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An integrated, nationwide system for recycling and reusing old EV batteries could save 6.1 billion tons of carbon emissions and 3.9 trillion Chinese Yuan over 30 years, according to a new study.

The savings depend on resolving a conceptually simple but logistically profound problem: a geographic mismatch between where old batteries get switched out of EVs and where they could be reused.

China has the world’s largest EV market that is also growing faster than anywhere else, leading to a flood of old EV batteries, which are typically retired from use once they can hold only 80% of their original charge. The most common method for recycling these batteries recovers only a limited set of metals and sends the rest of the battery material to the landfill.

Recently reuse of old EV batteries as part of stationary storage for solar or wind power has emerged as an alternative solution. New recycling methods are also being developed that remanufacture battery components without breaking down their chemical structure.

But retired batteries aren’t always where they need to be in order to get a second act. And moving lots of old EV batteries around isn’t straightforward since they are hazardous materials that can catch fire, be damaged, or leak toxic materials into the environment if not transported properly. Is it worth it?

The answer is a resounding yes, according to the new study, the first to systematically explore how to optimize battery reuse and advanced recycling.

The researchers modeled the supply, demand, and disposal of retired EV batteries for each province in China from 2020 through 2050. They calculated the life-cycle greenhouse gas emissions and economic costs associated with a dozen different scenarios involving varying levels of battery collection and post-disposal pathways.

 

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Retired batteries mostly accumulate in the wealthier eastern provinces of China with high rates of EV ownership, the researchers report. But demand for battery storage is mostly in the western part of the country where there is a lot of renewable energy potential. And demand for advanced recycling is mostly in battery manufacturing regions with the necessary specialized factories.

Absent any intervention, the mismatch will become more acute in the coming decades, as EV adoption accelerates in the east and renewable generation expands even further in the west.

Study scenarios that prioritize either advanced recycling or storage reuse are associated with three to five times greater cost savings and one to three times greater emissions reductions compared to a system that continues to route batteries mostly to conventional recycling, according to the researchers’ model.

Put another way, the business-as-usual pathway leaves 50-97% of potential cost savings and 26-53% of emissions reductions on the table.

Realizing those savings will require establishing efficient networks for transporting retired batteries between provinces: investing in specialized trucks, streamlining permitting, and so on.

The impact of building out that system would be pretty minimal, eating up just 2.3% of the cost savings and 0.03% of the emissions savings.

The optimal scenario according to the analysis, involving a balance of storage reuse and advanced recycling and moving away from conventional recycling after 2030, would save about 6.1 billion tons of carbon emissions and 3.9 trillion Chinese Yuan over three decades.

Other regions such as Europe and the United States have similar spatial mismatches between EV adoption and renewables generation, so the findings have relevance beyond China. “These results demonstrate that early, coordinated planning can convert spatial barriers into scalable climate and economic benefits, offering a transferable pathway for other rapidly electrifying markets,” the researchers write.

Source: Xie H. et al.  “Spatial mismatches constrain high-value utilization of retired batteries for decarbonization in China.” Environmental Science and Ecotechnology 2026.

Image: Based on Getty for UnSplash. ©Anthropocene Magazine.

Almost half of the world’s farmers are poisoned by pesticides every single year, a study has found.

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With less than a year to go before France’s presidential election, far-right candidate Marine Le Pen seems almost certain to reach the run-off. Her party’s fortunes have continued to rise in recent years thanks to its leaders’ ability to rally working-class voters while securing support from business elites. Tensions between these two bases remain, but they are unlikely to come to a head before the vote.

Marine Le Pen is no stranger to strategic ambiguity. She has existed in this state for the past year, promoting Jordan Bardella as a potential presidential candidate for the Rassemblement National (RN) in 2027, but not ruling out running herself if the courts decided to reduce her sentence for embezzlement of public funds.

In July, her sentence was reduced to three years in prison, two suspended, one under house arrest. Her ineligibility for public office was cut to 15 months. Because she had already served this since the first verdict, her path to the presidency reopened, and she immediately threw her hat back into the ring.

Le Pen has already launched an appeal against the new sentence too, at the Cour de Cassation, France’s supreme court. Depending on when this judgement is delivered, she may have to face an ignominious end to the election campaign, spending the last few days wearing an electronic ankle tag and under curfew. If she is lucky, however, the sluggish timeline of French justice may spare her a verdict until after the second round, by which point she hopes to have presidential immunity.

Candidate, or perhaps not. Ankle tag, or perhaps not. The uncertainty of the French justice system is not where the ambiguity ends either: Le Pen’s bid for the Élysée Palace rests on her ability to maintain unity between different fractions of her base that have competing interests.

A short-lived social turn

When Le Pen achieved her first major breakthrough, advancing to the second round of the presidential election in 2017, she did so off the back of a “social turn”. Advised by Florian Philippot, then vice-president of the Front National (now RN), she ran on a platform of retirement at 60, scrapping the 2016 labour reform which restricted workers’ rights, fighting against tax evasion, and maintaining the 35-hour work week and the wealth tax, amid a host of other statist measures.

Ten years on, […] Le Pen has dropped her social commitments as opportunistically as she initially picked them up.

During the campaign, she attacked Le Siècle, an elite cross-partisan social club that she described as a secret meeting point of the oligarchy. She borrowed the slogans of populist left-winger Jean-Luc Mélenchon to appeal to his voters in the second round, calling them to “dégagez-les” (“throw them out”), a direct echo of his call to “dégagez-les tous” (“throw them all out”). She even quoted the Socialist leader of the early 20th century, Jean-Jaurès, but it was to no avail. She had spent the 2017 campaign talking up the benefits of euro-exit and Frexit, which business and 70 per cent of the French public strongly opposed. At the last minute, she tried to backpedal but failed to convince the electorate. Her campaign ended with a bruising debate against Emmanuel Macron in which she appeared not to understand her own economic policies.

Ten years on, little remains of that Marine Le Pen. As part of the de-demonisation strategy of rendering the RN palatable, she has dropped her social commitments as opportunistically as she initially picked them up.

Unlike in the US or the UK, companies in France cannot donate to political campaigns, and donations from private citizens are capped at 7,500 euros. Industry thus doesn’t intervene as directly in the democratic process as the cryptocurrency and fossil fuels interests backing Donald Trump and Nigel Farage. Similarly, because of the RN’s ties to historical fascism, business has previously been wary of being seen to associate with the party, to the point that the Front National couldn’t even access French bank loans.

Nonetheless, since 2024, when the Rassemblement National became the largest individual party in both the European Parliament and the French National Assembly, the RN and big business have gradually moved closer. This has been in no small part thanks to Jordan Bardella, the young gun who would have replaced Le Pen if the courts had rejected her appeal. Bardella, who is just 30 years old and currently dating an aristocrat, believes the RN needs to expand beyond its working-class and struggling petit-bourgeois base into the affluent classes. He sees austerity as a core part of the RN’s project: in 2024, he proclaimed the need for “order in the streets and order in the public accounts”.

Party of capital

Two additional factors have enabled the RN to become a standard party of capital: support from oligarchs, and an attempt by centrists to paint the Left as the real extremists, letting the RN off the hook.

