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On June 16, make a call for Status for Care Workers!

Migrant Workers Alliance for Change - Mon, 06/09/2025 - 15:34

June 16 is International Domestic Workers Day. Join care workers in calling the new Immigration Minister, Lena Diab, to demand the reopening of the Care Worker Program — without caps and without unfair requirements.

Care workers look after Canadian children, the elderly, and the sick. Many have left their own families behind to do this essential work.

For decades, care workers have fought for permanent residency and basic rights — and they won. But the government responded with a limited, unfair program full of barriers and a cap on applications.

Then, on March 31, that program closed in just 4.5 hours, leaving tens of thousands of care workers shut out and at risk of deportation.

This is unfair — and care workers won’t be silent.

Sign up now to make a call on June 16. Let’s flood the Immigration Minister’s phone lines to demand Status for All!

The post On June 16, make a call for Status for Care Workers! first appeared on Migrant Workers Alliance for Change.

The post On June 16, make a call for Status for Care Workers! appeared first on Migrant Workers Alliance for Change.

Categories: C4. Radical Labor

Celebrating Biodiversity at the ArtiCulturae Farmers’ Market

Navdanya International - Mon, 06/09/2025 - 02:54

For the International Day for Biological Diversity, Navdanya International hosted the second annual Biodiversity Festival—a vibrant morning dedicated to ecological education and care for the Earth, organized in collaboration with ArtiCulturae Farmers’ Market.

This year’s festival was the culmination of months of hands-on learning, during which more than 165 young people participated in immersive activities exploring biodiversity, the importance of water as a common good, agroecology, and local food systems. These projects offered meaningful opportunities to connect with the land, understand the links between soil, landscape, and community, and experience ecological justice in action through participatory practices and direct engagement with their environment.

The day began with a warm welcome and group activities designed to spark curiosity about the environment and biodiversity. This was followed by a special ceremony to recognize participants’ achievements, and an exhibition of creative works, educational materials, and posters produced throughout the year. The display gave the wider community a window into the journeys and discoveries made by the youth.

The morning wrapped up with a shared picnic featuring fresh, local products from the market, creating a joyful space for conversation and exchange among young people, families, teachers, farmers, and organizers.

On this occasion, Navdanya International also premiered a short film which documents the transformative learning journey of the project “Biodiversity is Life”—highlighting the power of collective action for biodiversity, agroecology, and stewardship of the land.

The film captures the spirit and impact of an experience that goes far beyond classroom learning. Through powerful visuals and personal stories, it documents everything from ecosystem observation and sustainable farming practices to creative workshops and collective experiences—underscoring the vital role of young people as stewards of ecological knowledge, bridging tradition and innovation.

By placing youth at the heart of these educational pathways, we nurture a deeper awareness, stronger relationships, and a sense of belonging rooted in the local territory. Young people are not just learners, but active agents of change, helping to regenerate both ecosystems and communities.

In a time of profound ecological and social challenges, education for biodiversity is essential for imagining and building alternative futures—where people, cultures, and ecosystems thrive together in balance and reciprocity. These experiences strengthen the bonds between communities and their land, and foster a new culture of shared responsibility for the Earth.

This initiative was made possible thanks to the support of UBI Ecologia, 8×1000 Unione Buddhista Italiana, Otto per Mille Valdese, and 8×1000 Unione Induista Italiana.

#BiodiversityIsLife #WaterIsLife #AgroecologyIsLife #TerraeVivaeNavdanya #YoungGuardiansOfBiodiversity

Categories: A3. Agroecology

您被排除在AFIP政策之外吗？告诉我们更多关于你的事情

Migrant Workers Alliance for Change - Wed, 06/04/2025 - 11:29

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The post 您被排除在AFIP政策之外吗？告诉我们更多关于你的事情 first appeared on Migrant Workers Alliance for Change.

The post 您被排除在AFIP政策之外吗？告诉我们更多关于你的事情 appeared first on Migrant Workers Alliance for Change.

Categories: C4. Radical Labor

“From Informality to Dignity: Advancing Social Protection and Justice for All Workers” Theresa Bul full speech at the Transition from the informal to formal economy panel. #ILC2025

Global Alliance of Waste Pickers - Mon, 06/02/2025 - 14:00

Chairperson, distinguished delegates,

I am Teresa Bul, a Nigerian waste picker from Lagos State, speaking on behalf of WIEGO and the International Alliance of Waste Pickers.

