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The recent strike by the Cape Breton Island Building & Construction Trades Council and its affiliate unions was a direct continuation of the militant trade...

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In the first six months of the second Trump administration, some 60,000 federal workers have been targeted for layoffs, even more have taken buyouts, and up to trillions of dollars in funding has been frozen or halted. Many more people could still be facing cuts under additional planned reductions.

President Donald Trump has explicitly targeted climate- and justice-related programs and funding, but the resulting cuts have gone deep into services communities rely on to survive, like food aid in rural areas or improvements to failing wastewater infrastructure. Farmers have lost grants and support that help keep them going through increasingly volatile weather. Even your favorite YouTube creators may be affected.

We asked those who have lost their federal jobs or funding to tell us about what’s being lost: What was their work providing to communities, and what happens now?

Their stories, reflecting just a small sample of the many people who’ve been affected, illuminate  how deep these cuts go, not only into programs explicitly working to reduce emissions, but also into those keeping us safe, healthy, fed, and informed.

Have you been impacted, or know someone who has? We want to hear about it. Message us on Signal at 206-876-3147 or share your story using this form. (Learn more about how to reach us and how we will use your information.)

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• Disaster recovery

  “It offered housing, your food was paid for. I didn’t really have to worry about how I would survive.”

  Rachel Suber, former FEMA Corps member | Pennsylvania

  Read more

  Since January, Rachel Suber had been a member of FEMA Corps, a specialized program of AmeriCorps, the federal national service program, which deploys volunteers to disaster zones to aid in recovery. She’d been assigned to Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, to help those affected by Hurricane Debby, a tropical cyclone that flooded parts of the Northeast last summer.

  As a corps volunteer with the Federal Emergency Management Agency, Suber would go into the field to survey damage and help people access federal assistance funding. Back at the office, she would log data about what had been done at site inspections, where the worst damage was, and who had yet to receive assistance.

  In April, Suber got the news that her program — and all of AmeriCorps — was being terminated. “We will be demobilized immediately,” she remembers her boss saying. “I’m going to miss you all.” One hundred and thirty FEMA Corps members and some 32,000 AmeriCorps volunteers were out of work.

  Suber and her cohort were aware of the changes Trump was making to FEMA and other federal agencies, but the funding for her program was allocated for the year. No one had thought the new administration could take it away.

  So far, FEMA’s work in the region continues. But without help from the corps members, Suber said, more work will be put on program managers, slowing the process of getting aid to those who need it.

  For Suber, it’s also the end of her path to a career and a way out of rural Pennsylvania, where jobs are scarce. “It offered housing, your food was paid for. I didn’t really have to worry about how I would survive.” With the cancellation of the program, less than four months into what should have been a 10-month assignment, Suber’s dreams of working for FEMA have faded.

  — Zoya Teirstein

• Health and safety

  “People felt like their concerns were real and that they deserved better.”

  Caroline Frischmon, graduate research assistant | Mississippi

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  Caroline Frischmon had been selected to receive a $1.25 million grant from the Environmental Protection Agency to study air pollution in two Louisiana towns and Cherokee Forest, a subdivision in Pascagoula, Mississippi. The neighborhood, which is near a Chevron refinery, a Superfund site, and a liquefied natural gas terminal, has more than three times the amount of cancer risk the EPA deems acceptable.

  The funding was part of EPA’s Science to Achieve Results, or STAR, an initiative that has awarded more than 4,100 grants nationwide since 1995 to support high-quality environmental and public health research. In April, EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin ordered the termination of STAR and other research grants, including some $124 million in funds that had already been promised. Frischmon’s funding evaporated overnight.

  As a graduate student at the University of Colorado, Frischmon had set up low-cost air monitors in Cherokee Forest and identified a recurring pattern of short-lived, intense pollution episodes that correlated with resident complaints of burning eyes, sore throats, vomiting, and nausea. The state air quality monitors were capturing average pollution levels but missed short-term spikes that were just as consequential to human health.