Media moguls Vincent Bolloré and Pierre Édouard Stérin relentlessly platform the party and talk up its preferred themes in the media (although they also boost other right-wing forces, like Éric Zemmour’s party Reconquête, various other Catholic reactionaries, and what remains of the Sarkozyist right). François Durvye, a former hedge fund manager for Stérin and a special advisor to Bardella, was tasked with establishing relationships with the business elite. Durvye recently quit the party, but in a parting shot, he claimed he was unable to reconcile himself to Le Pen’s insufficiently neoliberal positions. In reality, reporting in Libération and Mediapart suggests that his departure was largely an ego-driven firing by Le Pen, who made clear that his days were numbered after he had unsubtly expressed his dissatisfaction to various RN bigwigs that she – and not Bardella – was running for president. This was not an ideological purge. Bardella, and his other economically liberal advisors like Ambroise de Rancourt, remain part of Le Pen’s campaign team. On 29 August, the party announced that, if it gained power, it would enshrine a “golden rule” of keeping the deficit below 3 per cent in the constitution.

Durvye and Bardella’s strenuous efforts to sign up to the agenda of the patronat – France’s business establishment – appear to be working. In 2011, Laurence Parisot, then head of the business lobby MEDEF, denounced Le Pen, accusing her of sitting squarely within the far-right tradition. By 2025, Bardella was a guest at the MEDEF summer university, keen to demonstrate that the party was abandoning any statist economic policies it may have previously favoured. In 2026, he was invited back for a working lunch, which he later described as “courteous”. The rapprochement extends to Le Pen herself: In April, she dined with influential corporate leaders including France’s richest man, Bernard Arnault, the owner of luxury goods firm LVMH, who backed Macron in 2017 and 2022 and is a personal friend of Vincent Bolloré.

The institutions representing business interests are taking the RN seriously because the polls currently show Le Pen/Bardella making it into the second round in all scenarios, and likely beating their opponent in the runoff. Business leaders feel they have to suss out the potential next party of government. They also fear the alternative: though centrist candidates seem to stand a better chance of making it to the second round, some polling scenarios show the RN candidate facing off against Mélenchon, who is himself running for the fourth time.

The centrist parties have already supplied the arguments for business to back the far right, treating Mélenchon and his party La France Insoumise (“France Unbowed”, LFI) as an equivalent “extreme” to the RN, while also slowly turning the framework of demonisation away from the RN and onto LFI. In 2024, the newspaper Libération revealed secret dinners between Édouard Philippe, the likely candidate of the Macron camp, and Marine Le Pen. At one of these dinners, Philippe reportedly said that he wanted the next election to be between his camp and the far right; an election of “project against project, without moral critique”, according to the revelations. Last year, Bruno Retailleau, head of the right-wing Les Républicains party and former interior minister under Macron, called for a united “republican front” including the RN against LFI. Most of the attacks from the Macron camp on the RN have thus far concentrated on the party’s economic irresponsibility, based often on the promises they made during their brief social turn.

In this context, business has little work to do to abandon republicanism and justify a swing behind the RN. In the 2026 Toulouse municipal election, local industrial leaders threatened to cancel investments or to pull their businesses from the city if LFI candidate François Piquemal beat Macronist Jean-Luc Moudenc. Business and industrial leaders are primed to take this one step further and come out against LFI in future LFI-RN runoffs. As Bernard Cohen, the head of a lobby group representing the interests of small- and medium-sized businesses put it recently: “whether they are small, medium or large, what the bosses like generally is financial and economic stability […] economic danger for the bosses comes not from the Left of government, but a certain section of the Left; by which they mean LFI”.

For their part, the unions, or at least the more radical ones, have started to push back against the bosses creeping toward the RN. In August, Sophie Binet, the leader of the CGT, denounced MEDEF in an interview with Le Monde for helping roll out the red carpet to the far right. She argued that the party’s economic position was irrelevant and that business leaders should be thinking about the RN’s programme regarding women, LGBT rights, climate change, the constitution, and the independence of the judiciary, rather than any economic reforms that the bosses might favour.

The standard position across the unions is that the far right is a unique and dangerous threat to the republic, to which any other political force is preferable. The Nouveau Front Populaire (New Popular Front; a broad left-wing electoral alliance in France) was endorsed in 2024 because it was a rare instance of left unity. In other words, the unions wouldn’t burn any bridges by backing it. In 2024, the leaderships of various unions condemned media outlets and politicians trying to invoke a false equivalence between LFI and the far right, but they prefer to remain relatively politically neutral, not least because the leadership of LFI and union leaders have butted heads over strategy many times.

Kicking the can

The RN’s move closer to its roots on the economy poses problems for the coalition that it is trying to build over the long term. The party has no meaningful answer to how it reconciles the interests of its working-class and petit-bourgeois voters with those of the oligarchs that now back it.

For example, the RN has been keen to position itself as the party of French agriculture, and has allied closely with small farmers who smile in selfies with Bardella. These traditionalist farmers are the kinds of people who oppose the over-financialisation of agriculture and the mass purchase of land by agri-giants like Otium, owned by Pierre Edouard Stérin, one of the oligarchs instrumental in smoothing the party’s path to power. When iron and steel colossus ArcelorMittal entered crisis due to global overcapacity, the company closed two sites and said it would cut a further 600 jobs. The RN attacked Macron incessantly, but when LFI proposed a vote on nationalising the firm, it abstained, fearing it would alienate business.

The party has also opposed wealth taxes as well as taxes on private jets. It promises a better life for workers through horizontal redistribution away from immigrants, welfare cheats, the recipients of overseas development aid, and a very optimistic assessment of government waste. It also proposes cutting France’s contributions to the EU, which could ultimately result in reduced subsidies for its agricultural base. In the RN’s 2026 counter-budget, the party put forward proposals for deeper austerity than the Macronist government, arguing for 36 billion euros in savings compared to prime minister Sébastien Lecornu’s 30 billion. In short, the RN is back to the ultra-racist Reaganism that defined the party under Jean-Marie Le Pen, Marine’s father.

The party has no meaningful answer to how it reconciles the interests of its working-class and petit-bourgeois voters with those of the oligarchs that now back it.

To obviate the conflict between the interests the RN is trying to represent, Marine Le Pen defaults to unity through nationalism. She talks in the language of the people and presents the struggle as a national one against a cosmopolitan establishment. As political scientist Théo Bourgeron has observed, Le Pen kicks down the road the difficult spending tradeoffs that will arise when not enough government waste is found to cover what remains of the party’s social commitments.

Where there is a genuine tension in the strategy is Le Pen’s disagreement with Bardella (and previously Durvye) over pensions. Bardella used the period when he was the likely presidential candidate to argue against Le Pen’s position on the subject. Fearful of alienating the party’s older working-class base, she wants to roll back Macron’s pension reforms and revert the retirement age to 62. Bardella, by contrast, wants to keep the reform and is even considering scrapping a rule that allows people to retire at 67 on full pension, aiming to replace it instead with a minimum of 42 years of contribution, or the option to take a smaller pension. While it does open the party up to accusations of abandoning its base, even this tension could work in the RN’s benefit. Candidate once more, Le Pen can set the line in favour of the lower pension age, while Bardella privately reassures his newfound friends in MEDEF that he will do his utmost to lobby for a higher one when in power.

