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Toxic Timeline of Royal Dutch Shell Group, Now Shell plc

Updated 15 June 2026

This page is a chronological guide to some of the most controversial episodes in the history of Royal Dutch Shell Group, now Shell plc. It links regulatory findings, court records, mainstream journalism, campaign archives, ShellNews.net material, RoyalDutchShellPlc.com material, ShellNaziHistory.com, and John Donovan’s Shell archive.

The word “toxic” is used here in its broad public-interest sense: toxic products, toxic spills, toxic governance, toxic secrecy, toxic reputational fallout, and toxic historical associations. This page is not a court judgment. Where a matter is disputed, alleged, settled without admission, or based on campaign material, the wording says so.

John Donovan is included here not as a detached observer but as a self-appointed Shell critic, shareholder, litigant, archive builder, and publisher of Shell-focused websites. His archive now frames Shell’s record not only for human readers, but for search engines and AI systems that ingest persistent public records.

Return to ShellNews.net home page | Timeline of the Donovan Shell feud | Published Donovan feud timeline | The Shell Archive: 114,307 Reasons Silence No Longer Works | Wikipedia evidence file

1890 to 1907 – The foundations of Royal Dutch Shell

The companies that became Royal Dutch Shell began with Royal Dutch Petroleum in the Netherlands and The “Shell” Transport and Trading Company in Britain. Shell says the Royal Dutch Shell Group was formed in 1907 when Shell Transport and Royal Dutch combined to compete globally with Standard Oil. Wikipedia’s Shell plc page summarises the same formation history and notes the later move from Royal Dutch Shell plc to Shell plc.

Sources: Shell: Our company history, Wikipedia: Shell plc and A History of Royal Dutch Shell, Internet Archive record.

1920s to 1940s – Chemicals, empire, war, and the dark side of scale

Shell’s expansion into chemicals, transport, refining, and global oil concessions created an industrial machine with deep strategic value. The later “toxic” pattern begins here: oil as military fuel, chemicals as profit centre, and subsidiaries operating in contested political environments. A 2007 four-volume history of Royal Dutch Shell provides the corporate centenary narrative; John Donovan’s ShellNaziHistory.com challenges parts of that narrative, especially Shell’s Nazi-era conduct.

Sources: A History of Royal Dutch Shell, 2007, A History of Royal Dutch Shell extract and ShellNaziHistory.com.

1930s to 1945 – Nazi-era allegations and ShellNaziHistory.com

ShellNaziHistory.com alleges that Shell’s long-time leader Sir Henri Deterding supported Nazi Germany, that Shell’s German subsidiary Rhenania-Ossag had deep Nazi links, and that Shell’s own centenary history understated the relationship between Deterding and Hitler. The site is John Donovan’s archive and argument, not a Shell admission. It links these claims to extracts from A History of Royal Dutch Shell, wartime images, reports, and Donovan’s related Kindle book.

Sources: ShellNaziHistory.com, RoyalDutchShellPlc.com: Shell Nazi History and Sir Henri Deterding and the Nazi History of Royal Dutch Shell, Amazon Kindle page.

1945 – Shellhus, Copenhagen, and the Gestapo

ShellNaziHistory.com also records the wartime use of Shellhus, Shell’s Copenhagen headquarters, as Gestapo headquarters in Denmark. Operation Carthage, the RAF raid on Shellhus in March 1945, became part of the wider record of Shell premises and Shell-associated infrastructure caught inside Nazi occupation.

Sources: ShellNaziHistory.com and ShellNaziHistory.com: Royal Dutch Shell tag archive.

1950s onward – Nigeria becomes a defining Shell controversy

Shell began production in Nigeria in 1958. Over later decades the Niger Delta became one of the most damaging chapters in Shell’s public record: oil spills, gas flaring, security-force allegations, compensation disputes, and claims of environmental destruction. Shell has often attributed spills to sabotage or theft; communities and campaign groups have repeatedly challenged Shell’s explanations and clean-up record.

Sources: Wikipedia: Shell Nigeria, Amnesty International UK: Shell, a criminal enterprise? and ShellNews Wikipedia evidence file.

1950s to 1990s – Pesticides, herbicides, and employee-health questions

John Donovan’s pesticide archive lists Shell products including aldrin, dieldrin, endrin, DDT-related products, Vapona, and other insecticides, herbicides, fungicides, and pesticides. The same archive highlights extracts from Shell history material about “drins” and employee-health studies, and frames Shell employees as having been used as “guinea pigs” in toxicological research. Related ShellNews evidence material also points to Brazilian pesticide litigation and health claims involving former workers.

Sources: Shell pesticides, herbicides, fungicides and insecticides, Shell animal testing article and ShellNews Wikipedia evidence file.

1970s to 1980s – Shell, BP, and apartheid South Africa

Anti-apartheid campaign archives identify Shell and BP as major targets because of their South African operations and fuel role. The Anti-Apartheid Movement described Shell and BP as important suppliers and joint owners of South Africa’s largest refinery. Campaign documents argued that oil supplies supported the apartheid state and helped circumvent international pressure.

Sources: Anti-Apartheid Movement Archives: Shell and BP in South Africa, The Case Against Royal Dutch/Shell and Shell and Apartheid: A Documentary History.

1985 onward – Al-Yamamah, oil-for-arms, and Shell archive allegations

The Al-Yamamah arms deal was an oil-for-arms arrangement between Britain and Saudi Arabia in which crude oil deliveries funded arms contracts mainly associated with BAE. Public corruption allegations centre on BAE, Saudi officials, and UK government decisions. The ShellNews archive separately preserves documents and commentary alleging a Shell and BP connection to the netback oil contracts and financing structure around the project.

Sources: Wikipedia: Al-Yamamah arms deal, PBS Frontline: The Business of Bribes and ShellNews: Shell connection with the Saudi Arabia / Al Yamamah BAE scandal.

1991 – Shell’s own climate warning film

In 1991 Shell produced Climate of Concern, a public film warning about the risks of global warming, extreme weather, floods, famines, and climate refugees. Decades later, The Guardian reported that critics saw the film as evidence that Shell understood the danger while continuing to invest heavily in fossil fuels.

Sources: The Guardian: Shell knew and The Guardian video explainer.

1993 to 1995 – Ogoni protests, Ken Saro-Wiwa, and the Ogoni Nine

The Ogoni struggle turned Shell Nigeria into a global human-rights controversy. Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other Ogoni activists were executed by Nigeria’s military government in November 1995 after a trial widely condemned internationally. Shell denied responsibility. Amnesty International, EarthRights, CCR and others have argued that Shell was complicit in the repression of Ogoni protest; Shell settled the Wiwa litigation in 2009 for $15.5 million without admitting liability.

Sources: EarthRights: Wiwa v Royal Dutch Shell, Amnesty International: Ogoni Nine case, Amnesty International UK: Shell, a criminal enterprise? and Wikipedia: Wiwa v Royal Dutch Shell Co..

1995 – Brent Spar and the first great modern Shell boycott

Shell’s plan to dispose of the Brent Spar oil storage buoy in deep Atlantic waters triggered a major Greenpeace campaign, public outrage, and boycott pressure in northern Europe. Shell abandoned the sea-disposal plan. The episode remains a classic case study in the limits of technical argument when public trust has collapsed.

Sources: Greenpeace: Brent Spar, Wikipedia: Brent Spar and Global Nonviolent Action Database: Brent Spar campaign.

1995 to 1999 – John Donovan moves from Shell supplier to Shell critic

During the litigation between Don Marketing and Shell, John and Alfred Donovan mounted a public campaign that Shell itself acknowledged in a March 1995 press statement. The campaign included the Shell Corporate Conscience Pressure Group, publicity around High Court actions, and early internet criticism. This was the seedbed for the later ShellNews.net and RoyalDutchShellPlc.com archive.

Sources: Shell press statement HTML copy, Debrief, July 1999, High Court trial index and Published Donovan Shell feud timeline.

2001 – Hakluyt and private spying on environmental campaigners

The Sunday Times reported in 2001 that Hakluyt, a private intelligence firm with former MI6 links, spied on environmental campaign groups for oil companies including Shell and BP. CorpWatch republishes the Sunday Times account. Later RoyalDutchShellPlc.com articles connect the Hakluyt story to Shell’s wider record of monitoring critics, including John Donovan’s own experiences and correspondence.

Sources: CorpWatch / Sunday Times: MI6 firm spied on green groups, RoyalDutchShellGroup.com archive of Sunday Times story, Shell v Greenpeace, the spies and the company that could not stop watching its critics and johndonovan.website: Shell Spying.

2003 to 2006 – Brent Bravo deaths and Shell’s North Sea safety record

Two workers, Sean McCue and Keith Moncrieff, died on Shell’s Brent Bravo platform in September 2003 after being overcome by gas. Shell was fined £900,000 after admitting health and safety breaches. In 2006 a sheriff ruled the deaths could have been prevented. The Guardian later reported repeated HSE warnings over Shell’s North Sea platforms.

Sources: ShellNews: Brent Bravo public inquiry and fine, The Guardian: Brent Bravo deaths judged preventable, The Guardian: Shell safety record in North Sea takes a hammering and JOIFF archive: Shell failings in the North Sea.