  “The validation has really led to an activation in the community,” said Frischmon. “People felt like their concerns were real and that they deserved better.”

  The $1.25 million EPA grant would have funded a multiyear air quality study and Frischmon’s postdoctoral position at the university. She is now job hunting and searching for smaller grants, but she isn’t optimistic she will find funding on the scale of the EPA grant. For the community, she said, it feels like an abrupt end to tangible progress toward solving their health crisis. “So there’s a lot of sadness over losing that momentum.”

  — Naveena Sadasivam

• Food access

  “Agricultural producers are already living on the fringes of income.”

  Matthew O’Malley, agricultural engineer with the Department of Agriculture’s Natural Resources Conservation Service | Colorado

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  As an agricultural engineer with the Department of Agriculture’s Natural Resources Conservation Service, or NRCS, Matthew O’Malley’s job was helping farmers and ranchers in northeastern Colorado implement more efficient infrastructure to deal with growing water scarcity. On any given day, that could involve anything from building an irrigation system that cuts down on the amount of water released to feed thirsty crops to designing a retention basin to store excess water produced during rainy periods for use during drier ones.

  In February, O’Malley was abruptly fired from his position in a wave of mass layoffs by the Trump administration. By the end of the following month, he’d be invited back to work, temporarily, after a federal court ruled the thousands of laid-off government workers must be reinstated. O’Malley instead elected to take the deferred resignation he was subsequently offered, wary of the volatility. Until September 30, he will remain a federal employee on paper.

  Before the mass government firings hit the NRCS offices in northeast Colorado, there were a total of four staffers, O’Malley included, serving as agricultural engineers in the region. Half took the deferred resignation.

  “The planning stopped for the projects I was designing overnight,” said O’Malley. “I’m more concerned for the smaller agricultural producers, rather than myself, for the agency. They’re the ones that rely on USDA programs to help them make it through years when there’s crop failure.”

  Because of the economic landscape, escalating extreme weather risk, and intensifying water scarcity, farmers’ need for support in the region is at a level O’Malley has never before seen. “Agricultural producers are already living on the fringes of income,” he said. “Helping these producers protect the resources that they have, and allowing them to better utilize them, ultimately helps everyone. We all need to eat.”

  — Ayurella Horn-Muller

  Photo credit: Courtesy Matthew O’Malley

• Health and safety

  “The funding just stopped. I’m stuck with this valuable data that not a lot of people have.”

  Edgar Villaseñor, advocacy campaign manager for the Rio Grande International Study Center | Texas

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  Residents of Laredo, Texas, like people in cities all over the world, endure a phenomenon known as the urban heat island effect, whereby roads, sidewalks, and buildings trap heat. For Laredo, this phenomenon only exacerbates already ferocious heat, particularly in lower-income neighborhoods that tend to have fewer trees and green spaces.

  Last summer, to better understand how heat affects Laredo’s 260,000 residents, the nonprofit Rio Grande International Study Center partnered with the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration and enlisted more than 100 volunteers to drive around the city taking temperature readings. Edgar Villaseñor, the center’s advocacy campaign manager, then worked with a company called CAPA Strategies to create a map of heat throughout the city.

  Villaseñor wanted more detailed data and an enhanced, interactive map that would not only be easier for residents to navigate, but also help the city council plan interventions, like installing more shade for people waiting at bus stops. He applied for a $10,000 grant through NOAA’s Center for Heat Resilient Communities, which was funded through the Inflation Reduction Act.

  The center had planned to work with a range of communities for a year to craft targeted heat action plans, and then to create guides that would help cities around the U.S. build their own heat strategies.

  The research center was ready to announce in May that Villaseñor’s nonprofit, along with 14 city governments, had been selected. But the day before the announcement, NOAA instead sent notices that it was defunding the center. “The funding just stopped,” Villaseñor said. “I’m stuck with this valuable data that not a lot of people have.”