The informal economy, where over 2 billion people earn a living, is not a barrier to social justice—it reflects policy failures to address poverty, exclusion, and lack of protection. Rather than forcing workers into rigid systems, policies must adapt to recognize and support us.

Recommendation 204 should be a road map to reduce risk, secure livelihoods, and ensure social protection and justice—not just productivity.

I urge the ILC to center formalization on:

Job creation: with gender-sensitive policies that guarantee access to finance, workspace, and fair legal frameworks.
Rights at work: ratify and implement Conventions 189 and 177, recognize informal workers in labor laws, and ensure a just transition for waste pickers.
Social protection: make it accessible to all workers.
Collective bargaining: remove barriers to our right to organize and negotiate.

Recognizing, protecting, and empowering informal economy workers is essential for a just world, as our work sustains the economy.

Theresa Bul
Association of Scraps and Waste Pickers of Lagos
IAWP Delegate at the #ILC2025

Categories: A2. Green Unionism

Global Position Paper on Formalization: Collective Action for Risk Reduction and Decent Work

Global Alliance of Waste Pickers - Sat, 05/31/2025 - 11:33

This position paper was developed for the 113th Session of the International Labour Conference (ILC) to contribute to the General Discussion on innovative strategies for addressing informality and advancing transitions toward formal employment that supports decent work.

Grounded in the ILO’s Decent Work framework, WIEGO, HomeNet International, the International Alliance of Waste Pickers, IDWF, StreetNet International, and UTEP advocate for a rights-based approach to formalization. This approach prioritizes risk reduction, access to social protection, and economic policies fostering enabling environments for cooperatives and social and solidarity economy enterprises. It also calls for legal frameworks that secure labour rights and collective bargaining for all workers, including those in informal employment.

MUST READ AND RECORD YOUR VOICE READING THIS! Nets and WIEGO Position Paper Formalization June 2025 Download Global-Position-Paper-on-Formalization-June-2025-French Download DEBE LEER Y GRABAR SU VOZ LEYENDO ESTO Redes y WIEGO Documento de posición Formalización Junio 2025 Download

Categories: A2. Green Unionism

2024 350PDX Annual Report

350 Portland - Thu, 05/01/2025 - 09:00

The post 2024 350PDX Annual Report appeared first on 350PDX: Climate Justice.

Categories: G2. Local Greens

A Canadian Antifascist Remembers Leonard Zeskind

Institute for Research and Education on Human Rights - Wed, 04/30/2025 - 12:48

He who closes his eyes sees nothing, even in the full light of day. Leopold Trepper.

Where are we Leonard, in this moment in time?

“We are at the end of the beginning. “

Before I met Leonard, I knew of him through his written work and role organizing against the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations in the US South. The year was 1990 and here in so-called Canada, we were in the midst of the Kanesatake Resistance, commonly known as the Oka Crisis, in which the Canadian military turned its weapons against the Mohawk people of Kanesatake and Kahnawake. The 78-day military siege brought with it attacks by organized white supremacists. Rodney Bobiwash, an Anishinaabe activist had taken the lead on pushing back against the surge in organized white supremacists – Ku Klux Klan, Aryans and assorted neo Nazis that were attacking Indigenous resisters. Leonard reached out when he recognized the potential flash point beyond Quebec and Ontario, into and from the Pacific Northwest.

What I was expecting was not the man I met. The man I was expecting was larger than life, a master of wielding research and intelligence against some of the most dangerous humans of the 20th century. Who I met was a kind and gentle person who took a genuine interest first in who and how I was. That became a consistent thread over the next 35 years.

While history speaks of the ‘grunge era’ that marked Seattle and Portland in the ‘90s, there was another movement – the call to create an all White homeland in the region that brought increasing numbers of white supremacists and with them, violence throughout the Northwest and extending into Canada. Though it began much earlier, it was growing rapidly. There was a group in Portland, Oregon, called the Coalition for Human Dignity that, along with Anti-Racist Action and others, was confronting white supremacists and the Christian Right, building fierce community defenses along the way. Leonard would send me packages of their materials, along with encouraging me to reach out. He was convinced that what is now known as the Northwest Imperative extended beyond the border and into Western Canada. And with that, international cooperation amongst resistance to it should grow to meet that threat. Leonard made an official visit to Vancouver, BC, in November 1992 as a keynote speaker at an International Hate Crimes conference. He brought with him Jonathan Mozzochi of the Coalition for Human Dignity, and in so doing, the trajectory of history altered course. By way of that introduction, I found lifelong comrades and the love of chosen family. And with that, the work of resisting white supremacy and assorted bigotries grew to encompass the Pacific Northwest, Idaho, Montana, California, and Western Canada.