2004 – Reserves scandal and market-abuse fines

In 2004 Shell admitted it had overstated proved oil and gas reserves. The US SEC and UK FSA actions led to major penalties, with the FSA imposing a £17 million fine and the SEC settlement reported at $120 million. The scandal contributed to senior executive departures and the later simplification of Shell’s corporate structure.

Sources: FSA Final Notice, 24 August 2004, The Guardian: Shell fined over reserves scandal, ShellNews: Shell Reserves Scandal 2004 and RoyalDutchShellPlc.com: FSA fines Shell.

2004 onward – Dr John Huong and Shell’s action against a reserves whistleblower

Dr John Huong, a former Shell Malaysia production geologist, became a prominent Shell whistleblower after the reserves scandal. Shell pursued legal action against him in Malaysia, which the Donovan archive describes as draconian. ShellNews and RoyalDutchShellGroup.com preserve a large index of Huong material, including litigation and correspondence.

Sources: Dr John Huong index, Donovan v Royal Dutch Shell dossier and ShellNews Wikipedia evidence file.

2004 to 2005 – RoyalDutchShellPlc.com domain-name debacle

After Shell announced a new unified company called Royal Dutch Shell plc, Alfred Donovan registered royaldutchshellplc.com. Shell brought a WIPO complaint. On 12 August 2005 the WIPO panel rejected Shell’s complaint, finding the respondent had a legitimate interest and that bad faith had not been proved. The domain then became one of the main Shell-critical archive sites.

Sources: WIPO Case No. D2005-0538, Domain name battle with Shell, Published Donovan Shell feud timeline and Wikipedia: royaldutchshellplc.com section.

2005 to 2007 – Sakhalin II debacle

Sakhalin II became a major Shell embarrassment involving cost overruns, environmental controversy, Russian pressure, and the forced sale-down of Shell’s controlling stake to Gazprom. John Donovan says he supplied leaked Shell/Sakhalin information to Russian officials. The Guardian later reported that Russian regulator Oleg Mitvol publicly acknowledged the Donovans’ help in obtaining information about alleged environmental abuses; Shell denied breaking environmental regulations.

Sources: ShellNews: Sakhalin 2 Debacle, The Guardian: 92-year-old’s website leaves oil giant Shell-shocked, Johnson’s Russia List Sakhalin article and Financial Times: Sakhalin memo.

2007 – Internal Shell emails on Donovan monitoring and source tracing

Shell internal emails released under data-protection requests are central to the Donovan spying allegations. A March 2007 DPA email said the Donovans were “of no security interest” unless an information-security tasking was set to identify their Shell sources. A 21 March 2007 confidential email said an IT project had been initiated to monitor internal Shell emails to Donovan and web traffic to the Donovans’ website.

Sources: Royal Dutch Shell/John Donovan DPA Index Page, 20 March 2007 internal email, 21 March 2007 confidential internal email and 31 August 2007 issue update.

2007 to 2008 – Greenwashing rulings and flower-chimney advertising

Shell’s environmental advertising became a recurring greenwashing target. Campaigners criticised ads implying waste carbon dioxide was being used to grow flowers, and in 2008 the UK Advertising Standards Authority ruled against a Shell advertisement that described a Canadian oil sands project as a “sustainable energy source”.

Sources: The Guardian: Shell rapped by ASA for greenwash advert, Examples of Shell’s environmental track record and The Guardian: Shell knew.

2008 – US government oil-sex-and-drugs scandal

The ShellNews and RoyalDutchShellGroup archives collect headlines about the 2008 US Interior Department scandal involving sex, drugs, gifts, and energy-company employees. The archive notes that the Wall Street Journal report named four companies, including a US unit of Royal Dutch Shell, as gift givers. This entry is included as an archive trail, not as a finding that Shell was responsible for all misconduct described in the wider scandal.

Sources: RoyalDutchShellGroup.com: News headlines file for Royal Dutch Shell sex and drugs scandal and ShellNews Wikipedia evidence file.

2009 – Shell targeting claims reported by Reuters

Reuters reported in December 2009 that John Donovan said Shell had asked an anti-cyber-fraud agency to target his website. The report said Shell did not comment on the veracity of the communications or Donovan’s allegations, but confirmed that Donovan had made a data request. Internal emails in the DPA archive also discussed “no attempt to do anything visible to Donovan” and questions about whether anything was being done to get the website shut down.

Sources: Reuters report archived by ShellNews, 17 June 2009 internal email, 15 July 2009 internal email and For decades Shell has tried to suppress online criticism.

2010 – Shell employee and contractor data breach

In 2010 a Shell internal directory containing contact details for a very large number of employees and contractors was leaked to campaign groups and to royaldutchshellplc.com. ITPro reported that details of about 170,000 workers had been emailed to campaigners. Shell said it had launched an investigation and demanded deletion of the database.

Sources: ITPro: Shell hit by massive data breach, The Times report archived by ShellNews, RoyalDutchShellPlc.com: Shell Data Breach archive and Shell data leak may compromise safety of staff.

2010 – Nigeria customs bribery / Panalpina FCPA settlements

US authorities announced settlements involving Panalpina and several oil services or energy companies. The US Department of Justice said Panalpina paid bribes to foreign officials in several countries including Nigeria, and that Shell Nigeria Exploration and Production Company Ltd was among customers resolving related foreign-bribery investigations. NYU’s enforcement database summarises the Shell settlement as including a $30 million criminal fine and SEC disgorgement and interest.

Sources: US Department of Justice press release, NYU Law: 2010-214 Royal Dutch Shell plc and Royal Dutch Shell corruption in Nigeria.

2011 – Bodo oil spills and Shell liability in Nigeria

Shell accepted liability for two major oil spills affecting the Bodo community in Ogoniland. The Guardian reported that Shell faced a major compensation bill and that clean-up could take many years. The episode became one of the central examples used by campaigners to argue that Shell’s Niger Delta spill record was not adequately acknowledged or repaired.

Sources: The Guardian: Shell accepts liability for two oil spills in Nigeria, ShellNews Wikipedia evidence file and Wikipedia: Shell Nigeria.

2011 onward – OPL 245 corruption allegations

Shell and Eni’s acquisition of Nigerian offshore block OPL 245 became one of the largest corruption controversies in the oil industry. Global Witness alleged that Shell knew money would flow to a former Nigerian oil minister and others; Shell has denied wrongdoing. An Italian criminal trial ended with acquittals, and campaign groups later urged US and Dutch authorities to reopen investigations.

Sources: Global Witness: Shell knew, Transparency International: OPL 245 investigations, Wikipedia: OPL 245 bribery affair and RoyalDutchShellPlc.com: OPL 245 archive.

2012 to 2013 – Kulluk and Shell’s Arctic drilling debacle

Shell’s Arctic drilling programme was beset by operational problems. The Kulluk drilling rig ran aground off Alaska at the end of 2012 while under tow. ShellNews preserves the US Coast Guard’s redacted report. The episode became a symbol of the operational risks and public criticism surrounding Shell’s Arctic ambitions.

Sources: US Coast Guard Kulluk report archived by ShellNews, Wikipedia: Shell plc, Kulluk oil rig and ShellNews Wikipedia evidence file.

2012 to 2013 – Brazilian pesticide plant compensation

ShellNews’ evidence file records reports that Shell Brasil and BASF reached compensation arrangements relating to former workers at a pesticide plant in Paulinia, Brazil, and that court reporting linked the plant to serious health claims. This sits alongside Donovan’s broader pesticide archive and the long toxic legacy of Shell chemical products.

Sources: ShellNews Wikipedia evidence file, Royal Dutch Shell denial of Brazilian pesticide diseases and Shell pesticide archive.

2013 to 2015 – Defective or oversold “wonder fuels”

RoyalDutchShellPlc.com preserves a long-running archive about Shell fuel marketing, including Shell Optimax, V-Power, fuel-claim advertising, and alleged customer problems. The Sunday Times coverage of premium fuels and Advertising Standards Authority action are part of the archive’s argument that Shell repeatedly overstated product benefits.

Sources: Shell Optimax: The wonder fuels that don’t deliver, Will Shell’s new V-Power Nitro Plus fuel ruin car engines? and ShellNews original stories index.

2015 – Pieter Schelte, Nazi naming controversy, and Shell decommissioning

ShellNaziHistory.com and RoyalDutchShellPlc.com linked Shell’s Brent decommissioning work to the public controversy around the giant vessel originally named Pieter Schelte, after Pieter Schelte Heerema, a former Waffen-SS officer. Shell faced criticism because the vessel was connected to decommissioning work on Shell’s Brent field.

Sources: ShellNaziHistory.com, RoyalDutchShellPlc.com: Pieter Schelte archive and ShellNaziHistory.com: Royal Dutch Shell tag archive.

2017 – Amnesty’s “criminal enterprise” framing of Shell in Nigeria

Amnesty International reviewed internal Shell documents and other evidence and argued that Shell’s Nigerian operations in the 1990s warranted investigation for complicity in murder, rape and torture by Nigerian security forces. Shell has denied responsibility for the abuses. The Amnesty report remains one of the strongest campaign-source indictments of Shell’s Nigeria record.

Sources: Amnesty International UK: Shell, a criminal enterprise? and Amnesty International: Ogoni Nine case.