Maintaining the coalition

For the moment, this tension seems unlikely to pose too many problems for the RN. The far right does not have a monopoly on the working class, most of whom choose abstention, and many of whom vote for left-wing parties. It is true, however, that the voters they do have, including those among the working class, are unlikely to be fazed by the imprecision on economic questions and the cosiness with big business. Félicien Faury’s Des électeurs ordinaires (“Ordinary Voters”), a study of the RN electorate, has demonstrated the importance of race and identity to the far-right vote. He has amassed ample evidence that RN voters tend to feel that the distributional conflicts in society are almost entirely between natives and immigrants, not between social classes, and that they generally share the low-tax impulses of the Grand Patrons – France’s most influential corporate bosses.

The contradictions of the RN aren’t likely to be confronted on the ground or in the media. Although LFI speaks in the language of class conflict and is committed to highlighting RN hypocrisy, Mélenchon’s strategy is to assemble a “New France” of public sector workers, educated young people, and the urban, often racialised working class. This means that they will spend limited time and resources during the campaign in the working-class areas where the far right is strongest, because their strategy is not premised on converting far-right voters, but on building an alternative coalition by activating abstentionists to reach the second round.

There is a certain logic to Mélenchon’s gamble. Abstentionists are sociologically closer to left-wing voters, and have values that more closely resemble those of the left bloc than those of the centre or the far right. The French presidential election accounts only for raw numbers, not the geographic distribution of voters, so there is a lot to be gained for a Left concentrated primarily on winning votes in densely populated urban areas.

Polling hypotheticals show Mélenchon, currently the only left candidate with a plausible shot of making it to the second round, being destroyed by both Le Pen and Bardella in a runoff. To this, the Insoumis retort that polls always underestimate Mélenchon and overrate Le Pen. They argue that the extra votes from the abstentionists they hope to activate can be combined with the same dynamic that made the New Popular Front, a broad left-wing electoral alliance, win the legislative elections in 2024 (albeit without a majority), when enough centrist voters chose to block the far right.

Mélenchon’s candidacy remains a long shot, though his campaign is progressing well. The far right’s unity is currently being held in place by proximity to power. Commonalities are emphasised and differences dissolved by the possibility that Marine Le Pen might soon be in the Élysée. If Mélenchon wins, the factions will compete to establish the post-Le Pen orientation of the far-right bloc. If she (or a candidate of post-Macronism) wins, then the reverse occurs: the Left will be scrambled, and the succession battle will play out among the interest groups and political tendencies to the left of Macron. For now, the far right’s contradictions are likely to remain unresolved.

Red Pepper editors pick out the songs and albums that shaped their political imaginations

The post Red Pepper Media’s inspirational tracks appeared first on Red Pepper.

• A short-term continuing resolution will keep federal transportation funds flowing for the next three months while Congress considers a new five-year bill, but the CR cuts transit funding by 20 percent and passenger rail funding by 81 percent. (Mass Transit, Metro Magazine)
• The federal government continues to spend billions of dollars on highways even though the interstate system is largely complete. Angie Schmitt wonders, what if that money were spent on sidewalks instead? (Strong Towns)
• Miami-Dade Mayor Daniella Levine Cava’s proposed budget would eliminate early-morning bus service, as well as a dozen routes. (Herald)
• More than 4 million people a year would ride light rail along the Atlanta Beltline, according to a new study. But it would cost almost $5 billion, and there is currently no funding. (AJC)
• Maryland is removing bus lanes in Bethesda built during Red Line construction instead of making them permanent. (Fox 5)
• The Seattle DOT is in the process of completing 70 safety projects near schools. (KIRO)
• Despite efforts to protect fish, about 2,000 have died around Sound Transit’s new bridge over Lake Washington. (Axios)
• Pete Buttigieg talked about the Cincinnati streetcar during a recent campaign stop to support Ohio Democratic candidates. (Enquirer; paywall)
• San Antonio installed three new flashing beacons and other pedestrian safety improvements on Pleasanton Road. (Kens)
• A Chicago developer is proposing a new White Sox stadium and a hospital at the site of an Amtrak rail yard. (Trains)
• Auckland is considering congestion pricing. (The Conversation)
• A company in Mexico is producing the opposite of gargantuan American pickups — a tiny electric truck that can haul almost 1,500 pounds and costs just $8,400. (Autoblog)

Lock the Gate Alliance has submitted new evidence to the WA Appeals Convenor showing that Texan fracking company Black Mountain Energy’s modelling found that proposed fracking wastewater ponds could overflow in above-average rainfall conditions — which are frequently experienced in the area — posing a contamination threat to the Martuwarra Fitzroy River. 

For a bee or butterfly, even a tiny patch of blooming wildflowers by the side of the road could mean the difference between life and death.

August unfolded against a grim backdrop of human suffering. We, at La Via Campesina, answered with solidarity rather than silence.

The post 2026 | August News Wrap: Updates from LVC Members Worldwide appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

A few months ago, a friend who has followed my writing and recent travel documentary work said, “You travel differently than anyone I know. You should teach a class.” That comment stayed with me. It made me think about what I actually do when I arrive somewhere new. I listen with the eyes of an […]

Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro shifted from aggressively courting tech investments, to signing an executive order on August 18, 2026 that embeds enforcement mechanisms into his previously announced voluntary standards for data center development. The Governor’s Responsible Infrastructure Development (GRID) Standards are a set of requirements around energy costs, transparency and community engagement, economic development, and environmental protection for new data center projects.

The week of the executive order, the Ohio River Valley Institute fielded a statewide representative survey  of Pennsylvania adults. Many findings corroborate a growing body of research that shows the public is rapidly souring on data center development. This work further illuminates what Pennsylvanians want policymakers to do about it.

Top takeaways:

1. An overwhelming majority (94%) of Pennsylvanians say the state should pause, strongly regulate, or discourage data center development altogether.
2. Pennsylvanians are split on Gov. Josh Shapiro’s executive order to regulate data center development: on first impression, some say it strikes the right balance (45%), while others say it doesn’t go far enough (40%). Just one in seven (15%) feels it goes too far.
3. There’s strong opposition to building new gas plants specifically to meet the demand of data centers in Pennsylvania. 83% of respondents prefer either pursuing alternatives first, or not building new gas plants at all.
4. Most Pennsylvanians believe data center development would raise energy costs (74%)  and harm the environment (54%), though some (48%) anticipate job growth, as well.

Top impressions are overwhelmingly negative

• Before respondents were given any prompts or language about the issue, their initial associations with data centers were almost universally negative.
• Respondents referenced local opposition, energy use and costs, water use, and environmental impacts.
• Concerns appeared across political ideologies, urbanicities, and demographic groups.

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Nearly 7 in 10 oppose data center construction in Pennsylvania, similar to the national rate.

• 65% oppose the construction of data centers in Pennsylvania, (33% somewhat, 32% strongly).
• Women are slightly more likely to oppose.
• Open-ended responses surfaced anti-corporate sentiment and a sense that “we just don’t need it,” in addition to concerns about energy and water impacts.

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Pennsylvanians expect higher energy costs and environmental harm—but also some job growth.

When asked about the possible impacts of data center development:

• 7 in 10 said energy costs would go up.
• Half of respondents predicted jobs would increase some (38%) or a lot (13%)
• 54% said data centers would have a moderate (24%) to significant (30%) negative impact on the environment.