Over the years, our paths would cross in person in the oddest of places. Atlanta, Spokane, Great Falls, along with Portland and Seattle. I always felt out of place, a little star struck, as a Canadian – the events that brought us together also brought giants of antifascist resistance and human rights struggles. The moments that come to mind with Leonard aren’t the dramatic ones, though there were many of those. It was listening to CT Vivian preach one Sunday in Atlanta and learning from Leonard the meaning behind “Go Down Moses”. His choosing to sit with me and the women of the Mississippi Delta Catfish Workers Union when there was a whole room wanting his ear.

I recall a moment in November 1995. The Oklahoma bombing happened earlier that spring, and the exhaustion of those like Leonard, at the forefront of helping make sense of that and what led to it, was omnipresent. We were driving North through Portland — Leonard, Graeme Atkinson (International Editor of Searchlight Magazine), Jonathan Mozzochi, and I when Leonard insisted on stopping at Tower Records. A minor skirmish ensued as we were running late, but Leonard prevailed, Jonathan stayed with the car, and I went with Leonard and Graeme to search for the new Bruce Springsteen release, The Ghost of Tom Joad. It was one of many moments when I wondered how I possibly ended up in such fine company, and the amusement of knowing those in the record shop had no idea who these two were. Fearsome anti – fascists but also real everyday people.

And so it was, in July 2023, that I found myself with Jonathan and Chuck in long conversations with a new generation, that would lead back through time and to Devin and Leonard. We had to sort out a presentation he was to give. I tasked myself with asking him one question. Leonard had encyclopedic knowledge of white nationalism, not just American, across the Global North. He was well into being an expert by the time I met him, and he enhanced his understanding and body of work exponentially in the decades that followed.

One question. There was weight to the task of choosing just one. I knew I could ask Leonard plenty of questions after, but this moment in time, to choose one question that may help others, it felt important to choose wisely. As I thought about it, I kept returning to Leonard himself. For all his written work, there is the organizer side of Leonard. The one who would sit and talk with ordinary people facing extraordinary horror and hate. He had a grounded sensibility that gave folks space to believe they could endure, they could resist, they weren’t alone, and that collectively, they would find their way through. His written works are the details and road maps.

The question became obvious.

“Where are we, on the historical timeline?”

“At the End of the Beginning”

The beginning of what?

“War”

Weeks later Gaza, and the Trump election that followed. And with it a spectre of fascism larger in scope and scale that any of us had ever witnessed. Leonard had dedicated his life to documenting the trajectory that brought us to this moment. He leaves us with a treasure trove of written work and a pathway forward made solid by generations of international comrades. For me, his gift is family, we walk together.

O partigiano

Bella ciao, ciao, ciao

The Canadian.

The post A Canadian Antifascist Remembers Leonard Zeskind appeared first on IREHR.

Categories: D2. Socialism

Remembering Leonard Zeskind

Institute for Research and Education on Human Rights - Wed, 04/30/2025 - 12:35

I talked to Leonard Zeskind for the first time on the phone in 1991. My path to meeting Leonard began in 1990 when I met Jonathan Mozzochi of the Coalition for Human Dignity (CHD), who showed me, but didn’t give me a copy, of a report CHD had just published on Organized White Supremacy in Oregon. The report was on the cutting edge of this work, updating the history of racist groups in the region to its current forms; and it jumped me into the world of still-existing Klan groups, neo-Nazis skinheads and, things I had never heard of, Christian Patriots and Christian Identity adherents.

I was curious and began reading, including The Monitor, the publication of the Center for Democratic Renewal, where Leonard was research director. I worked on hate crimes hearings in Seattle, events spurred by an increase in racist skinhead activity in the city’s University District. There, I worked alongside CDRs Deni Yamauchi and the late Dr. Rudolph C. Ryser of the Center for World Indigenous Studies. I would learn from both, as generally happened when you met the people in Leonard Zeskind’s circles. A lot of good, smart people.

In the summer of 1991, while trying to earn a living as a house painter, my co-painter and I caught wind of an Aryan Nations member active in another crew. In setting out to track them down and pester them, I reached out to Deni Yamauchi. Deni put me in touch with Leonard Zeskind.

Then everything changed.

