.

Permanent protection for the coastal plain is what the Gwich’in Nation has asked for, what the ecological science demands, and what the market has now made undeniably clear.  

What Comes Next 

We need a Congress willing to repeal the leasing mandate. We need an administration committed to honoring the Gwich’in Nation’s rights and the public’s clear preference for protection over drilling. And we need to keep the pressure on, because the next opportunity to make permanent change will come, and we will be ready. 

Gwich’in members in front of the Capitol (Photo credit: Michael Block for the Arctic Defense Campaign)

Three failed lease sales. One clear conclusion: the Arctic Refuge coastal plain deserves permanent protection. Help us finish the job.

Take Action

 

Cover photo credit: Danielle Brigida, USFWS

07-02 * 13:00 - SE TG Meeting (Bea)