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There is broad appetite for limiting development

Respondents were split roughly three ways between preferring the state to pursue a full moratorium, stronger regulations, and discouraging development altogether, with the largest share (36%) preferring to discourage data center development in Pennsylvania.

• Demographic differences are relatively small, with men and women evenly split
• Views are relatively consistent across political ideology.
• Younger respondents are slightly more inclined to discourage development.
• Older respondents are more likely to favor stronger rules.
• Just 4% preferred to “encourage more development.”

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Most Pennsylvanians believe that the ones who benefit from data centers most, are the companies developing them.

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There’s strong opposition to building new gas plants specifically to serve data centers.

• 83% favor either pursuing alternatives first or not building new gas plants at all. When asked how Pennsylvania should meet new energy demand from data centers,
  • 59% said Pennsylvania should prioritize energy efficiency and renewable energy before building new gas plants.
  • 24% said Pennsylvania should not build new gas plants to meet data center demand.
  • 16% said building new gas plants should be allowed.

Shapiro’s executive order is viewed as reasonable—but support for stronger action grows with more information

• A plurality of Pennsylvanians think the move, as described by the Governor, strikes the right balance
• After respondents were presented with facts about remaining challenges for local voice, and the tax break that remains available, there was an approximately 10-point shift away from “strikes the right balance” and toward “regulations don’t go far enough.”
• But some respondents are still questioning what compliance, accountability, and enforcement looks like.

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Affordability is the clear priority for Pennsylvania’s economic future.

• When respondents were asked to think more broadly about their priorities for Pennsylvania’s economic future in a multi-select question, 54% prioritized keeping energy, housing, and other household costs affordable, making it the single standout priority.

What the findings tell us and what we’re still trying to understand

As we processed these results, we wanted to look beyond the topline numbers and consider how Pennsylvanians’ expectations compare with what ORVI’s own research tells us about data centers and economic development: that these projects are poor job creators and stand to raise costs across the board.

Much of what we found reinforces a growing body of public opinion research – people are deeply concerned about how these developments could impact their bills, their health, and their communities. And as is the case across the country, these concerns transcend any particular political ideology or demographic.

But several of our findings stood out – especially the strength of support for limiting development and related gas buildout, demand for local control, the way respondents weigh jobs against other costs, and the extent to which affordability and questions about who benefits seem to shape people’s views.

Opposition translates to appetite for limiting development

An open-ended question on data center development revealed serious concerns about data centers’ local impacts, like the thrumming noise pollution and round-the-clock security floodlights that have made headlines and driven pushback in host communities across the country. But even when asked about data center construction statewide, not necessarily in their own communities, the percentage of Pennsylvanians opposed to development outnumbers those in favor nearly two to one, our survey finds. Resistance to nearby data center development likely would have registered even higher.  One only needs to look to the extreme building-related flooding in Mason County, WV to see the gap between the economic promises made during the proposal phase and the stark realities communities experience once construction begins.

In Pennsylvania, negative feelings towards data centers appear to translate into a pervasive desire for policymakers and leaders to do more to prevent harm. Respondents were roughly split between a preference to pause development, implement stronger regulations, or discourage development in the state altogether. Consequently, less than a fifth of respondents in the state feel that Governor Shapiro’s executive order “went too far.” And the more they learned, the more they desired even stronger protections.

Moratoriums and permitting pauses are already happening in municipalities across the state. While Governor Shapiro’s order falls short of a full moratorium – which our poll suggests is politically palatable at the statewide level –  it does tie eligibility for the state’s generous sales tax exemption to compliance with his GRID regulatory standards, which are meant to protect energy affordability and encourage community engagement on data center projects. Across the country, there’s growing support for stronger regulations on data centers, including among MAGA voters and “AI-optimists” –  people want robust policies that protect natural resources, increase transparency and accountability, and protect ratepayers from higher utility bills. And the Pennsylvania legislature has an opportunity to do even more on this front.

But voters appear to be increasingly skeptical of the old economic-development model where governments give large corporations tax breaks, subsidies or preferential rates in exchange for promises of jobs and investment. Across states and the country, there’s rising opposition to tax benefits for Big Tech and data center developers. And despite the Governor’s new order, one thing that stays on the table is the sales tax exemption for permitted data centers, the cost of which keeps ballooning, costing the state hundreds of millions of dollars per year.

When we clarified this to respondents, and told them that some communities are still worried about their ability to have a say in approving developments, we saw a ten-point increase in the belief that Shapiro’s order “doesn’t go far enough.”

Pennsylvanians may be more optimistic about data center jobs than the evidence warrants.

Data centers have made a bad first impression.

Communities across the region are already experiencing the direct impact to air and water that can come with building large data centers, and the infrastructure to power them. Meanwhile, about half of the Pennsylvanians in our survey anticipated a negative environmental impact from data center development in the state. Nearly 75% of respondents believe data center development would impact utility costs, digging into the pocket books of everyday families. In Pennsylvania, residential electricity rates are already rising, driven largely by data center demand. Pennsylvania’s Independent Fiscal Office reported in July that the average electricity bill has already increased more than 20% since 2024.

About half of our respondents believed data center development would increase jobs in Pennsylvania at least somewhat. But research shows data centers are actually poor job creators in the long term. They require enormous amounts of capital, land, and electricity, but relatively few workers once construction is complete. The US economy’s “information” sector — driven largely by AI and data centers — has tripled its economic output since 2005 as the data center boom continues to inflate, our previous analysis shows. Yet, in the same period, jobs have actually shrunk. Meanwhile, data centers are driving up electricity bills, cutting into families’ disposable incomes and further negating the sector’s jobs impact.  Our shale gas research tells a similar story. Pennsylvania has become one of the country’s largest natural gas producers, yet the counties responsible for much of that production have not experienced employment, wage, and population growth commensurate with the industry’s enormous output.

Pennsylvanians aren’t buying the case for new gas buildout

One of our more surprising findings is how strongly Pennsylvanians reject the idea that rising electricity demand from data centers should automatically mean building more natural gas power plants.

That is striking in a state where natural gas has long occupied an outsized place in the political conversation. For nearly two decades,  political and industry leaders have repeatedly portrayed shale gas as both an economic engine and an essential part of the state’s energy future. More recently, projected electricity demand from data centers has become part of the case for a new wave of highly polluting gas-fired power plants and related infrastructure.

When asked how Pennsylvania should meet new energy demand from data centers, 83% favored either pursuing alternatives first, or not building new gas plants at all. Nearly six in 10 (59%) said the state should prioritize energy efficiency and renewable energy before building new gas plants, while another 24% said Pennsylvania should not build new gas plants to serve data centers at all.

For years, Pennsylvania’s political debate has often treated expanding gas production and gas use as synonymous with expanding economic opportunity. Yet the economic reality is much more complicated —and previous ORVI polling has similarly found Pennsylvanians considerably more skeptical of fracking’s economic benefits than the state’s political narrative might suggest.

Data centers may therefore be exposing a larger shift worth watching. Pennsylvanians appear reluctant to commit to another major wave of fossil fuel infrastructure simply because a new industry is promising economic growth. Instead, most want the state to ask first whether that infrastructure is actually necessary—and whether there are less costly ways to meet the demand.