Suddenly, I was doing volunteer field investigations in the Pacific Northwest and beyond, working with Leonard, tumbling head first into researching a netherworld of Christian Identity churches and “Bible camps,” sieg-heiling neo-Nazi skinheads, robed Klansmen lighting big crosses, and kindly-grandmother-types who threw Hitler birthday parties – not to mention more than a few how-the-hell-did-I-end-up-here moments.

Working with Leonard Zeskind on these efforts changed how I looked at the world of racism and politics. And though not my most important lesson from Leonard, it is worth repeating again, and again…We need to know this stuff.

Leonard Zeskind’s insights into the far right and organized white supremacy stood out – in part because he combined them with thinking from political science, economics, sociology, anthropology, philosophy… – and that mattered – but mainly because he studied them from the inside-out, diving into the meetings, networks, writings, painfully dull and frightening recordings and distorted minds of white supremacists and their bigoted kin in other movements.

Long before the term “white nationalism” was bandied in the national press, or among activists, Leonard talked about the transformation across the 1980s and 1990s of a system-defending white supremacy and into a system-overturning white nationalism – racist movement leaders re-casting whites as a people “dispossessed,” and holding the overturn of the existing government necessary to “save” them from “oppression” and “genocide.”

Leonard drew this insight from studying the rise of neo-Nazi David Duke alongside the development of the white supremacist underground, exemplified by William Pierce’s National Alliance – both dedicated to re-fashioning a state for their whit-ist project – one through garnering a mass base and mainstreaming the cause, the other by building a violent vanguard to overthrow the government by force. And Leonard delineated the distinct nature of white nationalist antisemitism in creating a racialized “ruling class” behind the fantasized white plight. You can dive deeply into this in Leonard’s 2009 book, Blood and Politics: The History of the White Nationalist Movement from the Margins to the Mainstream.

Leonard broke ground on the study of white nationalism, but he always stressed that it developed in tension, overlap and cross-pollination with other far right and anti-democratic tendencies – e.g., the Christian Right, libertarianism, anti-Indian activists and paleoconservatism, etc.

Influenced by this approach, that necessitated understanding how fascists and their kin understood the world, at CHD we agonized over the best way to characterize the far rights’ various factions; and we were among the most persisting at saying, “The Christian Right is not the same as the white supremacist movement, is not libertarianism, is not the Wise Use Movement…but here are things they share in common…And here’s a meeting where they both showed up.”

And Leonard saw, and taught us, how the collapse of the Soviet Union remade the American political landscape, how the decline of anti-communism as a pan-U.S. ideological glue created space for, but did not determine, the growing prominence of various racialized and religiously-constructed nationalisms – something reflected in the rise of anti-immigrant politics across the far right and the transformation of Reagan-style reactionary attacks on affirmative action into fodder for white nationalist revolution in the hands of Duke-style mainstreamers and violent vanguardists.

Leonard never talked about these phenomenon as disconnected social artifacts. Rather, building on what had come before (something else he stressed), he took the insights of Donald Warren’s book, The Radical Center, to highlight the development of a middle American nationalism that spanned the far right. Warren had documented a distinct ideology in the American public, middle American radicalism, behind support for George Wallace’s 1968 campaign – a mostly white segment of the public who deemed themselves squeezed between elites above them and people of the color and poor people below them.

From this, Leonard delineated a middle American nationalism that could be seen across the spectrum of organized far right; it also provided a terrain for connecting the movement to a mass base in the American public – again, a key link Leonard also stressed. While still confused in some academic circles as the “weak ideology” of “populism,” Leonard demonstrated that this framework undergirded common far right themes as the oft-spewed, and simultaneous, attack on “globalists” on the one hand, and immigrants on the other.

Middle American nationalism’s contours are today seen among white and Christian nationalists; so-called “constitutionalists” and paramilitary groups; paleoconservatives and paleolibertarians; Proud Boys; anti-Indian, anti-Muslim, antisemitic, anti-immigrant and anti-LGBTQ groups; and even in the world of techno-fascists and their national conservative kin.

And, something I will always appreciate, Leonard was one among few anti-fascist and fight-the-right leaders whose understanding of the far right encompassed that branch specifically dedicated to overturning the treaty rights and political sovereignty of Indigenous Nations. His work in the Northwest brought this issue front and center to groups like the Coalition for Human Dignity, the Montana Human Rights Network, the Northwest Coalition Against Malicious Harassment and Borderlands Research and Education, a project started by Leah Henry-Tanner and myself.