  Villaseñor said his work won’t stop, even though that $10,000 grant would have gone a long way. “I’m still trying to see what I can do without funding.”

  Read more: Funding to protect American cities from extreme heat just evaporated

  — Matt Simon

• Historical preservation

  “You have to make sure you’re not destroying any wetlands, not affecting air pollution … not harming any historical or cultural material.”

  Name withheld, National Park Service archaeologist | East Coast

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  Archaeology might not be the first profession that comes to mind when you think of the National Park Service. But the federal agency, housed under the Interior Department, needs a whole lot of them — to examine historical artifacts, to oversee excavations, to ensure that on-site construction projects comply with preservation laws.

  One federal archaeologist, who asked that their name be withheld for security, worked at a historic East Coast park, combing through a “very long backlog” of 19th-century farm equipment and deciding which samples should be preserved. Storage space is a “very serious problem in archaeology,” they said, and the park service generally lacks the funding to make more room.

  The other part of their job was about compliance, ensuring that proposed developments — whether a new water line or a building renovation — adhered to federal laws on environmental and historical impacts. “You have to make sure you’re not destroying any wetlands, not affecting air pollution … not harming any historical or cultural material,” they said.

  This worker had been at their post, which was supported by funding via the Inflation Reduction Act, or IRA, for national parks, just over a year when Trump froze IRA spending. They found out in February that their funding was no longer available, but held on a few more weeks, thanks to extra funds cobbled together by their supervisor. By the time a federal judge ordered the IRA money unfrozen, they had already accepted another archaeology job. With all the funding uncertainty — compounded by layoffs and buyouts that have reduced park service staff by 24 percent since the beginning of the year — they said the vacancy they left is unlikely to be filled.

  Without archaeologists, the worker said, simple maintenance projects could be stalled or improperly managed. “They will either not be able to do that or they will do the projects without compliance and destroy very important sites to our shared history.”

  — Joseph Winters

• Public information

  “The team was part of a nationwide push to build trust with communities so that we could better understand what they needed so that the government could serve communities better.”

  Amelia Hertzberg, environmental protection specialist at the EPA | Virginia

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  When EPA employees engage with communities affected by an environmental disaster, they often face angry and distrustful crowds. These communities are often the ones that have been historically neglected by the federal government, and residents may be dealing with serious health problems. Amelia Hertzberg was training staff to stay calm and engage productively in those situations.

  Hertzberg began working at the EPA in 2022, first as a research fellow and then as a full-time employee in the community engagement department within the environmental justice office. She initially helped communicate the risk that ethylene oxide, a toxic chemical used in sterilization, poses to communities. Then, as the EPA ramped up its efforts to work with historically disadvantaged communities during the Biden administration, she began conducting trainings to help staff understand how to work directly with communities facing trauma.

  “Again and again, I heard, ‘I don’t know how to deal with people’s emotions,’” recalled Hertzberg. “‘There’s things that I can’t help them with that make me upset, and I don’t know what to do with my feelings of stress or theirs.’ And so I was trying to meet that need.”

  In April, the Trump administration announced that it would lay off 280 employees from the EPA’s environmental justice office and reassign an additional 175 people, effectively ending the office altogether. The announcement came after a February notice that placed 170 staff members, including Hertzberg, on administrative leave. Just two of the 11 people on Hertzberg’s community engagement team stayed on, and most of their programs have been canceled. Hertzberg is still on administrative leave.

  “The environmental justice office is the EPA’s triage unit,” Hertzberg said. “The team was part of a nationwide push to build trust with communities so that we could better understand what they needed so that the government could serve communities better.”

  — Naveena Sadasivam

• Disaster recovery

  “We were in constant contact with survivors who were very upset.”

  Julian Nava-Cortez, former California Emergency Response Corps member | California

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  After devastating fires tore through Los Angeles in January, Julian Nava-Cortez traveled from northern California to assist survivors at a disaster recovery center near Altadena, where the Eaton Fire had nearly destroyed the entire neighborhood. People arrived in tears, overwhelmed and angry, he said.