What is successful economic development?

Our poll suggests that Pennsylvanians are thinking critically about  the use of public money to lure and support development. They are concerned about development inflating household costs, failing to produce lasting jobs and meaningful benefits, and taking away their say in their community’s future.

Simply promising investment and jobs may no longer be enough. People appear increasingly interested in the other side of the ledger: what development costs, who pays those costs, who receives the benefits, who has a say, and whether the result actually leaves communities better off.

About this research

This research was conducted using GrowProgress’ Pulse Survey, a rapid survey tool used to help understand public opinion around quickly developing events.

This survey polled 400 Pennsylvania adults between Friday, August 21, 2026 and Sunday, August 23, 2026. The margin of error ranged from 1.7% to 5.0%

GrowProgress gathers participants for rapid message tests, audience understanding surveys, and pulse surveys through partnerships with reputable online panel companies and marketplaces. These partners recruit participants through a diverse set of digital ads, loyalty or coupon programs, and other methods, collecting basic demographic information and utilizing weighting to ensure survey respondents are representative of the target population.

The post Most Pennsylvanians Want Data Center Development Paused, Strongly Regulated, or Discouraged Altogether appeared first on Ohio River Valley Institute.

“The Hub” is a weekly round-up of transportation related news in the Philadelphia area and beyond. Check back weekly to keep up-to-date on the issues Clean Air Council’s transportation staff finds important.

As exciting events continue in Philadelphia, learn how you can get around to major summer 2026 events without a car, or being stuck in traffic with GoPhillyGo: Car-Free Routes Map!

Image Source: The Inquirer

The Inquirer: SEPTA gets $13.3 million from D.C. for new Silverliner Regional Rail train cars – A $13.3 million federal grant is going to SEPTA to help replace the 223 Silverliner IV train cars that were pulled from service last year. After being in service for half a century and several fires, the train cars were pulled for safety inspections and repairs. The grant is part of the Rail Vehicle Replacement Program, and work will begin in the Fall. 234 new cars will be built, at an estimated cost of $2 billion.

Image Source: The Inquirer

ABC 6: More than 330K drivers ticketed along Broad Street since speed camera enforcement began: PPA report – Speed cameras have been capturing driver data along Broad Street since November 2025 at 15 locations. Drivers exceeding 11 miles over the speed limit are fined starting at $100, and the Philadelphia Parking Authority released a report on violations through March 2026. In total, more than 330,000 drivers were ticketed along the Broad Street corridor.

Image Source: WPXI

CBS Pittsburgh: $82M in federal grant money will help Pittsburgh Regional Transit purchase new light-rail vehicles – Pittsburgh Regional Transit is receiving over $82 million in grant funding. The funding will be used to purchase new vehicles for the light-rail system, the “T.”. 45 new vehicles will be replacing old cars on the T, and will feature a more modern interior and on-vehicle wheelchair lifts.

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Pennsylvania Capital-Star: Lawmakers wrestle with the proliferation of e-scooters on Pa. roadways

WHYY: Philadelphia Cycling Classic returns, reconnecting fans and cyclists with longtime traditions

The Inquirer: New speed cameras in West and North Philadelphia will start warning drivers on Monday

WPXI: Bicyclists flock Pittsburgh’s streets for 33rd annual Pedal PGH fundraiser

Pittsburgh City Paper: Lawrenceville’s guerrilla crosswalks are a white-striped call for change

Philadelphia Today: IBX Partners with Philly Bike Ride for One of the City’s Signature Fall Traditions

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Solar power generation in the UK reached a new record over the summer of 2026, as temperatures across the nation soared, according to new analysis by Carbon Brief. 

Collectively over June, July and August, solar farms and rooftops generated 8.8 terawatt-hours (TWh) of electricity in the UK*, as shown in the chart below. 

Speaking to Carbon Brief, Chris Hewett, chief executive of trade association Solar Energy UK welcomed the new record, adding that it was driven by “clear skies and continued growth in deployment”. 

This surge in generation took place amid the hottest summer on record in the UK, with five heatwaves between May and August.

Summer 2026 was the sixth sunniest on record, with more than 620 hours of sunshine, according to the Met Office. England and Wales – which experienced the most extreme heat – saw their second-sunniest summers on record. 

June 2026 was the hottest June in England since records began in 1884, according to Met Office data, while Wales and the UK as a whole experienced their second-warmest June. 

It was the driest July for England and Wales since records began in 1836, with some parts of London seeing no rain at all in the month, while Wisley in Surrey had no rain for 62 days. 

In England, temperatures peaked at 38.1C at Kew Gardens in London on 13 August. 

According to the Met Office, this summer’s record mean temperature was made 130 times more likely by climate change.  

Amid these hot and sunny months, solar power generation increased 23% from the same period in 2025. This is double the level of solar generation over the summer of 2021, according to Carbon Brief analysis. 

While solar panels can be affected by periods of extreme heat, the longer hours of daylight and higher levels of irradiation over the summer more than offset any efficiency losses. 

June, July and August all saw solar set new monthly records for solar generation – July saw the highest solar generation in a calendar month ever, with 3.3TWh meeting 15% of overall electricity demand for the month. 

As of the end of August, the total UK solar generation in 2026 stood at 17TWh – 13% higher than the same point in 2025. 

The number of solar farms and rooftop installations has grown substantially in recent years, helping to boost generation. Domestic rooftop solar accounts for around 29% of total capacity.

In 2025, the UK’s solar capacity reached 21 gigawatts (GW) by the third quarter of the year, according to UK government figures. This is a jump of 3GW, or 18%, year-on-year, as Carbon Brief reported in January. 

(Capacity is the maximum output possible from an electricity generation, whereas generation is what was produced over a certain time period, such as a day, month or year.)

According to the University of Sheffield, the installed solar capacity is now nearly 24GW. 

This includes nearly 172,000 solar installations that have been fitted across the UK since the start of 2026, according to recent government figures. In July alone, more than 19,800 rooftop solar panels were installed – the equivalent of one installation every two minutes. 

In total, nearly 1.7m households in the UK now have solar panels installed. 

Over 26 heatwave days this summer – periods of at least three days when temperatures exceed the Met Office’s county-level heatwave temperature threshold – UK households with rooftop solar panels avoided an estimated £86.7m in electricity costs, according to analysis by Utility Bidder.

Talking about the surge in solar generation this summer, Hewett says: 

“[It] not only kept bills down for people with solar and batteries in their homes, but helped keep overall power prices much lower than they would have been if Britain had been relying on more gas generation during the day”.

Despite the record generation, no new half-hourly solar power output record was set in the summer of 2026. This still stands at 15.2 megawatts (MW) on 23 April 2026.

* This article refers to the UK throughout, but strictly relates to the island of Great Britain, made up of England, Scotland and Wales. Northern Ireland is part of the separate, all-Ireland electricity system.

related Factcheck: 10 flaws in the Conservative report on ‘cheap power’ 20.08.2026 Renewables Q&A: What is ‘long-duration energy storage’ – and why does the UK need it? 19.08.2026 Electricity Q&A: What does China’s 15th ‘five-year plan’ for renewables mean for climate change? 29.07.2026 China policy Analysis: Wind and solar power overtake fossil fuels in Germany for first time ever 28.07.2026 Energy

The post Analysis: UK solar power hits record high over summer 2026 appeared first on Carbon Brief.