Leonard Zeskind was thanked for his “substantive contributions” to Dr. Rudolph C Ryser’s The Anti-Indian Movement on the Tribal Frontier, the seminal work on this movement. CDR’s 1992 how-to-fight-back book, When Hate Groups Come to Town included a section on “Indian Issues and Anti-Indian Organizing” and contributions from Zoltan Grossman, who with Debi McNutt was leading efforts to counter anti-Indian groups through the Midwest Treaty Network. Attacks on the unique nature of tribal nationhood have to be included in the struggle for justice.

And Leonard always stressed that, though rooted in various brands of nationalism, these phenomena were international in nature and had to be fought as such. Ideas of whiteness and the “defense” of a supposedly-being-dispossessed “Western Civilization” jumped the pond, connecting homegrown American racists to the progeny of interwar European fascisms. Through decades of work with the British anti-fascist publication Searchlight, Leonard built an alliance dedicated to fighting this, tracking Europe’s fascists when they appeared stateside and finding comrades who tracked American fascists when they landed in Europe.

My most important lesson from Leonard Zeskind and this work, however, isn’t this knowledge. It was the lesson that Leonard always had your back. And he stressed that we all have to do that. He was a fundamentally decent person who would do all in his power to protect those involved with him in the struggle against white supremacy and fascism. He looked out for us, his kids, on a personal level – a sometimes pushy uncle wanting to know if we were really alright.

This decency shaped his commitment to translating the realities of organized racism to the community level – not “down to” the community level, just “to” the community level. To people in the direct path of racism, bigotry, and violence, and to those being targeted for recruitment into the white supremacist movement.

Leonard could talk over my head on many matters philosophical and historical, but what mattered to him was helping workers, community members, young people, and all decent people understand the threats posed by this movement, and the importance of standing up to turn back its attack on human decency. His years working on auto assembly lines and defending workers were his training ground, teaching him, I think, that an injury to one really is an injury to all.

I didn’t want to write this. I don’t want to finish it, as it is one more step in never seeing Leonard again. I will carry his love, wisdom, and commitment to making a better world with me for the rest of my days.

The post Remembering Leonard Zeskind appeared first on IREHR.

Categories: D2. Socialism

Philippines: Behind the Mask of the Moratorium

Yes to Life no to Mining - Tue, 04/29/2025 - 04:25

Behind the Mask of the Moratorium Pala'wan People continue to fight mining in the Philippines “It almost feels as we are on a ‘death row’, we do not know yet when the first bulldozer will start flattening our land…but we know it’s happening”

A member of Brooke’s Point lowland Pala’wan communities (Source of image and quote)

In solidarity with the Palawan indigenous peoples and local communities facing massive environmental degradation, in spite of the newly signed 50 years mining moratorium, Rainforest Rescue, asks you to sign the letter by May 30th.

Palawan is a UNESCO declared Man and Biosphere Reserve. Since time immemorial, this unique natural paradise has been sustainably managed by the local Indigenous peoples, such as the Batak, the Pala’wan and Tagbanua. The Island hosts the highest number (6) of protected areas within the entire country. The global transition to a low-carbon future, and the resulting international demand for minerals such as nickel, is casting a dark shadow over the future of Pala’wan tribes.

On March 5th 2025, due to intensive pressure by national/international advocate movements and the local Catholic Church, the Provincial Government has passed a 50 years mining moratorium, barring all new mining applications. However, existing extractive activities have been allowed to continue. Moreover, the companies, which were able to secured a Mineral Production Sharing Agreements (MPSA), before the moratorium, have been given the ‘green-signal’ to pursue their planned operations. Now, hundreds of indigenous Pala’wan communities, as well as some of the most isolated upland groups, face the immediate risk of seeing their farms, forests and settlements being washed away by mining extraction.

In support of threatened indigenous peoples, farmers and the fisher-folk, sign the letter by May 30th.

https://www.regenwald.org/csl/76692b78-f383-4df4-814f-be085bec09eb/en

The letter, along with the names of your organization, will be submitted to the President of the Philippines, the Provincial Government of Palawan, to various authorities mentioned at the beginning of the letter, and to the UNESCO.