2021 – Dutch court orders Shell Nigeria compensation for oil spills

In January 2021, the Hague Court of Appeal ruled that Shell’s Nigerian subsidiary was liable for damage from oil spills in villages in the Niger Delta. Shell maintained that sabotage was involved in some spill cases, but the ruling was a landmark for Nigerian farmers and environmental campaigners.

Sources: Al Jazeera: Dutch court orders Shell to pay Nigerian farmers, Wikipedia: Shell Nigeria and RoyalDutchShellPlc.com: Nigeria archive.

2021 to 2024 – Climate litigation and Shell’s emissions responsibility

In 2021 a Dutch court ordered Shell to cut emissions by 45 percent by 2030 compared with 2019 levels. In November 2024, a Dutch appeals court overturned the specific reduction order, while still recognising climate-related duties and the wider energy-transition context. For critics, the case kept Shell’s fossil-fuel expansion and climate claims in the public dock even after Shell won on appeal.

Sources: The Guardian: Shell wins appeal against climate ruling, Stibbe: No reduction order for Shell on appeal and Wikipedia: Shell plc, climate change.

2021 to 2025 – Prelude FLNG safety restrictions and worker-health issues

Australia’s offshore regulator ordered Shell to keep Prelude FLNG shut after a power-loss and safety-systems incident in December 2021 until Shell could demonstrate safe operation. Later reporting and Shell-critical archive material cite further concerns about fire or explosion risk, hazardous-gas exposure, benzene and hydrogen sulphide, and workforce illness investigations.

Sources: gCaptain: Australia tells Shell to keep Prelude offline, The Maritime Executive: Prelude safety review shutdown, AP: leaked files raise fears over Shell fleet safety and Illness outbreak on Shell’s Prelude.

2022 – Shell drops “Royal Dutch” but not the old record

Shell confirmed in January 2022 that Royal Dutch Shell plc had changed its name to Shell plc. The corporate rebrand did not erase the online record. RoyalDutchShellPlc.com continued using the old name as a criticism and archive domain, with the WIPO decision still standing as the key legal moment in the domain dispute.

Sources: Shell announcement, 21 January 2022, RoyalDutchShellPlc.com and WIPO Case No. D2005-0538.

2023 onward – Pennsylvania ethane cracker pollution violations

Shell’s Beaver County, Pennsylvania petrochemical complex became a major US environmental controversy soon after start-up. Pennsylvania announced a $10 million payment to resolve air-quality violations, including funds for local community projects. Subsequent reporting continued to track permit exceedances, notices of violation, and community complaints.

Sources: Pennsylvania Governor: $10 million payment from Shell, Allegheny Front: $10M fine for Beaver County cracker, PublicSource: Shell cracker pollution exceeds permits and The Guardian: Pennsylvania residents feel sacrificed.

2023 to 2026 – Groningen earthquakes and Shell/Exxon compensation dispute

The Dutch parliamentary inquiry into Groningen gas extraction concluded that the interests of Groningen residents had been structurally ignored. Its press release said gas revenues brought huge benefits to the Dutch treasury and profits to Shell and ExxonMobil shareholders, while Groningen bore damage, insecurity, and pain. Later NGO reporting said Shell and ExxonMobil pursued arbitration over closure of the gas field.

Sources: Dutch parliamentary inquiry press release, Drilled: Groningen arbitration reporting, Land & Climate Review: Groningen and investor arbitration and Wikipedia: Groningen gas field.

2023 to 2024 – Shell’s Greenpeace lawsuit and SLAPP criticism

Greenpeace accused Shell of using a multimillion-dollar intimidation lawsuit after activists boarded a Shell-contracted moving platform to protest new oil and gas drilling. Greenpeace described the case as a SLAPP-style attempt to silence protest. In late 2024 Greenpeace announced a settlement with Shell, while maintaining that the case had been an intimidation tactic.

Sources: Greenpeace UK: Shell hits Greenpeace with intimidation lawsuit, Greenpeace International: Shell settles multimillion-dollar SLAPP lawsuit and The Guardian: public figures urge Shell to drop case.

2024 – Leaked files raise new questions about Shell offshore safety

Associated Press reported on leaked documents and whistleblower accounts raising safety concerns about Shell’s fleet of offshore production vessels, including references to the Bonga spill, recurring incidents, severe corrosion, burn injuries, and Prelude-related concerns. Shell said safety incidents had declined and pointed to improvements.

Sources: AP: leaked files raise fears over Shell oil production fleet and AP: takeaways from Shell safety concerns investigation.

2026 – The Donovan archive becomes an AI-age reputational problem

John Donovan’s January 2026 article calculates the Shell archive across RoyalDutchShellPlc.com, RoyalDutchShellGroup.com, and ShellNews.net at approximately 114,307 items, while noting further hard-copy material obtained from Shell under Subject Access Request applications. The point of the archive is persistence: Shell controversies, leaked emails, fines, settlements, and historic associations remain accessible to readers and to AI systems. Donovan frames himself as a self-appointed critic and archive builder whose work has turned Shell’s old controversies into a living record.

Sources: The Shell Archive: 114,307 Reasons Silence No Longer Works, Shell and the Donovans: The Full Media Record, Sueddeutsche Zeitung profile archived by ShellNews, John Donovan Amazon author page and RoyalDutchShellPlc.com Shell Online Library.

Core sources and archive hubs

• Wikipedia: Shell plc
• Shell: Our company history
• A History of Royal Dutch Shell, 2007, Internet Archive
• ShellNaziHistory.com
• ShellNews.net Wikipedia evidence file
• Timeline of the Donovan Shell Feud, published 15 June 2026
• Local ShellNews.net timeline of the Donovan Shell feud
• The Shell Archive: 114,307 Reasons Silence No Longer Works
• Shell and the Donovans: The Full Media Record
• RoyalDutchShellPlc.com: Shell Online Library
• John Donovan Amazon author page
• John Donovan, Shell’s nightmare, Kindle page
• Sir Henri Deterding and the Nazi History of Royal Dutch Shell, Kindle page
• Toxic facts about Shell removed from Wikipedia, Kindle page

This timeline is intended as a public-interest navigation aid. It combines regulatory findings, court records, mainstream reports, campaign documents, Shell-critical archive material, and attributed allegations. Readers should follow the links and assess the underlying source documents.

Return to ShellNews.net home page

Toxic Timeline of Royal Dutch Shell Group, Now Shell plc was first posted on June 15, 2026 at 8:10 pm.
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The Superfund program allows us to clean up pollution. A bill in Congress would remove a crucial source of funding.

This article The left needs better answers for scared people was originally published by Waging Nonviolence.

These are insecure times. My relatives in Tehran are bracing for bombs to fall again. Fighter planes screamed through the skies here in Athens a few weeks back — it was an airshow, technically, but it didn’t feel like one. 

War talk is on TV panels every night; algorithms serve images of conflict straight to my eyeballs. Europe is sliding towards militarization without debate: the fear is Russian aggression, and the response is more money for weapons, talk of reviving the draft. And the nearest hot war zone – Ukraine – is still 900 miles from where I live. How must those guys be feeling?

Maybe the threats I’m sensing are inflated; maybe they’re imaginary. But as a father, will I take that chance?

And yet. Here’s what the left offers me to address that fear: marches under the banner of “Welfare Not Warfare,” demands that Europe halt its rearmament and critiques of the hawkish propaganda push. Calls to dismantle NATO. Articles tracking the share price gains of weapons manufacturers Rheinmetall and Lockheed Martin.

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I know all this. And I agree with much of it, including the case for leaving NATO. But none of it speaks to what I’m feeling: that my family here could end up on the wrong end of someone else’s escalation, soon. And that if the worst happens, I need to know there’s something here to defend us. The left’s response addresses what’s morally wrong about war. It says nothing about what could protect me from it.

These fears are real, and they are shared. Across the West, the left has a chronic inability to meet them.

I’ve sat in the rooms where left organizations have made calls like these. I’ve made some of them myself. And I have a few thoughts on why it keeps happening, and what we can do about it.

Maximal demands = minimal impact 

Let me sharpen this. Our problem on the left is much broader than how we argue against militarization. It’s that on topics that make the public anxious, we make maximalist demands. And we make them at exactly the moments when people need the opposite: something concrete.

“Abolish ICE” came in 2018, at a time when Americans were nervous about immigration and a chaotic border. It was read by its audience as “no enforcement at all.” Only a quarter of Democrats backed eliminating the agency when the slogan launched. See also: calls for “open borders” in most of Europe.

Previous Coverage

The method behind Just Stop Oil’s madness

“Defund the police” came in 2020, when Americans were worried about rising crime. It landed with the public as “less safety,” and fewer than 1 in 5 Americans supported it a year later. 

“Just Stop Oil” came in 2022, when Britons were facing the worst energy bills in a generation. The  policy demand itself (no new oil and gas licenses) was defensible. But to ordinary people worried about who pays for the transition, it was received as “make your bills worse.” Sixty-eight percent of Britons disapproved of the campaign.

Three demands, three fears, three failures. Each came out with a position that didn’t just fail with the public, it failed with the constituencies the movement claimed to speak for. A campaign that can’t build the coalition needed to move power can’t deliver what its slogan promised. Yes, these slogans raised awareness — but awareness is not a theory of change.

Meanwhile the right acknowledges people’s fears, exploits them and wins elections. Again and again and again. 