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Farmers around Europe are dealing with the aftermath of a summer of extreme heat, drought and wildfires that were exacerbated by climate change. 

Human-caused climate change is increasing the severity and likelihood of many extreme weather events around the world, which is increasing volatility for food producers.

This summer resulted in, for example, shrunken potatoes in the Netherlands, reduced carrot harvests in France, dried-up rice fields in Italy and scorched olive groves in parts of the Mediterranean region.

Global food prices are currently at their highest level since early 2023 due to “heatwaves and energy price dynamics”, according to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization. 

Other factors such as blocked fertiliser supplies in the Strait of Hormuz and high fuel costs have also played a role in this year’s agricultural outputs. 

In the six charts below, Carbon Brief provides a snapshot of the impact this summer’s extremes are considered to have had on crop production and yields across Europe. 

1. Most EU countries expect to see declines in cereal production this year

2. Most countries are recording reduced crop yields

3. Around €2bn worth of cereal losses after June heatwave

4. UK yields of wheat, barley and oats are all due to drop in 2026

5. Maize production in France is due to hit a four-decade low

6. Declines in EU grains since 2025

Article Contents Expand menu

• 1. Most EU countries expect to see declines in cereal production this year
• 2. Most countries are recording reduced crop yields 
• 3. Around €2bn worth of cereal losses after June heatwave 
• 4. UK yields of wheat, barley and oats are all due to drop in 2026
• 5. Maize production in France is due to hit a four-decade low 
• 6. Declines in EU grains since 2025

1. Most EU countries expect to see declines in cereal production this year Changes in cereal production in 26 EU countries between 2025 and 2026. Malta is excluded due to a lack of available data. Source: European Commission.

France, in particular, will see heavy losses in the amount of cereals – such as wheat, barley and oats – it produces this year, according to European Commission data. 

French cereal production is expected to drop by almost 8 megatonnes (Mt) in 2026, compared to 2025. 

The chart above shows that most European countries, aside from Bulgaria, will also see production losses this year. 

Germany is due to see the second-largest losses in production, dropping by almost 4Mt compared to 2025.

Prof Til Feike, a cropping systems expert at the Julius Kühn-Institut, says many areas in Germany and Austria, as with other parts of Europe, have been “hit hard by a long-lasting dry period in combination with record-high heatwaves”.

This has resulted in dry grassland for animals and lower yields of maize, which is a “key fodder crop” for livestock. He tells Carbon Brief: 

“In the long run, farming must adapt better to more extreme weather conditions, not only heat and drought, but also prolonged wet periods. So, there is no one-fits-all solution for climate change adaptation.” 

2. Most countries are recording reduced crop yields 

Heat and a lack of water have “substantially worsened” crop expectations this summer in western and most of central Europe, according to a recent bulletin from the EU Joint Research Centre.

Yields are expected to be “significantly reduced”, with local crop failures “likely” in areas such as France, southern Germany, northern and central Italy, and Hungary, it added. 

The chart below shows that yields of cereal grains – which, here, refers to the tonnes of a grain grown per hectare of land – are expected to fall in most EU countries in 2026.

Changes in cereal yields in 26 EU countries between 2025 and 2026. Malta is excluded due to a lack of available data. Source: European Commission.

Slovakia, Austria and Hungary are expected to see the largest declines in cereal yields, reducing by more than one tonne per hectare in 2026 compared to 2025.

The recent EU bulletin noted that irrigated crops performed well in Portugal this summer – the country with the largest yield increases. Other crops relying on rainfall showed growing signs of heat stress, it added.  

3. Around €2bn worth of cereal losses after June heatwave 

The record heatwave that hit many parts of Europe in June contributed to an estimated €2-2.3bn in cumulative grain production losses, as shown in the chart below.

Estimates of revenue lost due to changes in production forecasts between June and July 2026. Source: ECIU.

The intense June heat in western Europe would have been “virtually impossible” just 50 years ago, according to a rapid climate attribution study. It was the region’s hottest June on record. 

The Energy & Climate Intelligence Unit (ECIU) thinktank analysed June and July 2026 grain forecasts from Coceral, a European grain traders association.

ECIU estimated lost supply by multiplying the change in tonnes of grains between these two months by prices for harvest delivery in 28 European countries. 

Major grain producers France, Germany, Hungary and Spain accounted for 86% of the lost revenue, according to the ECIU.  

Extreme heat is also expected to have a wider economic impact across the continent. Analysis from Triodos Bank found that this summer’s extreme weather could reduce the EU’s gross domestic product (GDP) by around 1% this year, or around €180bn. 

4. UK yields of wheat, barley and oats are all due to drop in 2026

If current trends continue, the average yields for cereals and oilseeds will result in the UK’s worst harvest since detailed records began in 1984, according to ECIU.  

Yields of cereals and oilseed rape in the UK over 1990-2026. Source: Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs and Agriculture and Horticulture Development Board.

Barley yields could fall by 15%, oats by 14% and wheat yields by 6% year-on-year, according to 2026 harvest surveys from the Agriculture and Horticulture Development Board, a non-departmental public body that provides agricultural data to the UK government. 

ECIU said that, even if the situation improves, this year is still expected to be one of the five worst harvests on record. This means that four of the five worst harvests in the UK have occurred in the past decade. 

Consumers will likely see higher prices and/or smaller vegetables in supermarkets as a result, Tim O’Malley, chairman of UK company Nationwide Produce, told BBC News in August.

Other crops, such as berries, have grown successfully in the extreme heat. But the Guardian noted fears this could dip later this year “as plants become exhausted from heavy cropping during the heatwave”. 

5. Maize production in France is due to hit a four-decade low 

France has been acutely affected by this summer’s extreme weather, with more than 7,300 excess deaths during heatwaves and a record number of weather stations recording temperatures of above 40C. 

The country is the EU’s largest agricultural producer, but heat, drought and wildfires have affected many crops. 

The chart below shows that maize production is set to drop by more than one-third (35%) year-on-year. 

Maize production in France over 1980-2026. Source: Agreste.

This could result in France’s lowest maize production since 1980, according to data from Agreste, the country’s agriculture ministry’s statistics service.  

Due to the heat, “record-early” grape harvests have also been recorded in various parts of the nation since mid-July, reported Le Monde. In some cases, this means “smaller, less juicy grapes, which will yield less wine”, explained the newspaper. 

6. Declines in EU grains since 2025 Production of cereal crops in Europe over 1993-2026. The “other” category includes oats, rye, sorghum, millet and buckwheat. Source: European Commission.

Overall in the EU, data and projections indicate declines in the output of cereal grains this year. 

Cereal production is set to fall by 9% compared to 2025, according to the European Commission. 

Just one year in the past decade – 2024 – recorded lower production levels. 

Maize production is set to be particularly affected, with projections indicating a 13% drop, to 52Mt – the lowest level in the EU since 2007. 

related Livestock heat deaths in transit doubled in UK record-hot summer of 2025 25.06.2026 Food and farming Q&A: What England’s new ‘land-use framework’ means for climate, nature and food 20.03.2026 Food and farming Mapped: How extreme weather is destroying crops around the world 11.03.2026 Food and farming Adopting low-cost ‘healthy’ diets could cut food emissions by one-third 21.01.2026 Food and farming

The post How this summer’s heat and drought impacted crops in Europe – in six charts appeared first on Carbon Brief.