  “We were the first faces that they’d see,” said Nava-Cortez, at the time a member of the California Emergency Response Corps, one of two AmeriCorps programs that sent workers to assist in fire recovery. He guided people to the resources they needed to secure emergency housing, navigate insurance claims, and go through the process of debris removal. He sometimes worked 11-hour, emotionally draining shifts, listening to stories of what survivors had lost. “We were in constant contact with survivors who were very upset,” he said. What kept him going, he said, was how grateful people were for his help.

  Volunteers like Nava-Cortez have helped 47,000 households affected by the fires, according to California Volunteers, the state service commission under the governor’s office. But in late April, Nava-Cortez and his team at the California Emergency Response Corps were suddenly placed on leave. Another program helping with the recovery in L.A., the California AmeriCorps Disaster Team, also abruptly shut down as a result of cuts to AmeriCorps.

  At the end of April, two dozen states, including California, sued the Trump administration over the cuts to AmeriCorps, alleging that DOGE illegally gutted an agency that Congress created and funded. In June, a federal judge temporarily blocked the cuts in those jurisdictions.

  The nonprofit that sponsored Nava-Cortez and his fellow AmeriCorps members offered them temporary jobs 30 days after they were put on leave, though many had already found other work. Nava-Cortez took the offer and worked for another month before the money ran out, but was unable to finish his term, which was supposed to go through the end of July. Since then, he’s been on unemployment, unable to find work ahead of moving to San Jose for school this fall.

  Read more: After disasters, AmeriCorps was everywhere. What happens when it’s gone?

  – Kate Yoder

• Public information

  “There might just be one day you log onto YouTube and none of your favorite creators are there anymore.”

  Emily Graslie, creator of The Brain Scoop YouTube channel | Illinois

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  Emily Graslie creates YouTube videos explaining all kinds of scientific research in fun, easy-to-understand ways. On her channel, The Brain Scoop, she’s covered topics ranging from fossils to rats, often partnering with libraries or museums to tell the story of their work.

  Her next project was going to be with the National Institutes of Health, or NIH, creating videos for The Brain Scoop explaining some of the organization’s groundbreaking medical research. She’d spent a year developing the series with her NIH partners and was supposed to be on campus at the NIH in January of this year to begin shooting. Instead, she received an email telling her that the project was on hold until further notice.

  The acting Health and Human Services secretary had issued a memo within the first days of the Trump administration halting nearly all external communications. “Because I’m considered a member of the media, I was unable to communicate with these people I had been partnering with for over a year,” she said.

  Through an informal meeting with one of her collaborators, she learned that the project was effectively canceled — and with it, money Graslie had been counting on for her livelihood, a slate of planned videos, and what she saw as important work educating viewers about lifesaving science.

  Many people may not realize, Graslie said, that the federal funding that supports scientific research and programming at museums also often covered contracts with independent creators like herself, to help communicate the work to the public.

  “One of the most significant things that The Brain Scoop did is just share the different kinds of work that happens at nature centers and museums across the country,” she said. The loss is “just a limiting of people’s understandings of what they’re capable of, who they want to be when they grow up, how they see the world around them.”

  Read more: Even your favorite YouTube creators are feeling the effects of federal cuts

  — Claire Elise Thompson

  Photo credit: Julie Florio

• Education

  “It’s a huge loss for the 1,000 students that we work with.”

  Sky Hawk Bressette, former restoration educator for the city of Bellingham’s Parks and Recreation Department | Washington

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  For three years, Sky Hawk Bressette served as a restoration educator in the parks department in Bellingham, Washington. With a fellow member of the Washington Service Corps, he worked with the school district to teach nearly every fifth grader in the city about native plants.

  Their free lessons — aligned with state science standards — showed kids how to identify plants, spot invasive species, and understand the role of native flora in the local ecosystem. They also hosted “mini-work parties,” where students got their hands dirty pulling weeds and planting native trees and shrubs, learning how to care for the land around them. “All of our teachers that we work with absolutely love what we do,” Bressette said.