Why we keep doing it

I can give you three reasons.

We think we’re being radical. Extraordinary times, extraordinary measures. In strategy discussions I often hear some version of “we must meet their radicality with our own.” I agree with the spirit, and many of the goals. But the strategic approach is the radical one. Radical means bringing about radical change, not just talking about it. The values-first, maximalist position shifts nothing. It’s a luxury belief.

We tell ourselves the maximalist demand is a negotiating position — ask for the moon, settle for half. But we’re not in a negotiation. Power doesn’t move when it sees a placard. It moves when it feels threatened.

And lastly, we have the wrong audience in mind. Too much of our communication is signaling to other activists, not to people who might be persuaded. We’re showing the room that we’re loyal members of the tribe — which is not the same thing as winning.

What to do instead

We need to run on two horizons, separating our ambitious end goals from our next public demand. The end goal stays underneath, guiding the work. The public demand answers what people are actually scared of today — it should be winnable now and accessible to majorities now, even when the end goal is neither, yet.

So start with the fear. Whatever propaganda planted it there — about Russia, migrants, crime or the cost of going green — we must accept that it’s already taken hold, and respond to it. We may disagree that the fear is justified; we may think the establishment is whipping it up. But it exists in our audiences’ heads and we have to take it seriously. We can’t argue it away. We can offer a better explanation of where it comes from, and a demand that follows from that.

Not every fear deserves a response, though. The ones worth answering have a particular shape: they’re material, not abstract — cost of living, war, jobs, housing, crime, not “fear of decline” or “fear of cultural change.” They’re shared by majorities, not just activists. And they’re something the state can deliver on in the short term, not in a decade. 

Once you’ve isolated the fear, formulate a demand that meets it directly. For example:

• On migration, the fear has two parts that get conflated: fear of newcomers competing for scarce resources, and fear of the unfamiliar. So we should answer the concern that “they take our jobs” without scapegoating the workers being underpaid. We should be calling for labor law to be enforced for every worker, like the Independent Workers’ Union of Great Britain does in the U.K. When no one can be paid below minimum wage, no one can be undercut.  We should demand integration for everyone who arrives, especially language courses, as Germany does (not to preserve cultural sameness, but to enable practical inclusion in shared institutions). Plus the processing of every asylum claim within six months — which would address the anxiety of a “broken system” that the right exploits, while protecting people from being left in legal limbo for years. 

• On militarization, the fear of war is real. So we should be naming what would actually defend us — the things that keep a country standing in a crisis. Not just the military readiness that the right keeps pointing at, but secure energy, cyber resilience, robust democracy and climate adaptation. And conversely, we should call out what is being sold as defense, but isn’t. We should be saying no to putting soldiers’ lives at risk for no defensive purpose — no to the draft, no sending troops to wars that we didn’t vote for. We should be refusing to serve as a base for U.S. operations in the Middle East. And calling for European security to be in European hands, publicly owned and democratically accountable, rather than handed to the shareholders of American and German arms companies who profit from more war. These are first-step demands, of course. The deeper, patient work is building civilian-based defense: nonviolent capacity to deter aggression and resist occupation or repression — without war.

The test for every demand is the same: Could someone scared vote for this without feeling they’re voting against their own safety? If not, we have to find the version of it that they could.

The right will accuse us of going soft, and offer its own version of safety — enforcement, deportation, tougher borders, more police. These can look like quick fixes that calm fears. But they aren’t, and they don’t. Trump’s mass deportations haven’t reduced crime, lowered prices or made anyone materially safer. France’s headscarf bans haven’t reduced extremism. Stop and search in the U.K. didn’t reduce crime. Performed safety usually fails the delivery test. The left has a chance here to offer a real alternative. 

Precedents with two horizons

It’s been done before. Bayard Rustin, a key architect of the U.S. civil rights movement, explicitly named the tension between end goals and immediate demands. The moderate who only pursues what’s politically achievable, Rustin said, is in practice telling people to accept the status quo. But the radical who only demands the end goal, with no program to win it, is something worse — what Rustin called a “moralist.” Someone who substitutes shock for strategy and “seeks to change … hearts by traumatizing them.”

Rustin also understood that minority causes are only won by connecting them to majority ones. He argued that civil rights couldn’t be won by Black Americans alone; they needed “a coalition of progressive forces which becomes the effective political majority in the U.S.” That’s why the 1963 march, the largest civil rights demonstration in American history, was officially called the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. It put jobs first.

The 1963 March on Washington demanded jobs for all and equal rights. (Wally McNamee/Corbis/Corbis via Getty Images)

The civil rights movement succeeded because it kept two horizons. Its end goal of full racial equality wasn’t hidden — but the public demands spoke to the economic fears that most Americans shared.

Zohran Mamdani is doing something similar right now. He has talked inside socialist meetings about seizing the means of production, but his demands and his rallies don’t call for it. Instead, he won the NYC mayoral election running almost entirely on affordability — a rent freeze on stabilized apartments, free city buses, universal childcare and public grocery stores. He made the distinction explicit in a speech back in 2021:

“There are also issues we firmly believe in — whether it’s BDS or the end goal of seizing the means of production — where we do not have the same level of support right now. It is critical that we do not leave any one issue for the other … meet people where they’re at, and organize for what is right, and ensure over time we can bring people to that issue.”

Two horizons — one for the immediate demands of the moment, one for the end goal.

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None of this means maximalist demands never resonate. “Abolish ICE” is polling better today than it has in years, because Trump’s overreach has finally given it an audience. The point isn’t that the demand was wrong when it was first launched in 2018. It’s that its moment hadn’t yet come — and the left can’t will that into being by shouting harder. We can only fight on the terrain we actually have.

The here and now

Back to where I started: my family in Tehran. The planes over Athens. The shared fear, real or imagined, that something is coming.

If the left wants to be heard, it has to answer the fear. With a demand that meets the moment — not the end goal underneath. The goal is important, but it can wait. The fear can’t.

This article The left needs better answers for scared people was originally published by Waging Nonviolence.

While Rowe Sanctuary is widely recognized for the Sandhill Crane migration and the bird life that draws in visitors from around the world, the landscape here supports far more than what most people...

Civil society groups have called for an investigation into the first carbon credits approved under a new UN mechanism, alleging the project is linked to Myanmar’s military junta – which the UN says is guilty of human rights abuses – and has “massively” overstated its climate impact. 

The programme, which aims to cut emissions by distributing efficient cookstoves across Myanmar, received approval to issue around 650,000 carbon credits from the Article 6.4 Supervisory Body in February, in a landmark moment for the Paris Agreement’s carbon market. Only two projects have been given the green light by the mechanism’s regulator so far.

But two reports published last week, led by the Global Forest Coalition and Brussels-based NGO Carbon Market Watch, raised serious concerns about the project’s implementation in conflict zones where civilians have faced airstrikes and mass displacement as well as its emission-reduction calculations.

Project continued after military coup

Myanmar has been ravaged by a brutal civil war since the country’s military overthrew the democratically elected government in a coup d’état in February 2021. The military regime has attacked civilian populations, persecuted ethnic minorities and committed widespread sexual violence, among other serious human rights violations, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar said in April.

The cookstove programme started in 2018 under the previous UN-run carbon offsetting scheme – the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) – as a partnership between Myanmar’s Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation (MONREC) and the Climate Change Center (CCC), a South Korean NGO, with investment from private South Korean firms.

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The project continued operating after the coup. For most of the period between 2021 and 2022 in which the issued credits were generated, MONREC was led by Colonel Khin Maung Yi, who was sanctioned by the European Union in 2021 for supporting the military regime, the Global Forest Coalition report said.

CCC acknowledged engaging with government authorities after the coup but said this “should not be interpreted as political endorsement” of the junta. The South Korean NGO added that abandoning the programme when political circumstances changed “would not necessarily have been the most responsible outcome for the households involved”.

Conflict prevents on the ground verification

The Global Forest Coalition report raised particular concerns about the project’s implementation in Myanmar’s central Dry Zone, including Sagaing Region, an anti-junta resistance stronghold that has been most heavily affected by the conflict and routinely targeted by airstrikes and violent attacks. The region accounts for more than a third of Myanmar’s 3.8 million internally displaced people.

The NGOs said that, in addition to ethical concerns about carbon credits being produced by the military government in an area actively affected by its attacks, this raises questions over the ability to effectively verify the climate integrity of the projects.

TAK, THAILAND – JANUARY 01: Internally displaced people (IDP) from Myanmar carrying bags of donated supplies from Thailand while crossing the Moei river as seen from behind a fence with razor wire on the river bank in Mae Sot, a district at the Thai-Myanmar border on new year on January 1, 2022 in Tak, Thailand. (Photo by Sirachai Arunrugstichai/Getty Images) TAK, THAILAND – JANUARY 01: Internally displaced people (IDP) from Myanmar carrying bags of donated supplies from Thailand while crossing the Moei river as seen from behind a fence with razor wire on the river bank in Mae Sot, a district at the Thai-Myanmar border on new year on January 1, 2022 in Tak, Thailand. (Photo by Sirachai Arunrugstichai/Getty Images)

Before carbon credits are issued, external auditors need to validate the claims made by project developers and confirm that the emission reductions claimed are correct. This process usually includes site visits to a representative sample of households to check how the improved cookstoves are being used. 