Categories: G1. Progressive Green

Food Workers for Climate Justice

Food Chain Workers - Tue, 04/22/2025 - 09:00

APRIL 22, 2025

Over the past two years, FCWA hosted a series of dialogues, focus groups, and hearings for workers across the food chain to discuss how they’re experiencing the climate crisis now, and to uplift a food worker vision for climate and environmental justice. Many of our members are engaged in this work already, whether fighting to establish heat protections for workers, stop the use of pesticides, or defend communities from air pollution.

This Earth Day, we’re releasing a new platform based on these conversations and a Food Worker Climate Justice Declaration to guide our movement building and organizing into the future. It is critical that our food worker movement fight alongside the global movement for climate and environmental justice. Equally, our comrades fighting the climate crisis must center worker leadership and support worker organizing. Click here or read below to see what workers are saying about climate justice and the priorities laid out in our Food Worker Climate Justice Declaration.

“The laws that exist are not sufficient or strong or enforced to protect us.
We decided to take climate change as a central issue in our union in
Washington… It is an issue that is very local but international at the same time.”
– Familias Unidas por la Justicia

“Temperatures have been unbearable for bakery workers in the past year.
Bake rooms are reaching over 100° with no air conditioning and bosses
dictating to stop complaining, and ‘get in there and make bread.’ Workers
passing out, leaving work, even dying of heat stroke — workers that we don’t
think of as being affected in cities.”
– Bakery Worker

“There is an increase of animal pests, so the use of pesticides goes up. Pesticide
effectiveness goes down, which causes even more pesticides to be used. With the
higher heat, the chemicals become vaporized, which equals more pesticide
exposure for farmworkers.”
– Farmworker

The post Food Workers for Climate Justice appeared first on Food Chain Workers Alliance.

Categories: K2. Labor News

Take back the night: Establishing a “right to darkness” could save our night skies

Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund - Tue, 04/22/2025 - 07:10

Feature Image: A small town glows beneath a starry sky. (harpazo_hope / Getty Images)

Carlyn Zwarenstein writes about science for Salon. She reached out to get a Rights of Nature perspective from CELDF’s Education Director, Ben Price.

But voluntary standards for light pollution, like voluntary standards for much else where profit and community or ecosystem well-being might be at odds, have a habit of failing to meet the need, of being inconsistently applied, and of simply being ignored. In fact, Ben Price, director of education at the Community Environmental Legal Defence Fund, which assisted in establishment of the world’s first community rights of nature legislation, notes that the establishment of minimum protected areas tends to be supported or even promoted by the corporations that cause greatest environmental harm, effectively maximizing the amount of harm that can be done everywhere else.

The federal Clean Air and Clean Water acts, and similar state laws, likewise set out in law just how much degradation or destruction of the natural world corporations or others can get away with. Partly as a result, environmental damage is far, far worse and natural habitats are far smaller and more fragmented than they were half a century ago, before these pieces of legislation existed.

Read full piece from the original source.

The post Take back the night: Establishing a “right to darkness” could save our night skies appeared first on CELDF.

Categories: G1. Progressive Green

Interview on the Great Lakes and NY State Waters Bill of Rights: Does Nature Have Rights?

Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund - Tue, 04/22/2025 - 06:29

This interview was conducted by the Environmental Coffeehouse welcoming Ben Price, CELDF Education Director & Tish O’Dell, Consulting Director of Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund (CELDF) who are working with Max Wilbert, Publicist for CELDF on the NYS Assembly Bill AO5156A, the Great Lakes and State Waters Bill of Rights, which is currently IN the NYS Assembly.

This new bill introduced into the New York State Assembly by Assemblyman Burke of the Assembly District 142, representing New York’s 142nd district, made up of South Buffalo and the surrounding areas on and near the shore of Lake Erie. Lake Erie and Lake Ontario provide drinking water to 6.2 million New Yorkers. All told, the Great Lakes provide drinking water for more than 40 million people, contain 95% of all the surface freshwater in the United States, and make up the largest freshwater ecosystem on the planet. But this ecosystem is struggling. According to experts, billions of gallons of raw sewage entering the lakes, increasing toxic algae blooms, invasive species, global warming, and both historic and ongoing industrial pollution represent serious threats to the ecosystem and human health.

“The rights of nature movement is gaining momentum around the world as global warming, species extinction, fresh water scarcity, and climate-driven migration are all getting worse,” says CELDF’s Education Director Ben Price, who helped draft the law. “Meanwhile, the U.S. is being left behind. For states to take on these issues in the absence of federal action could be a game-changer, as it was for women’s suffrage when the states led the way for years.” The bill would also enshrine the right to a clean and healthy environment for all people and ecosystems within the State, the right to freedom from “toxic trespass,” and would prohibit the monetization of the waters of New York State. This bill is of cross-border interest with Canada since both share the magnificent Great Lakes.