  But that work is now on hold — possibly for good — after federal cuts to AmeriCorps funding. In late April, Bressette received notice that he was being put on unpaid leave, effective immediately. “It’s weird, it’s sad, it’s scary,” he said. “I really do love what I do.” After a judge struck down the cuts in June, he briefly returned to work until his term ended in July. By then, he had already missed the end of the school year, the busiest time for working with students.

  Outside the classroom, Bressette helped organize volunteer work parties that planted thousands of trees and hauled dump trucks’ worth of invasive species out of local parks in Bellingham. But with no guarantee for future funding, the city is eliminating Bressette and his colleague’s positions. That means that the environmental education lessons are likely shut down for at least the next year, Bressette said, while the city weighs whether to bring them back.

  “It’s a huge loss for the 1,000 students that we work with in our city alone,” he said.

  — Kate Yoder

  Photo credit: Allison Greener Grant

• Disaster recovery

  “I lost my job from the fire and here again from this political climate.”

  Ryanda Sarraude, former office administrator at Roots Reborn | Hawai‘i

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  In the summer of 2023, Ryanda Sarraude was working as an account manager at a human resources company serving local businesses in West Maui. When massive wildfires shut down tourism and contaminated the water in her neighborhood, Sarraude was forced to move out of her house and her company laid her off because so many local businesses had shut down.

  Months later, a job opened up at Roots Reborn, a nonprofit organization serving recent immigrants on Maui, and Sarraude was hired as an office administrator. The role was funded by a federal program aimed at helping disaster survivors get back on their feet.

  Lāhainā is home to many immigrant communities from the Philippines, Latin America, and the Pacific islands. Many families who didn’t have bank accounts had hidden cash in their homes that burned down, so the nonprofit launched a financial education workshop. Health issues like depression and asthma shot up in the wake of the fires, so Roots Reborn partnered with Kaiser to help people enroll in health insurance by providing guidance and Spanish interpreters.

  “I wanted to help people,” Sarraude said. “It was very rewarding.” Then in February, Sarraude found out the federal funding for her position had evaporated amid the Trump administration’s crackdown on government spending. Sarraude was among 131 Maui workers who lost their jobs almost overnight across 27 different organizations, even though the nonprofit overseeing their program had expected the federal funding to be renewed for several more months. Around 5 p.m. on a Sunday, Sarraude was told not to show up to work the next day.

  “I lost my job from the fire and here again from this political climate,” Sarraude said. She scrambled to apply to other gigs and a few weeks later landed a lower-paying role as a web administrator for a local business. She likes her new job, but is relying on Medicaid and food stamps and is nervous about what Republicans’ decision to cut funding for those programs will mean for her access to food and health care.

  — Anita Hofschneider

• Food access

  “We want kids to understand where their food comes from. We want them to be able to have that experience of growing their own food.”

  Erica Krug, farm-to-school director at Rooted | Wisconsin

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  First established some 25 years ago in a historically underserved neighborhood in Madison, Wisconsin, that has long struggled with access to healthy food, Mendota Elementary’s garden is now a part of the school’s curriculum — students plant produce, which is shared with local food pantries. Come summer, the garden opens to the surrounding community to harvest crops like garlic, tomatoes, zucchini, collards, and squash.

  “They’re mending the soil one week, and then the next week they’re going to start to see these little seedlings pop through the soil,” said Erica Krug, farm-to-school director at Rooted, a nonprofit that helps oversee the garden.

  In January, the Rooted team applied for a $100,000 two-year grant through the USDA’s Patrick Leahy Farm to School program, intended to provide public schools with locally produced fresh vegetables as well as food and agricultural education, a grant they’d received in past cycles. The program was created in 2010, and Congress allocated $10 million for it this fiscal year.