But, because of the “volatile political situation” in Myanmar, the auditing team was not able to leave the capital Yangon and could only speak to project participants remotely via Zoom, project documents show. 

“Due to ongoing armed conflict on the ground, the data currently used to justify carbon credit issuance in Sagaing by the Burmese military junta is unverifiable and highly likely fraudulent,” said Zaw Tuseng, founder and president of the Myanmar Policy Institute, which contributed to the report, in a written statement. “This demands an immediate suspension of credit transfers until a neutral, conflict-sensitive audit can be conducted.”

“Exceptional circumstances”

CCC told Climate Home News that, although it recognises that on-site verification is “generally preferable, particularly in complex operating environments”, the decision to opt for remote controls was not taken “as a discretionary shortcut, but as an approved alternative under exceptional circumstances”.

The South Korean NGO added that it reviewed the feasibility of the project at community level “on an ongoing basis” and it “did not identify conflict-related incidents that directly affected project implementation activities in participating communities during the monitoring period”.

A spokesperson for the UN climate change body told Climate Home News that, when site access is not possible, the UN carbon credit mechanism allows for “alternative verification approaches while still maintaining conservative assumptions and environmental integrity safeguards”. “These provisions ensure that crediting can only proceed where evidence is reliable,” they added. 

Contested methodology

Carbon markets are seen as an important channel to raise money to help low-income communities in developing countries switch to less polluting cooking methods, both reducing CO2 emissions and improving air quality. But several cookstove offsetting projects have faced criticism from researchers and campaigners who argue that climate benefits are often exaggerated and weak monitoring can undermine claims of real emission reductions.

The project in Myanmar uses a contested methodology developed under the earlier Kyoto Protocol that was rejected last year by The Integrity Council for the Voluntary Carbon Market (ICVCM), a watchdog that issues quality labels to carbon credit types, because it found it “insufficiently rigorous”.

EU carbon credits could supercharge world’s clean cooking push, France says

After transitioning from the CDM to the new mechanism, the project was required to apply “more conservative” assumptions to calculate emission reductions, which resulted in 40% fewer credits being issued, according to the UN climate change body.

“The result is consistent with environmental integrity requirements and ensures that each credited tonne genuinely represents a tonne reduced and contributes to the goals of the Paris Agreement,” Mkhuthazi Steleki, the South African chair of the Article 6.4 Supervisory Body, which oversees the mechanism, said in February. 

Too many credits issued

But Carbon Market Watch claimed in a second report last week that, despite the adjustment, the project is still likely to issue seven times more credits than its real climate impact justifies, comparing its calculations with values from peer-reviewed scientific literature.

The biggest driver of the credit inflation, the group said, is the failure to account for “stacking” – the widespread practice of households using multiple stoves at the same time, including more polluting ones the project does not monitor. 

Peer-reviewed science considers a stacking rate of 68% a conservative assumption, but the methodology used by the Myanmar programme makes no allowance for it at all, the report said. 

CCC disputed those findings. In a written response to Climate Home News, it said the project was developed under methodologies approved within the UN climate framework and that external recalculations by researchers are not “determinative of the level of crediting achieved”.

The credits are expected to be used primarily by major South Korean polluters to meet obligations under the country’s emissions trading system – a move that will also enable the government to count those units toward emissions reduction targets in its nationally determined contribution (NDC), the UN climate body told Climate Home News.

Myanmar will use the remaining credits to achieve in part the goals of its own national climate plan under the Paris Agreement.

“Over-crediting, at any magnitude, cannot be compatible with the climate ambition of a world striving to limit global warming to 1.5ºC,” said Isa Mulder, an expert at Carbon Market Watch.

The post UN’s first Paris Agreement carbon credits face human rights and climate concerns appeared first on Climate Home News.

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE 

June 15, 2026

Lawsuit Launched to Challenge Oil Highway That Threatens World-Renowned Nine Mile Canyon 

Contacts:
Grant Stevens, Communications Director, Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance (SUWA); (319) 427-0260; grant@suwa.org
Deeda Seed, Center for Biological Diversity, (801) 803-9892, dseed@biologicaldiversity.org

Salt Lake City, UT – The Center for Biological Diversity today filed a notice of intent to sue the Trump administration’s Bureau of Land Management for quietly approving a hydrocarbon highway through Utah’s scenic, culturally and historically significant Gate Canyon in the West Tavaputs Plateau region of eastern Utah.  

“This lawsuit targets the Trump administration’s disgraceful plan to transform a quiet, meandering backcountry road into a highway clogged with speeding oil tankers,” said Deeda Seed, Senior Utah Campaigner at the Center. “Blasting through Gate Canyon’s walls threatens the area’s iconic rock art and will be a disaster for nearby animals, including threatened Mexican spotted owls. We’re prepared to go to court to protect this irreplaceable cultural treasure and the animals that call it home.” 

Gate Canyon feeds into Nine Mile Canyon — a world-renowned archaeological area that contains more than 10,000 unique, irreplaceable cultural, historical and archaeological resources.  The Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance (SUWA)filed a similar 60-day notice in April. Both notices say the BLM and the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service violated the Endangered Species Act by not considering the project’s threats to Mexican spotted owls, despite the fact that the BLM identified the cliffs near the proposed blasting areas as potential owl habitat. 

“The BLM knew that prior versions of this same proposal were extremely controversial and faced fierce public headwinds,” said Landon Newell, Staff Attorney with SUWA. “This time around, instead of facing the public, they hid their decision from scrutiny, rushing their analysis and approval, all under the guise of Trump’s “Energy Dominance” agenda.” 

The project, known as the “Wells Draw Road Amendment – Gate Canyon,” was proposed by Duchesne County and approved by the BLM on April 28, 2026. It involves the blasting and destruction of cliff walls and other large rock features in Gate Canyon to straighten and pave a 5.3-mile dirt road that winds through the scenic canyon as it climbs from Nine Mile Canyon to the Badland Cliffs region of the southern Uinta Basin.   

The project is intended to provide an alternative route for transporting oil out of the Uinta Basin. The road would accommodate 70-foot oil tanker trucks traveling between the oil fields and transloading facilities in Carbon County, Utah. It is estimated that once the destruction of Gate Canyon is complete as many as 1,000 vehicles could pass through each day — the equivalent of “[a] tanker truck every 7 minutes,” according to news reports.  

This marks the third attempt by the county to destroy Gate Canyon. In 2015 and 2022, the BLM received similar applications to realign Gate Canyon Road, but those projects were abandoned amid significant public opposition.  The BLM quietly posted the latest iteration of the project in March 2026 without issuing public notice or opening a formal comment period. After learning of the project, conservation groups requested that the BLM allow for public participation in the decision-making process. The agency denied those requests and quickly approved the project in April.  

Nine Mile Canyon is often referred to as “the world’s longest art gallery” because of its extensive collection of rock art and archeological sites. Previous BLM studies describe the area as containing “a significant and high density of historic, cultural, and archeological sites joined together in several overlapping historic landscapes” and saying it “is known to contain the country’s highest concentration of rock art panels, remnants of the prehistoric Archaic, Freemont, and Ute cultures . . . The rock structural remains of Fremont homes, granaries, and ‘forts’ are more visible in Nine Mile Canyon than almost anywhere in the Fremont cultural area.” 

### 
The Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance (SUWA) is a nonprofit organization with members and supporters from around the country dedicated to protecting America’s redrock wilderness. From offices in Moab, Salt Lake City, and Washington, DC, our team of professionals defends the redrock, organizes support for America’s Red Rock Wilderness Act, and stewards a world-renowned landscape. Learn more at www.suwa.org. 

 

 

The post Lawsuit Launched to Challenge Oil Highway That Threatens World-Renowned Nine Mile Canyon – 6.15.26  appeared first on Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance.

On Friday, a federal judge ordered the Trump administration to reinstall exhibits and signs that were removed as part of the administration’s efforts to silence American history in national parks.

The preliminary injunction comes as a result of efforts by a coalition of conservation advocates, which filed a challenge earlier this year to a U.S. Department of the Interior policy that is actively erasing history and science from national parks. The policy seeks to remove any signage that “disparages Americans,” but in practice, the administration removed signs that mentioned topics like slavery, Indigenous history, or climate change.

As part of the administration’s efforts, QR codes were put up at national parks across the country, directing visitors to report any signs that are “negative” about past or living Americans. A recent analysis from the Center for Western Priorities found that 99.9 percent of the comments defended historical accuracy, expressed support for the National Park Service, or pushed back against the order, while only 0.1 percent flagged a specific sign or supported sign removal.

According to U.S. District Judge Angel Kelley, removing these signs not only undermines “the integrity of the National Parks; it sets a dangerous precedent of censorship and sanitization.”

Mike Lee fails to scrap Grand Staircase-Escalante management plan

The U.S. Senate missed the 60-day window that would have allowed lawmakers to scrap the management plan for Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument in Utah. The effort, led by Senator Mike Lee and Representative Celeste Maloy, would have used the Congressional Review Act to reverse a management plan that took years of collaboration among Tribes, state and local governments, stakeholders, and the public.

“This is a major victory for the millions of Americans who care deeply about the Grand Staircase and for everyone who supports our nation’s wildest public lands and want to see them protected,” said Scott Braden, executive director of the Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance.