Watch Interview Here

The post Interview on the Great Lakes and NY State Waters Bill of Rights: Does Nature Have Rights? appeared first on CELDF.

Categories: G1. Progressive Green

“Sink the boats – Save the world”: Ecobordering narratives on the British far right

Undisciplined Environments - Tue, 04/22/2025 - 06:00

Many far-right groups claim that migration drives environmental destruction, from river pollution to climate breakdown. These ‘ecobordering’ narratives greenwash racism and cover up the political and economic causes of ecocide.

As world leaders gathered at the COP26 climate summit in 2022, members of the fascist group Patriotic Alternative (PA) unveiled a banner declaring ‘Reduce immigration to reduce CO2’. The same day, the opaquely funded think tank Migration Watch UK posted an image of a forest fire hellscape emblazoned with the words, ‘Mass migration puts pressure on our precious environment’. These are just two examples of an emerging set of ‘ecobordering’ narratives which frame reducing – or eliminating – immigration as environmental protection.

Fascists declare that borders are climate action. Source: Patriotic Alternative via Telegram.

The far right sells racism as the solution to white people’s anxieties. If we want to develop up-to-date antifascist responses and avoid reproducing far-right narratives ourselves, we need to keep up with far-right storytelling. We also need to understand how mainstream discourse legitimises far-right issues. This article outlines how the British far right exploits ecological anxiety to push for harsher immigration policy. There are two main narratives: one claims that migration raises emissions and increases pressure on British nature; the other casts migrants as an invasive species threatening both British nature and the ‘indigenous’ population of white people. Both narratives are fed by the liberal mainstream.

Migration Watch UK illustrates ‘mass migration’ with climate disaster imagery. Source: Migration Watch UK via Twitter/X.

“The ravages of overpopulation”

The British far right often claims that migration threatens the environment via overpopulation. This narrative runs across the far-right spectrum. For example, the fascist Homeland Party takes a similar line to the radical right UK Independence Party (UKIP):

‘The most significant threat to the Green Belt, and the UK environment in general, especially England, is unsustainable population growth, which is predominantly fuelled by uncontrolled mass immigration’ (UKIP, 2020).

‘The environment in which we all live should be protected from the ravages of over-population, the new building projects, and pollution that goes with it’ (Homeland, 2023).

In their environmental policy, Homeland also holds migration responsible for water pollution: ‘When our sewage treatment plants cannot meet the demand of our rapidly increasing population, their only option is to release untreated sewage, causing great harm to our river ecosystems. This is unavoidable until the root cause, overpopulation driven by mass immigration, is dealt with.’

Homeland advertises ethnonationalism as ‘the REAL green solution’. Source: Homeland Party.

Although far-right groups generally apply this narrative to local environmental issues such as housebuilding, some also link migration to rising carbon emissions such PA’s banner shown in the first image. Identitarian group Local Matters and Migration Watch UK have both cited NGO Population Matters to claim that ‘our growing numbers are incompatible with our climate change commitments’. This, they reason, is because an individual’s carbon footprint will grow as they move from a poorer country to a richer country. Green Party candidate and Extinction Rebellion spokesperson Rupert Read voiced similar arguments in a deleted Ecologist article, although he does not advocate for tighter border controls.

These narratives obscure the underlying causes of environmental destruction – organising production and consumption around profit rather than wellbeing – whilst shifting the blame onto those least responsible. For example, English housing stock is already more than adequate for meeting needs and comfort if distributed more equally, but it is in the interests of homeowners as well as the financial and housebuilding sectors to maintain high housing demand through artificial scarcity. Meanwhile, the claim that overpopulation causes river sewage is extremely convenient for the privatised water companies which pocketed billions whilst leaving the infrastructure to crumble. In the case of climate change, ecobordering frames resource-intensive provisioning as inevitable and erases Britain’s responsibility for climate breakdown, instead blaming people who may very well be escaping its impacts.

“Protect our native species”

A second set of ecobordering narratives assumes a unique, spiritual connection between white British people and British nature. As Homeland writes, ‘Our people have an intrinsic bond with our homeland and are its natural stewards’. PA founder Mark Collett expands this idea in The Fall of Western Man, writing that ‘The strength and steel of the Western body was forged […] in the harsh frozen lands of Northern Europe’ through a process of ‘brutal natural selection’. As a result, ‘Blood and soil are the natural callings that must be at the centre of Western man’s mindset.’