  In March, Rooted received an email announcing the cancellation of this year’s grant program “in alignment with President Donald Trump’s executive order Ending Radical and Wasteful Government and DEI Programs and Preferencing.”

  The loss of the funds is “so upsetting,” said Krug, and the reasoning provided, she continued, is “ridiculous.” In prior years, Krug said, “we were being asked ‘What are you doing to address equity? To address diversity? How are you making sure your project is for everyone?’ And now we’re going to be penalized for talking about that.”

  The team at Rooted is now working overtime to find other funding sources to continue the work. “We’re not ready to say, without this funding, that we’re going to abandon this program, because we believe so strongly in it,” she said.

  Read more: Trump’s latest USDA cuts undermine his plan to ‘Make America Healthy Again’

  — Ayurella Horn-Muller

• Public information

  “It’s our duty to help protect people and have them understand the risks and understand the tools they can use.”

  Tom Di Liberto, former public affairs specialist at NOAA | Washington, D.C.

  Read more

  For Tom Di Liberto, a climate scientist-turned communications specialist, working at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration fulfilled a dream he had held since elementary school. It was also, he believed, fulfilling an essential function for the American people.

  “I was incredibly proud of being able to work with different communities to help them understand the resources that NOAA has, so they can properly use them in the decisions that they make,” he said. That included working with doctors to help them make better use of the agency’s climate and weather data to understand the shifting probabilities of various medical diagnoses, and reaching out to faith communities to discuss how they could use their gathering spaces to help residents weather extreme heat and other impacts.

  “Those sorts of activities are all done now,” Di Liberto said.

  He lost his job at NOAA on February 27, along with hundreds of his colleagues targeted by the Department of Government Efficiency. By court order, he was rehired in March, but then fired once again in April, he said, when the judge let that order expire. Di Liberto is now working as a media director for the nonprofit Climate Central.

  These workforce reductions have hampered the agency’s research capacity, as well as its ability to share that critical research with the public, Di Liberto said.

  “I think people don’t know that NOAA is beyond just your weather forecast — that NOAA works directly with communities to help build resilience plans for extremes,” he said, adding that, under the new Trump administration, the bulk of that community work “is either threatened or come to a screeching halt.”

  One of the communication projects he was proudest of was launching NOAA’s first animated series — a creative tool to teach climate and weather science to kids. “I have all the episodes downloaded personally on my computer — so if they ever take it down, they’ll go right back up,” he said.

  — Claire Elise Thompson

• Food access

  “This was for important work, representing small- and medium-sized farms, and also trying to leverage the food economy to go faster and further.”

  Anthony Myint, cofounder of Zero Foodprint | Oregon

  Read more

  Anthony Myint’s nonprofit, Zero Foodprint, works across the public and private sectors, sourcing and awarding grants that incentivize the adoption of better farming practices. His goal is to support farmers who are working to build healthier soil, which increases the food system’s resilience to supply chain shocks, improves water quality, and stores carbon.

  A chef-turned-entrepeneur, Myint founded the nonprofit after seeing firsthand how important farming practices are to ensuring a more sustainable planet.

  In April, Myint learned that a $35 million USDA grant his team was a subawardee on had been suddenly canceled. The nonprofit had been awarded roughly $7 million in 2023 as part of a five-year program to help hundreds of farmers and agricultural projects across the country implement production techniques to improve soil quality and crop resilience.

  Myint’s team had been helping award and distribute the funding to roughly 400 projects, like a group of almond producers in California’s Central Valley working to establish composting and nutrient management practices. By the time the project was terminated, only about $800,000 had been awarded to around 50 projects. “We were ramping up to the bulk of work this spring,” said Myint.

  The loss of the funding left “a really big gap.” “We’re using reserves and philanthropy and other things to maintain and sort of shift our growth onto that new available capacity instead of hiring,” said Myint. “We’re essentially frozen.”

  Myint saw the USDA funds as a vital — and successful — incentive to move farms and companies to more sustainable practices. “This was for important work, representing small- and medium-sized farms, and also trying to leverage the food economy to go faster and further … and every single project was negatively impacted.”