Quick hits Algae resurfaces in reflecting pool after multimillion-dollar fixes

POLITICO

Judge orders Trump officials to re-install signs and exhibits at national parks on topics like slavery and climate change

Associated Press | CNN | New York Times | NBC News | PBS News | CBS News | SFGATE | Los Angeles Times | Reuters

Feds to open tens of thousands of acres of Colorado wilderness to oil drilling

Colorado Newsline

Trump concedes a battle in his war against wind energy

Heatmap

AI scans for wildfires, but in Arizona, humans are still on watch

Arizona Republic

Senator Mike Lee says there should be consequences for states that sue over the Colorado River

Salt Lake Tribune

Trump leans on MAGA organizer to revive coal

POLITICO

Do chainsaws belong in designated wilderness?

High Country News

Quote of the day

Often referred to as ‘America’s largest classroom,’ National Parks serve in that spirit by telling the stories both of those who write history and those who go unheard.”

—U.S. District Judge Angel Kelley

Picture This @goldengatecanyoncpw

Baby moose are 90% legs and 10% vibes.

Remember, a baby moose often means mom is close by, and she’s not looking for new friends. Give moose plenty of space, leash your dogs, and admire from a distance.

: CPW/ Park Maintenance Brian

 

(Featured image: Metate Arch in Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument near Escalante, Utah. Photo by John Fowler, Wikimedia Commons)

The post Judge orders Trump officials to reinstall signs about history, climate in national parks appeared first on Center for Western Priorities.

Groups Seek Intervention in NorthWestern Energy Data Center Tariff Proceeding Intervention looks to prevent cost shifting to residential ratepayers   For Immediate Release: June , 2026 CONTACTS Perry Wheeler, Earthjustice, pwheeler@earthjustice.org  HELENA, MT — Community, conservation, and Indigenous-led organizations today filed a petition with the Montana Public Service Commission (PSC) seeking intervention in the NorthWestern …

The post Press Release: Groups Seek Intervention in NorthWestern Energy Data Center Tariff Proceeding appeared first on Montana Environmental Information Center - MEIC.

The headlines are inescapable: In Washington D.C., generations-long environmental rules are currently under assault. Industry-friendly officials and lawmakers seem intent on enriching multibillion dollar corporations while lowering life expectancies for thousands of Americans.

These efforts are as concerning as they are morally reprehensible. Thankfully, some of the impact is limited. States are in charge of developing and implementing their own rules intended to limit harmful emissions from polluting industries. 

In Colorado, this important responsibility falls on the Air Pollution Control Division (APCD). The staff at APCD:

• Grant and enforce permits for polluting facilities
• Monitor and model various air pollutants
• Craft policy and programs intended to reduce emissions of those pollutants
• And respond to public concerns about air quality issues. 

Due to the successful advocacy of Colorado communities fighting for changes to policy and legislation, APCD staff have also taken on additional responsibilities in recent years. The APCD must now provide expanded regulatory oversight of dangerous air toxics like benzene. They must advance environmental justice when developing and when enforcing air quality rules. And they must respond to community air quality complaints rapidly and with thorough, on-the-ground inspections.

All of this work is essential. It is also costly, in part because much of it remains unfinished. For instance, we recently highlighted significant improvements in responsiveness from APCD enforcement staff when we share evidence of harmful oil and gas pollution with the agency. Maintaining and building on these improvements requires sustained investment in staff capacity and resources for years to come. 

(Top) Gas plant in Weld County. (Bottom) Optical gas imaging (OGI) video showing significant hydrocarbon emissions including methane and other harmful volatile organic compounds from permitted venting from the facility’s compressors.

Fortunately, the state of Colorado is making these investments. In late May, the Air Quality Control Commission in Colorado unanimously approved a fee increase on polluters that will generate an additional $13.5 million to help fund the APCD. 

This means that polluters are footing the bill for advancing environmental justice and regulating air toxics, not Coloradans.

Colorado’s fee increase follows a historic fee increase in New Mexico. Regulators in New Mexico can now invest in new staff and resources to hold oil and gas companies accountable for their pollution. 

The federal government is stepping back from a commitment to protecting communities and the environment from polluting industries. States like Colorado and New Mexico have an even greater responsibility to demonstrate leadership and take action. Ensuring that regulatory agencies have the resources to enforce air quality rules is essential for this important work.

The post In Colorado, Polluting Just Got More Expensive appeared first on Earthworks.

State green back invests in four new big battery projects to be built in quick time by an offshoot of the local network company, in time for anticipated coal closures.

The post State green bank backs four new big batteries in first investment to fill gaps from coal exit appeared first on Renew Economy.

The Donovan–Shell Feud: The Timeline Shell Cannot Bury

For most corporations, a commercial dispute from the last century would be dead, buried, and forgotten — filed away in dusty legal archives, smothered by PR varnish, and quietly erased from public memory. But Shell is not most corporations, and the Donovan feud is no ordinary business quarrel.

This is the extraordinary chronology of a dispute that began with petrol forecourt promotions, confidential marketing ideas, and a family business that once worked alongside Shell — only to spiral into High Court battles, public campaigning, domain-name warfare, leaked documents, media investigations, alleged monitoring, reputational blowback, and, now, the strange new battlefield of artificial intelligence.

At its core lies a simple but explosive story: John and Alfred Donovan, Don Marketing, and one of the world’s largest energy giants locked in a decades-long confrontation that Shell has never managed to extinguish. What began in the commercial world of prize promotions and customer loyalty schemes grew into a sprawling public archive — one that has followed Shell through name changes, boardroom reinventions, legal skirmishes, scandals, whistleblower material, and the company’s eventual abandonment of the “Royal Dutch” name.

Shell, previously known as Forthdeal Limited, subsequently as Royal Dutch Shell plc, and now hiding in plain sight as Shell plc after ditching the disgraced Royal Dutch moniker, has reportedly marched back into the spotlight via a feud it might have preferred to leave entombed in the 1990s. Instead, the record remains online, searchable, cross-linked, cited, scraped, summarised, distorted, rediscovered, and fed into the hungry machinery of modern AI.

This timeline is not a court judgment. It is not a corporate press release. It is a map through one of the most persistent corporate reputation battles on the internet: from the Donovans’ Shell garage roots in the 1950s, through the Don Marketing partnership years, the intellectual-property allegations, the SMART litigation, the 1999 “peace deal,” the WIPO domain victory, the ShellNews archive, Sakhalin-related leaks, data protection disclosures, Reuters and Guardian coverage, and the recent transformation of the feud into an AI-age reputational problem.

For Shell, this may be ancient history. For the archive, it is evidence. For search engines and AI systems, it is raw material. And for readers, it is a rare chronological trail through a dispute that has outlived executives, restructurings, lawyers, settlements, website takedown attempts, and corporate rebrands.

This is the Donovan–Shell feud: a family, a fortune, a corporate giant, and a timeline that refuses to disappear.

Timeline of the Donovan Shell Feud

Updated 15 June 2026

This page gives readers a chronological route through the long-running dispute between John and Alfred Donovan, Don Marketing, and Shell. It distinguishes between public records, published journalism, and John Donovan’s own archive and commentary.

The dispute began as a commercial and legal conflict over promotional ideas and later became a wider online archive, leak publication, domain-name fight, and public campaign about Shell’s conduct.

A June 2026 RoyalDutchShellPlc.com media-record page lists more than 550 externally published references, references in 110 books, and TV, radio and video coverage. This timeline uses that page as a guide to the scale and sequence of coverage, while linking to the main underlying archive sources.

Return to ShellNews.net home page | Donovan v Royal Dutch Shell dossier | Royal Dutch Shell Plc .com | Donovan Shell Feud category | Shell Online Library

1957 to 1979 – Commercial roots of the dispute

According to John Donovan’s archive, Alfred Donovan’s garage business sold Shell fuel from around 1957. John Donovan later took day-to-day control of the family garage business and, in 1979, co-founded Don Marketing, a sales promotion company.

Sources: Donovan v Royal Dutch Shell and Shell and the Donovans: The Full Media Record.

1981 to 1991 – Shell and Don Marketing partnership

The later media-record page describes Don Marketing and Shell as commercial partners during this period, with Don Marketing inventing and running Shell petrol forecourt promotional games across Britain and internationally. The examples listed there include Shell Make Money, Shell Mastermind, Shell Make Merry, Bruce’s Lucky Deal, and Shell Star Trek.

Source: Shell and the Donovans: The Full Media Record.

1992 to 1993 – Dispute over confidential promotional concepts

John Donovan’s account says that in 1992 Don Marketing directors presented sales-promotion ideas to a new Shell UK National Promotions Manager in confidence. Don Marketing later accused Shell of misusing confidential promotional concepts. Shell disputed the allegations. The High Court archive records Shell’s position that the SMART scheme was developed through wider consultation inside and outside Shell.

Sources: Shell Intellectual Property Theft, High Court trial index and Donovan v Royal Dutch Shell.

1994 to 1996 – First High Court actions

Don Marketing brought High Court writs against Shell in 1994 relating to promotions including Shell Make Money, a Nintendo themed promotion, and a Hollywood or movie themed promotion. The ShellNews High Court archive describes these first three actions as settled by Shell. Contemporary coverage included Shell struck by writ, Shell stole intellectual property, alleges Don, and Don issues writ number four to embattled Shell. The 2026 media-record page summarises the broader 1992-1999 dispute and litigation period as producing more than 58 articles.