The ecological undercurrents of this ‘blood and soil’ doctrine – popularised by the Nazis – present white British people as an indigenous species adapted to thrive in their ecosystem. Unlike overpopulation narratives, this position is mostly held by the ethnonationalist far right which believes that only those of a particular race can belong to a nation. For Homeland, ‘natural law’ dictates that ‘social harmony’ can only be achieved when each ‘ethnic group’ can ‘assert our unique cultural identity in our respective territories.’ Like the ethno-differentialists of the French New Right, Homeland claims to be ‘the true champion of diversity’, using strong borders to conserve a plurality of peoples and cultures.

According to this framework, fascists cast migrants as an ‘invasive species’ preventing the ‘native species’ from living peacefully – or even living at all. In the article ‘Ecocide’, PA writes:

‘By means of their NGOs, they have ferried invasive species across the Mediterranean […] Actions that have culminated in national governments spending billions to cement over bucolic landscapes in their rush to build accommodation for the “New Europeans” and tarmac over ancient woodlands to provide them with roads to aid their rapid access to social security offices, mosques and community centres where they can congregate and displace the indigenous species.’

Here, ‘they’ refers to Jewish billionaires George and Alex Soros, key characters in far-right conspiracy theories such as the ‘Great Replacement’. Replacement is a central mobilising issue amongst British fascists, with PA performing annual ‘White Lives Matter’ banner drops on Indigenous Peoples’ Day.

PA refracts this conspiracy through a blood and soil lens. As a result, the perceived destruction of British nature by migrants becomes inseparable from the eradication of white British people altogether. In one flyer PA alludes to this existential threat with a photo of the red squirrel, a symbolic British animal that has faced harsh competition from non-native grey squirrels. Meanwhile, Homeland illustrates the threat of ‘being subsumed into a homogenised global mass’ with footage of deforestation, underscoring the deep association between white extinction and environmental destruction.

Homeland illustrates the threat of race mixing. Source: Homeland Party.

Ecobordering and the mainstream

Across Europe, far-right groups are exploiting ecological crisis to push for further border violence. In Britain, they justify this by arguing that (a) migration will increase pressure on resources such as land and water, as well as raising emissions; and (b) migrants are an invasive species simultaneously threatening nature and the ‘indigenous’ population of white people. However, overpopulation narratives in particular may be more strategic than heartfelt. For example, PA urges politicians to ‘reduce immigration to reduce CO2’ whilst also warning of the ‘Climate Con’. Meanwhile, Migration Watch UK is part of a network of right-wing think tanks located in Tufton Street, including Britain’s foremost climate misinformation organisation, the Global Warming Policy Foundation.

Although these ideas are most common on the far right, they are closer to the mainstream than people may realise. For example, blaming migrants for placing unsustainable pressure on nature reproduces neo-Malthusian overpopulation narratives. These have enjoyed centuries of popularity and continue to be upheld by policymakers, NGOs, and TV presenters. Indeed, the president of Migration Watch UK is a former British ambassador, now sitting in the House of Lords. Mark Collett’s theory of climate-induced racial difference is purely colonial-era scientific racism. Meanwhile, Conservative politicians and newspaper columnists repeatedly describe migrants using the invasive species imagery of a ‘swarm’, an ‘invasion’, or ‘cockroaches’. But more fundamentally, in many ways the far right is only making explicit what is already implicit in government policy: that certain racialised groups present a threat that must be met with violence. By placing ecology downstream of borders the far right is mirroring the state’s own priorities.

On one level, then, ecobordering narratives can be countered by drawing attention to the large inequalities in environmental impacts driven by economic inequality, as well as the endless expansion of production and consumption required by capitalism. However, without challenging borders themselves, this approach can at best maintain border violence at business-as-usual levels. As ecobordering discourse gears up to legitimise this increasingly repressive bordering regime, it falls to antifascist and other liberatory movements to address the root causes of racist violence and ecological crisis.

Acknowledgements

Thank you to Lise Benoist, Miranda Iossifidis, Heather Luna, and Rohan Montgomery for their generous feedback.

Cable Collective is an antifascist research collective monitoring how ecological crisis is used to justify oppressive politics in the UK.

The post “Sink the boats – Save the world”: Ecobordering narratives on the British far right appeared first on Undisciplined Environments.

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