ECVC together with other agricultural organisations met with Commissioner Hansen and Irish Minister Heydon to discuss this summer’s severe weather events and expressed concern over the authorities’ lack of preparedness for this foreseeable crisis.

The post Europe | Meeting with Hansen and Heydon: ECVC calls for immediate support to ensure no farms are lost appeared first on La Via Campesina - EN.

Penguin colonies are so large that their masses of excrement can be seen from space, offering scientists a useful means of studying the Antarctic birds. An analysis of 30 years of satellite images of penguin guano shows how the birds' diets are shifting in response to warming.

Read more on E360 →

Exploring past examples of ‘revolutionary forgiveness’, D K Renton considers the socialist value of striving to repair harm

The post Why forgiveness is a part of socialism appeared first on Red Pepper.

Order for 313 railcars to be built in Ontario and Quebec includes 25 domes among nine car types Read more.

This analysis is an expanded version of a presentation to the Ohio River Valley Institute.

Appalachia is poised for a renewed buildout of climate-killing infrastructure as gas companies, emboldened by sweeping regulatory rollbacks, double down on investments in gas-fired power plants, LNG export terminals, and the pipelines that connect them.

Regulatory rollbacks

On May 21, 2026, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) announced plans to advance a set of comprehensive reforms that would reduce regulatory hurdles and make it easier for developers to build new pipelines across the US. If enacted, the proposal would weaken project-specific oversight, waive environmental reviews, and limit public involvement for major expansion projects. The new rules are particularly alarming as gas companies, encouraged by surging energy demand from data centers and LNG exports, double down on an unprecedented buildout of new gas-fired power plants, storage facilities, and the pipelines that supply them.

At the center of the Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, which outlines the agency’s draft rule, are “blanket authorizations,” or the ability of pipeline companies with existing blanket certificates to undertake projects on their pipelines and related infrastructure without undergoing the full certificate process as required by the National Gas Act. Historically, blanket authorizations have allowed interstate pipeline companies to perform routine construction and facility upgrades without obtaining a specific, case-by-case certificate. The types of projects previously allowed were limited by scope and cost thresholds, which prevented significant increases in mainline capacity.

The draft rule proposes to more than double project cost limits, broadens the types of projects to which blanket authorizations can apply, and allows pipeline companies to finance projects by charging higher rates. One legal analyst described the proposal as “the most significant natural gas permitting reform in two decades–and its practical implications reach every segment of the industry.”

If it were its own country, Appalachia would be the third largest producer in the world, behind only Russia and the US. Still, Appalachian gas producers have been hamstrung by pipeline takeaway capacity limits for years, holding the region’s gas production steady between 34 and 36 billion cubic feet per day (Bcf/d). FERC’s rules could change that, unleashing a renewed buildout of pipelines across Appalachia that could connect the region’s producers to new gas-fired power plant additions and LNG export terminals expanding along the Gulf Coast.

Plans for pipeline expansions

Nearly every major interstate gas pipeline system that crosses through Appalachia is now  subject to expansion proposals. At least 14 pipeline projects originating in Pennsylvania, Ohio, West Virginia, or neighboring states could expand Appalachia’s takeaway capacity by as much as 8.3 Bcf/d. They would do so by installing looping (adding a parallel line to an existing pipeline), adding compression, and replacing existing pipelines. All would qualify for blanket authorizations under FERC’s proposed rule.

In May, Canada’s TC Energy announced plans for a massive, $1.5 billion expansion project along the Columbia Gas Transmission system, which runs through Kentucky, Maryland, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and West Virginia. The so-called “Appalachia Supply Project” would add 0.8 Bcf/d of capacity for new gas-fired power generation driven by data centers, and would be scalable up to 2.0 Bcf/d through future expansions. According to the Canadian gas giant, gas demand in Ohio alone is projected to grow 30% over the next decade, driven by power generation and over 40 new data centers.

New pipelines target Pennsylvania

Further north, Enbridge is planning to expand the Algonquin Gas Transmission, a 1,130-mile, 3.1 Bcf/d pipeline that transports Appalachian gas from Pennsylvania to New England, through a series of upgrades that could be potentially sanctioned under FERC’s expanded blanket authorizations.

 Revived pipelines expand takeaway capacity into New England

Meanwhile, Williams revived two major projects: the Northeast Supply Enhancement project, which would expand capacity along the Transco pipeline, and the Constitution Pipeline, a 125-mile greenfield pipeline that would run from northeast Pennsylvania to Schoharie County, New York.

Though still in early development, Boardwalk has expanded the scope of its proposed Borealis Pipeline, a 2 Bcf/d greenfield pipeline that would install 200 miles of new gas pipeline in Ohio and add another 265 miles of new pipeline along the Texas Gas Transmission system, a 6,000 mile interstate pipeline network that links the Midwest and Gulf Coast. The projects would increase the flow of Appalachian gas into southeastern Ohio and Indiana, states with significant behind-the-meter data center development, as well as link Appalachian gas producers with customers in the Southeast and Gulf Coast.

Pipelines to increase takeaway capacity to Midwest & Southwest

Global energy supply shocks boosts US LNG

To say the first half of 2026 has been rocky for global LNG markets would be an understatement. The US-Iran War and the extended closure of the Strait of Hormuz stranded significant volumes of LNG and crude oil, and temporarily took Qatari LNG offline, effectively reducing the global oil and gas supply by 20%. The conflict caused LNG prices to spike globally, and they have remained persistently high apart from a temporary cease-fire in June.

Despite the global volatility, Henry Hub prices–the benchmark price point for US natural gas–have remained largely insulated from the price fluctuations seen in Asia and Europe, making US LNG all the more attractive to international buyers.

LNG exports draw Appalachian gas south

In April, the Department of Energy authorized two LNG export terminals to increase export capacity to countries lacking free trade agreements. But US LNG facilities are already running at high utilization rates, and a significant increase in exports can only increase at the pace of terminal and pipeline buildout. Though nearly all of the planned capacity additions are concentrated along the Gulf Coast, a slew of pipeline expansions that connect Appalachian gas to Gulf LNG terminals is underway.

US LNG capacity expands, pulling Appalachia gas south

In its 2026 Annual Energy Outlook, the US Energy Information Administration confirmed that LNG exports continue to be the fastest-growing source of domestic natural gas demand. Seven LNG terminals will add 6.3 Bcf/d of export capacity through the end of 2027, in addition to capacity additions through 2030 that will increase overall capacity to 27.7 Bcf/d.

Proposed data centers drive up gas demand, pipelines follow

It is becoming clear that gas industry buildout is closely aligned with data center development. As data center developers double down – prioritizing reliability and speed to market by sourcing natural gas-fired generation over renewables – gas companies are incentivized to undertake major expansion projects.

Earlier this year, TC Energy CEO Francois Poirier told investors, “Ohio’s projected natural gas demand growth of more than 30% over the next decade is the largest increase nationally outside of LNG-exporting states.” He added, “Growth is being driven by power generation, industrial expansion and grid reliability needs, including significant incremental load from more than 40 new data centers.”