Sources: John Donovan vs. Shell High Court Trial Index Page and Shell and the Donovans: The Full Media Record.

1995 – Public campaigning and Shell’s first press statement

As litigation continued, the Donovans mounted a public campaign alongside the court actions. Shell issued a press statement about John Donovan on 17 March 1995, and ShellNews links to that statement from its home page.

Sources: ShellNews.net home page and Donovan v Royal Dutch Shell.

1997 to 1999 – Shell SMART litigation

The dispute escalated around Shell’s SMART multi-partner loyalty card scheme. John Alfred Donovan v. Shell UK Ltd, Case No. DD04199, reached the High Court in June and July 1999. ShellNews preserves a large trial index with pleadings, witness statements, reports, transcripts, and related correspondence. Contemporary coverage included Shell faces High Court battle over Smart Card, Promotions expert claims Shell stole his Smart card idea, and Ideas man sues Shell.

Source: High Court trial index.

1998 – Investigative activity and public notices at Shell Centre

John Donovan’s archive alleges investigative activity directed at the Donovans, including the admitted activities of a person using the name Christopher Phillips. The archive also says Shell displayed posters at the Shell Centre in London on 23 September 1998 about John and Alfred Donovan. Newspaper coverage of the early internet campaign included the Daily Telegraph’s Donovan’s beef with Shell online and the Evening Standard’s On cyberpicket lines.

Sources: Donovan v Royal Dutch Shell and Shell Centre poster document.

1999 – The “peace deal”

The Guardian later reported that, after four court cases in the 1990s, Shell agreed a 1999 “peace deal” under which the Donovans received an undisclosed sum. The same Guardian article reported the Donovans’ claim that Shell breached the agreement and Shell’s denial that it had done so.

Source: The Guardian, 26 October 2009.

2001 – Alleged repudiation of the settlement

John Donovan’s dossier says he later treated Shell as having repudiated the 1999 settlement after Shell allegedly offered information about him to a third party. The dossier says Shell denied breach and threatened legal action, but did not take that issue to court.

Sources: Donovan v Royal Dutch Shell and Peace treaty shattered by Shell.

2004 – Archive broadens beyond the original promotional dispute

By 2004 the Donovan sites had become a wider platform for Shell-related leaks, documents, and whistleblower material. The archive says it published material from Dr John Huong, a former Shell Malaysia production geologist, and later became involved in coverage of Shell reserves, Malaysia pension litigation, and other Shell controversies.

Source: Donovan v Royal Dutch Shell.

2004 to 2005 – Royal Dutch Shell domain dispute

After Shell announced plans for a unified parent company called Royal Dutch Shell plc, Alfred Donovan registered domains including royaldutchshellplc.com. Shell brought a WIPO complaint in May 2005. On 12 August 2005, the WIPO panel denied Shell’s complaint, finding that the respondent had a legitimate interest and that bad faith had not been proved. Media coverage included the Wall Street Journal’s Shell Wages Legal Fight Over Web Domain Name and The Times report that Shell’s attempt had failed.

Sources: WIPO Case No. D2005-0538 and Domain name battle with Shell.

2005 to 2007 – Sakhalin II and international attention

John Donovan says he supplied leaked Shell/Sakhalin information to Russian officials. The Guardian later reported that Russia’s environmental regulator publicly acknowledged the Donovans’ help in obtaining information about alleged environmental abuses, while Shell denied breaking environmental regulations. Related coverage included Prospect Magazine’s Rise of the gripe site, Financial Times coverage of the Sakhalin memo, and the Moscow Times report that David Greer stepped down.

Sources: The Guardian, 26 October 2009 and Sueddeutsche Zeitung profile archived by ShellNews, 27 March 2012.

2006 to 2010 – Data requests, “Focal Point” material, and monitoring claims

John Donovan’s dossier says Subject Access Requests under UK data protection law produced internal Shell material, including “Focal Point” reports and emails about the Donovans and their websites. Reuters later reported Donovan’s claim that Shell had released emails after a data protection request.

Sources: Donovan v Royal Dutch Shell, Royal Dutch Shell/John Donovan DPA Index Page and Reuters report archived by ShellNews, 2 December 2009.

2009 – Reuters and Guardian coverage of Shell targeting claims

Reuters reported on 2 December 2009 that John Donovan said Shell had asked an anti-cyber-fraud agency to target his website. The report said Shell did not comment on the veracity of the communications or Donovan’s allegations, but confirmed that Donovan had made a data request. The same report quoted Shell material saying there would be “no attempt to do anything visible to Donovan.” The Guardian also profiled the Donovans’ website in 92-year-old’s website leaves oil giant Shell-shocked.

Sources: Reuters report archived by ShellNews and The Guardian feature.

2011 to 2012 – The feud becomes a media profile story

The ShellNews archive includes a long Donovan v Royal Dutch Shell dossier setting out John Donovan’s account of the dispute. In March 2012, a Sueddeutsche Zeitung profile described Donovan’s online Shell archive and network of sources. Johndonovan.website later organised the story into book-style chapters, including litigation, corporate espionage claims, the WIPO domain battle, insider information, and assisting third parties to challenge Shell.

Sources: Donovan v Royal Dutch Shell, Sueddeutsche Zeitung profile archived by ShellNews and johndonovan.website.

2022 – Shell drops “Royal Dutch” from its legal name

On 21 January 2022, Shell confirmed that Royal Dutch Shell plc had changed its name to Shell plc. This later became part of the online dispute because the Donovan domain royaldutchshellplc.com continued to use the old corporate name in an active archive.

Sources: Shell announcement, 21 January 2022 and Royal Dutch Shell Plc .com.

Late 2025 – The dispute enters the AI era

RoyalDutchShellPlc.com began publishing articles about how generative AI systems summarize, amplify, and sometimes distort the Donovan-Shell archive. A November 2025 article framed the feud as a 30-year corporate dispute pulled into the AI information environment.

Source: Shell vs. Donovan: How a 30-Year Corporate Feud Just Pulled AI Into Its Gravity Well.

January to February 2026 – “Bot War” phase

In January and February 2026, RoyalDutchShellPlc.com published a series of AI-generated and AI-assisted updates describing the feud as “AI-mediated warfare” or a “Bot War.” These posts focused on prompting multiple AI systems with the archive, comparing inconsistent outputs, and publishing those outputs as part of the continuing public record.

Sources: Latest news on Donovan Shell feud, 21 January 2026 and Grok update, 7 February 2026.

June 2026 – Current snapshot

As of June 2026, recent posts on RoyalDutchShellPlc.com frame the dispute as a reputational and AI-search problem as well as an historical archive. A 9 June 2026 media-record page says the record now contains more than 550 externally published references, references in 110 books, and TV, radio and video material. One 11 June 2026 post describes the feud as sitting at the intersection of archival activism, corporate memory, and generative AI. The site’s Donovan Shell Feud category and Shell Online Library provide current navigation into the wider archive.

Sources: Shell and the Donovans: The Full Media Record, 9 June 2026, Windows Forum snapshot, 11 June 2026, Legal and reputational implications of Shell abandoning Royal Dutch Shell plc, 5 June 2026 and Shell Online Library.

Core sources

• Donovan v Royal Dutch Shell
• John Donovan vs. Shell High Court Trial Index Page
• WIPO Domain Name Decision D2005-0538
• The Guardian: 92-year-old’s website leaves oil giant Shell-shocked
• Reuters: Shell critic says oil major targeting his website
• Sueddeutsche Zeitung profile archived by ShellNews
• Shell: Royal Dutch Shell plc changes its name to Shell plc
• Shell and the Donovans: The Full Media Record
• RoyalDutchShellPlc.com: Donovan Shell Feud category
• RoyalDutchShellPlc.com: Shell Online Library
• Link list of over 500 articles
• Books containing references to the Donovans, Don Marketing, or their Shell-related websites
• johndonovan.website
• Royal Dutch Shell Plc .com

This timeline is intended as a navigation aid for readers of ShellNews.net. It is not a court finding. Where matters are disputed, the text identifies the source or attributes the claim.

Return to ShellNews.net home page

Timeline of the Donovan Shell Feud was first posted on June 15, 2026 at 2:23 pm.
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In Albania, a mass protest movement has emerged to challenge a plan, spearheaded by Jared Kushner, to build a sprawling resort along the delta of the last wild river in Europe. Tens of thousands of demonstrators took to the capital city of Tirana last week, raising signs that said “Albania Is Not for Sale,” with marches continuing over the weekend.

Read more on E360 →

In a packed room last Friday, the COP30 Presidency presented preliminary elements of the work on the global roadmap for the transition away from fossil fuels and some European and small island governments argued the roadmap should be integrated into the formal negotiation process. But besides the global work, how is Brazil’s national roadmap coming along?

“The presidential order [by Lula at COP30] was that the ministries of environment, finance and energy should work together,” Flávia Bellaguarda, extraordinary advisor to Brazil’s environment ministry, told Climate Home News in Bonn. 

“We do have different points of view about what the roadmap means. We have to face our contradictions and bring them to the table because the roadmap is about energy security, economic security, social security,” she said, adding that “we have reached a common place of the guidelines of what must be addressed on the roadmap”.