  — Ayurella Horn-Muller

• Data and research

  “It’s just about having the info that policymakers need to make decisions. Without it, we’re flying blind.”

  Shane Coffield, former science and technology policy fellow at AAAS | Washington, D.C.

  Read more

  Every year, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, or AAAS, places roughly 150 fellows at various federal agencies. Established in 1973, the Science and Technology Policy Fellowships program provides a pipeline for scientists to enter public service.

  Shane Coffield was one of six fellows placed at the EPA last September. As a researcher with a doctorate in Earth system science, Coffield specializes in various remote sensing techniques and was tasked with working on the National Greenhouse Gas Inventory, an annual accounting of the country’s emissions, which provides a baseline for climate policy and has been published since the early 1990s. The U.S. is also obligated to provide the emissions data every year to a United Nations body that oversees international climate negotiations.

  In April, the agency missed a deadline to release the data, even though Coffield and others at the EPA had finished the report. That month, the agency also terminated its agreement with AAAS that allowed Coffield and five other fellows to work there, four months before their positions were due to end. This year’s report was never officially released, although the information was made public through a FOIA request. It’s unclear if the agency will produce the inventory in 2026.

  The greenhouse gas inventory is “policy agnostic,” said Coffield. “It’s just about having the info that policymakers need to make decisions. Without it, we’re flying blind.”

  During his time at the agency, Coffield also helped other countries such as El Salvador and South Africa build their own greenhouse gas inventories. When the Trump administration instructed staff to drop all foreign aid work in late January, Coffield could not engage with his international counterparts anymore.

  — Naveena Sadasivam

  Photo credit: Courtesy Shane Coffield

• Education

  “There’s a huge need to increase climate literacy, even here in NYC, and now there will be fewer opportunities for it.”

  Rafi Santo, principal researcher at Telos Learning | New York

  Read more

  Last year, Rafi Santo helped launch an education project that aimed to connect young people from climate-impacted communities with scientists and artists to co-create interactive public exhibits. The program — a collaboration between Pratt Institute, Beam Center, and Santo’s organization, Telos Learning — was funded by a National Science Foundation grant focused on bringing STEM learning to new settings and audiences.

  “We have an incredible need to both have the general public understand the mechanisms behind climate change, but also understand what they can do about it,” Santo said. The pop-up exhibits would aim to build climate literacy and awareness of local adaptation efforts in New York.

  Santo, who studies educational frameworks, also wanted to research the significance of giving young people a seat at the table — “helping to better understand how those most affected by the crisis can be meaningfully contributing to its response.”

  The group received around 400 applications. But on April 25, the day they planned to send acceptance letters, they instead found out that their grant had been terminated. The National Science Foundation had announced that it was terminating awards “that are not aligned with program goals or agency priorities.” Hundreds of research grants were canceled.

  Santo’s program was specifically focused on young people in communities of color, which “probably made an easy keyword search for them,” he said.

  It was devastating to see so much passion and so many stories that now won’t get to be shared, Santo said, as well as the loss to the public of the opportunity to engage with climate topics in new ways. For him personally, this would also have been his first climate research initiative — something he had wanted to pursue professionally ever since he experienced a devastating heat wave in 2021. “It feels especially heartbreaking,” he said. “I now don’t know how I might contribute or what kind of projects I might do that can contribute to this work.”

  — Claire Elise Thompson

• Waste and recycling

  “Composting, for me, is a lot about community.”

  Ella Kilpatrick Kotner, compost program director at Groundwork RI | Rhode Island

  Read more

  “Composting, for me, is a lot about community,” said Ella Kilpatrick Kotner, who leads a composting program at Groundwork RI, a nonprofit in Providence, Rhode Island, “and treating this thing that many people think of as a waste as a resource to be cherished and handled with care and turned into something beautiful that we can then reuse to grow more food.”