For instance, SB Energy is proposing to build a 10 GW gas-fired power plant in Piketon, Ohio that would serve a neighboring data center. If built, the so-called PORTS Energy Center would be the largest operating gas plant in the country.

Map of TC Energy’s Columbia Gas Transmission system and planned data centers

These pipeline expansions could be accelerated and harder to fight if FERC’s proposed rule to expand blanket authorizations is adopted.

An RBN analysis indicates there could be a very large increase in gas demand for power generation, especially as existing power plants utilize more of their capacity. But the demand could be much greater if “behind-the-meter” (BTM) mega projects are constructed, such as the Shippingport Power Station in Beaver County, Pennsylvania or the Nscale Monarch data center in West Virginia. According to the analysis, just a handful of BTM facilities could trigger more than 1.2 Bcf/d of demand, if they achieve their planned capacity (which may be unlikely). Still, the projects identified in this analysis represent only a fraction of proposals under consideration for the region. Just as importantly, each of these massive BTM projects would necessitate a network of pipeline expansions within the Appalachian region, including the construction of new laterals to the new facilities.

Petrochemicals temporarily boosted by global conflict

US petrochemical companies saw a brief spike in profit margins following the closure of the Strait of Hormuz and the ensuing disruptions to global trade of refined oil and gas products. This marked a huge turnaround from baseline conditions in early 2026, which had been marked by oversupply and underwhelming demand growth.

The longer disruptions continue, the greater the likelihood of a renewed push to expand the petrochemical, plastics, and ammonia industries in the US.

Still, most experts believe the boost will be temporary. By early June, ethane cracker margins had come back down, driven by lower feedstock prices. Patrick Penfield, Professor of Supply Chain Management at Syracuse University, noted that “once the conflict ends and supply chains normalize, the industry will likely revert toward those pre-war dynamics rather than sustaining today’s elevated margins.”

Government forecasts for major production growth depend on pipeline buildout

Gas production in Appalachia is expected to increase by just 1 Bcf/d between 2025 and 2027, according to the EIA. Looking ahead into the next decade, however, the picture looks much different. In this year’s Annual Energy Outlook, the EIA increased its long-term production forecasts for Appalachia. The agency predicts Appalachian gas production could reach 66 Bcf/d to 73 Bcf/d by 2050–doubling today’s volumes.

While rising demand from within Appalachia will support some of the projected production growth, the agency warns that “major growth can only occur if new pipelines are built to transport gas out of Appalachia.” And, FERC’s newest reforms could make it easier for developers to build them.

The post Q2 Appalachia Gas Outlook appeared first on Ohio River Valley Institute.

Nearly 50 years ago, two young organizations were both getting their start. 

In 1978, Sammy Hammons and his mentor, Tommy Brown, founded B&H Toolworks in Richmond with a vision of building a world-class manufacturing company in Kentucky. At nearly the same time, Mountain Association, founded in 1976, was beginning its work to expand economic opportunity across Appalachia by investing in local businesses and local leaders.  

B&H Tool Works has grown from a small startup into a sophisticated manufacturer serving industries ranging from automotive and aerospace to defense and transportation. 

Tommy was a respected metal worker and machinist educator at Eastern Kentucky University, and had first met Sammy as a student. With Sammy’s interest in tooling and machining, the two men began to partner, taking on repair work and small jobs that came their way.  

“It was a hobby shop. Something we loved to do,” Sammy said of the early days. 

The business grew quickly. In its first year, B&H generated about $30,000 in revenue. By year two, sales had climbed to $100,000, and the company had opportunities that suggested it could reach $750,000 the following year. The challenge was financing that growth. 

At the time, Mountain Association, then known as MACED, was also just getting started in community economic development. We were founded with a primary purpose to work alongside entrepreneurs to help strengthen businesses from the inside out. However, after a few years, staff realized entrepreneurs like Sammy and Tommy weren’t able to access financing from traditional lenders.  

Launching our loan fund in 1981, B&H became one of the organization’s earliest loan clients and one of our longest lasting success stories, but the growth was not without challenges. 

More than a Loan 

As MACED and B&H began to work together on the business’s projections, MACED staff found that while demand was strong, management systems needed improvement. B&H’s accounting indicated a small profit, but a deeper analysis revealed it was actually operating at a loss. Instead of shying away from the risk, MACED worked with B&H’s leadership to develop a plan for growth, improve management practices, and invest in needed equipment. 

Based on that plan, MACED provided $100,000 in financing, as well as hands-on business support. Within just three months, B&H grew from 12 employees to 21 and became profitable. 

Sammy and Tommy were then able to purchase land and build a 1,200-square-foot facility. Demand continued to grow, helped in part by opportunities connected to Toyota’s arrival in Kentucky. Then came a major setback. A lawsuit involving the original property owner dragged on for three years, making traditional lenders hesitant to provide financing just as the company needed working capital most. 

“We were growing with no cash flow,” Sammy recalled. 

Looking for help, he again contacted MACED.  

“They sent Ed McCormick out here. He audited us, and we hit it off great.” 

Over the years, McCormick became a trusted advisor. MACED helped B&H modernize its accounting and management systems, purchase equipment, and eventually expand into Rockcastle County. 

“We got all the creditors all lined up, but we didn’t have enough to put down,” Sammy said of the expansion. 

They worked with our Lending Team on a creative arrangement of a preferred stock investment that provided the capital needed to open that second facility. Later, B&H was able to buy out that investment, creating what Sammy describes as “a win for everybody.” 

The People Behind the Numbers 

For Sammy, yes, the equipment, square footage, and sales figures over the last five decades matter, but his greatest success is 110+ employees. 

“What I’m most proud of is providing good quality jobs. We probably spend over $5 million a year in payroll. And we have workers who’ve been here three to four decades, and many who have happily retired.”  

During a recent tour of B&H, Sammy walked us through the now 120,000-square foot Richmond facility, stopping every few minutes to introduce his staff. At nearly every workstation, there was a story worth telling—some employees had spent more than 30 or 40 years with the company and were approaching retirement. A newer hire was only on his third day of work. Then there was a young employee whose father and grandfather had both had careers at B&H. Now he is building a career there himself after graduating from technical college. 

As Sammy introduced each person, he knew their histories and their families. He spoke to the role each has played in building the company that generates millions in sales each year, feeding automotive and other industrial clients like Toyota in Georgetown and Link-Belt with essential metal parts. 

For those of us who work in community economic development, getting to see Sammy with his employees and, to think of how we helped get this started all those years ago, was a great reminder of why this work matters. 

“The field of economic development often equates success with how many jobs are created and saved. Those numbers are important, but they aren’t the whole picture of how meaningful investments can be,” said Leslie Ferguson-Oles, Mountain Association’s Chief Advancement Officer. “Every person Sammy introduced us to as we walked represented a story, a family, and a career.”  

As Mountain Association celebrates its 50th anniversary, B&H Tool Works’ growth from a small startup into a sophisticated manufacturer, now serving industries ranging from automotive and aerospace to defense and transportation, stands as a powerful example of what can happen when we invest in Kentuckians.  

To learn more about our 50 years of history, please visit here.

The post Forging a Future: How B&H Tool Works and Mountain Association Grew Together over 50 Years  appeared first on Mountain Association.

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