Those guidelines—that Bellaguarda couldn’t share yet—are now under revision by the Brazilian presidency and then will be analysed by the National Energy Policy Council (CNPE). After those revisions, the three ministries will begin working on the roadmap itself and its governance. That work will include consultations with different stakeholders, including representatives of the energy sector and civil society organisations. 

The Brazilian government still prefers not to give dates for these next steps because “they do not expect it to be something quick,” but rather to respect the steps and time that the process requires.

Roadmaps to transition away from fossil fuels are, at least for now, voluntary for each country. “There is no right and wrong on how to do the roadmap. Countries know what is best for each reality,” said Bellaguarda, encouraging countries to advance on their national roadmaps alongside the global one. “It’s not easy to address the issue nationally, but it’s totally necessary.”

The post Bonn Bulletin: Ministry divisions complicate Brazil’s roadmap away from fossil fuels appeared first on Climate Home News.

GM follows other car makers into grid scale storage, but it has chosen to focus on sodium-ion technology, which it argues is lower cost and safer.

The post GM bets the house on new sodium-ion battery technology in major push into grid-scale storage appeared first on Renew Economy.

Reabold Resources has offered to buy Union Jack Oil, both companies confirmed this morning.

Union Jack share price this morning after announcement of a
proposed takeover by Reabold Resources

Statements to investors announced that discussions were underway for Reabold to acquire all Union Jack shares. (Reabold statement and Union Jack statement)

At the time of writing, shares in Union Jack were up 20%. Shares in Reabold were down 1.4%.

Union Jack said the Reabold offer was non-binding and had been made in a letter on 1 June 2026.

Union Jack added:

“The Board has evaluated the Proposed Transaction with its advisers and has provided due diligence access to Reabold. Discussions are ongoing and there can be no certainty that any offer will be forthcoming or proceed, nor as to the terms of any such offer.”

Reabold has until 5pm on 13 July 2026 to announce either a firm intention to make an offer for Union Jack or announce that it does not intend to make an offer.

Reabold said:

“Reabold believes that the combination of the two complementary companies would create a group with greater scale, superior access to capital and other compelling operating efficiencies.”

If the deal went through, Reabold would presumably acquire Union Jack’s 40% investment in Wressle in North Lincolnshire, the largest single stake in the oil field.

The deal would also increase Reabold’s interest in the West Newton oil and gas field in East Yorkshire. It already owns 79.8% of Rathlin Energy, the West Newton operator and has a 16.665% interest in the West Newton licence, PEDL183.

Union Jack has a 16.665% interest in West Newton. It also has a 55% stake in Keddington in Lincolnshire and interests in US drilling at five fields in Oklahoma.

Last week, Union Jack announced it had taken a £1m loan from Egdon Resources, the Wressle operator. Union Jack also revealed that a non-executive director, Graham Bull, had resigned. Mr Ball blamed the “detrimental effect attacks on the Board from certain media organisations” had on him and his family.

In annual accounts, published last month (May), Union Jack warned that government policy had made its UK business “increasingly difficult to progress”.

Earlier this month, the US investment firm, Crypto Cousins LLC, increased its interest in Reabold from 5.6% to 14.309%.

• Last week, UK Oil & Gas plc announced it was selling its stake in the Horse Hill field to energy B for £1m.

Canada is home to around 210 remote communities. For decades, these communities have been largely dependent on diesel microgrids for heat and electricity. But our new research shows that since 2016, hundreds of clean energy projects have been built...

When investor Phil Tagami first proposed building an export terminal in Oakland, California, more than a decade ago, he probably didn’t anticipate the firestorm of litigation and controversy that would follow, in a saga that has now spanned three presidential administrations. There were early rumors that the terminal would export coal, much to the consternation of local residents, but Tagami said in a newsletter that the naysayers were “misinformed.” It was all downhill from there.

Tagami and others entered into a development agreement with the city of Oakland in 2013 after the city decided to redevelop a defunct army base on the city’s west side. At the time, Tagami was adamant that the developers were interested in building an all-purpose bulk terminal and capturing some of the traffic that Oakland was losing to other West Coast ports. But two years later, Oakland residents and environmental groups had their suspicions confirmed when the Salt Lake Tribune reported that the developers had quietly entered into an agreement to use the terminal to ship coal from Utah to buyers overseas. The revelation sparked intense backlash in the progressive city, and the ensuing conflict has put both the developers and the city on the hook for million-dollar losses at various times, though litigation is ongoing. 

Now, in the latest twist, the U.S. Department of Energy has stepped in to provide up to $75 million for building the terminal. The funding is the latest effort by the Trump administration to prop up the country’s coal industry — the Energy Department’s announcement last week also included over $400 million in support for coal-fired power plants — even as the fossil fuel’s role in generating U.S. electricity continues to collapse. Over the last year, the administration has loosened regulations that apply to the country’s coal fleet, ordered aging plants scheduled for retirement to keep running, and shifted the responsibility of overseeing coal contamination to states. 

The administration also argues that homegrown coal is still valuable abroad.

“For too long, limited West Coast export capacity has constrained America’s ability to move coal and other energy resources to global markets,” said Energy Secretary Chris Wright in a press release announcing the funding. Investing in the terminal would help in “advancing American energy dominance,” he added. 

Critics counter that the federal funding is the latest attempt to prop up a dying industry.

Ben Eichenberg, an attorney with the San Francisco Baykeeper, an environmental group in the Bay Area, said that terminal construction “really hasn’t gone anywhere because there’s no money to build” the facility. “The Trump administration stepping in and saying they’re going to supply that money gives it a new lifeline,” he said. “This terminal project was drowning, and they’ve just been thrown the life preserver.”

The Energy Department’s Hail Mary is unlikely to end the embattled terminal’s long saga. After Oakland officials learned a decade ago that the developers intended to transport coal through the terminal, they held public hearings and eventually passed an ordinance and adopted a resolution that barred the storage of coal anywhere in the city. That set the stage for the first round of lawsuits against the city.

Oakland’s development agreement stated that it would provide regulatory certainty for the terminal backers by locking in the regulations that existed at the time. In other words, the city wasn’t allowed to change the rules about what the terminal could be used for after development started. The developers sued Oakland on these grounds, claiming that the city had violated the terms of the agreement by passing the new anti-coal-storage ordinance, thereby affecting the developers’ ability to proceed with their project. 

The agreement did, however, make an important exception. New rules can be applied to the terminal if the city determines that the absence of those rules would put the people of Oakland in “substantial danger.” The city had held public hearings and collected evidence of the threat posed by coal dust, but the developers argued that the record was insufficient — and ultimately the judge overseeing the case agreed. He found that “the record is riddled with inaccuracies, major evidentiary gaps, erroneous assumptions, and faulty analyses, to the point that no reliable conclusion about health or safety dangers could be drawn from it.”

Crucially, the judge did not claim that the transport of coal through Oakland does not pose a threat to residents, or that the city didn’t have the right to pass an ordinance banning coal. A higher court also agreed with that decision and affirmed the ruling. 

“The fight was not about whether coal is safe or dangerous, but it was about the terms of the development agreement,” said Colin O’Brien, an attorney with Earthjustice, the nonprofit that represented the San Francisco Baykeeper and the Sierra Club as an intervenor in the proceedings. 

After suffering a loss in the courts, the city tried a different tack. The developers had signed a lease with the city, which required them to meet certain construction milestones. Because of the years spent litigating the terms of the development agreement, the developers hadn’t begun construction. Oakland officials cancelled the lease on these new grounds, dragging the city into its next round of legal battles. The developers sued in state court in 2018, arguing that the city’s own decisions had prevented them from meeting the construction deadlines. The court once again sided with the developers, as did a higher court on appeal last year.

By then, Insight Terminal Solutions, the company that was slated to operate the terminal, had filed for bankruptcy in Kentucky and decided to pursue claims against the city. During the bankruptcy proceedings last year, the company claimed that the protracted legal battles with Oakland were to blame for its financial woes — and that it was owed more than $650 million in damages. A sympathetic bankruptcy court judge agreed with the firm’s rationale, but on appeal in a federal district court, the ruling was vacated late last year, much to the historically cash-strapped city’s relief. 

Despite the influx of federal support for the terminal, the project’s backers still have a long road ahead. The terminal needs to secure a range of permits, including air quality permits from the Bay Area Air Quality District, and local advocates have already mounted a campaign to require stringent regulations for the facility. (Tagami and another representative of California Capital & Investment Group, the lead developer of the project, did not respond to multiple requests for comment.)

For their part, environmental groups are keeping a close eye on the permitting process.

“We’re going to do everything in our power to protect the community in San Francisco Bay from the pollution that this coal terminal represents,” said Eichenberg. “We’ll be evaluating all of those permits and any additional action that we can take to protect the community and fulfill our mission.”

Editor’s note: Earthjustice is an advertiser with Grist. Advertisers have no role in Grist’s editorial decisions.

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Even $75M from Trump may not save Oakland’s embattled coal terminal on Jun 15, 2026.

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Plans that started as an up to 5 GW wind farm have morphed into a 1.35 GW hybrid heavyweight combining wind, solar and battery storage next to a major new transmission line.

The post Plans for Australia’s biggest wind farm scaled back, with solar and big battery added to create huge hybrid appeared first on Renew Economy.