  Every day, her team of three bikes through the city, collecting food scraps from hundreds of households. Back at a community garden, they mix it all with dry leaves and wood shavings, while sifting out pieces of plastic and even the occasional fork, transforming the waste into a nitrogen-rich conditioner for the soil. That compost is available to those enrolled in Groundwork RI’s subscription service to use in home gardens, yards, or urban farms.

  In December, Groundwork RI was one of nine organizations included in an $18.7 million grant awarded to the Rhode Island Food Policy Council through the Community Change Grants Program, a congressionally authorized program to support community-based organizations addressing environmental justice challenges.

  A portion of the three-year funding was intended to help Groundwork RI expand its collection service to neighboring cities, build a bigger compost hub, renovate its greenhouse and pay-what-you-can farm stand, and add composting bin systems to more local community gardens. It also would have made it possible for Kilpatrick Kotner’s team to launch a free food-scrap collection pilot with the city.

  During Trump’s first term, his administration committed to ambitious food waste reduction goals. This time, after months of uncertainty, the partners involved in the Rhode Island food-waste project learned in May that their grant was terminated. The EPA’s official notice, shared with Grist, informed the grantees that their project was “no longer consistent” with the federal agency’s funding priorities and therefore nullified “effective immediately.”

  Read more: An $18M grant would have drastically reduced food waste. Then the EPA cut it.

  – Ayurella Horn-Muller

  Photo credit: Charlotte Canner / Groundwork RI

• Health and safety

  “We have wastewater infrastructure that is old. It’s critical that we do the work to replace this.”

  Sheryl Sealy, assistant city manager for Thomasville | Georgia

  Read more

  Thomasville, Georgia, has a water problem. Its treatment system is far out of date, posing serious health and environmental risks — not just the risk of sewage overflowing into homes and waterways, but resulting respiratory issues as well.

  “We have wastewater infrastructure that is old,” said Sheryl Sealy, the assistant city manager for this city of 18,881 near the Florida border. “It’s critical that we do the work to replace this.”

  Earlier this year, Thomasville and its partners were awarded a nearly $20 million Community Change grant from the EPA to make the long-overdue wastewater improvements, build a resilience hub and health clinic, and upgrade homes in several historic neighborhoods.

  “The grant itself was really a godsend for us,” Sealy said.

  Thomasville has a history of heavy industry that has led to high risks from toxic air pollution, and the city qualified for the Biden administration’s Justice40 initiative, which prioritized funding for disadvantaged communities.

  In early April, as the EPA canceled grants for similar projects across the country, federal officials assured Thomasville that its funding was on track. Then, on May 1, the city received a termination notice. “We felt, you know, a little taken off guard when the bottom did let out for us,” said Sealy.

  Under the Trump administration, the EPA has canceled or interrupted hundreds of grants aimed at improving health and severe weather preparedness because the agency “determined that the grant applications no longer support administration priorities,” according to an emailed statement to Grist.

  Thomasville, along with other cities that have had grants terminated, is appealing the decision.

  Read more: Trump cuts hundreds of EPA grants, leaving cities on the hook for climate resiliency

  — Emily Jones

• Disaster recovery

  “I come home and I’m exhausted and I’ve got cat poop all over me, but it was just such a rewarding feeling.”

  Susan “Lala” Caballero, former humanitarian at the Maui Humane Society | Hawai‘i

  Read more

  Susan Caballero wasn’t living in Lāhainā the day that the West Maui town burned down on August 8, 2023. But the devastating wildfire brought the island’s tourism industry to a screeching halt. A day later, Caballero was laid off from her job as a salesperson at a boutique handicrafts store 45 minutes away.

  Within months, federal funding to help wildfire survivors poured in and the Biden administration released a federal grant specifically to help displaced workers. It was through that funding that Caballero got hired at the Maui Humane Society. Her job was caring for cats: feeding them, giving them medicine, persuading families to adopt them.

  There are 40,000 stray cats on Maui that need homes, about one cat for every four people living on the island. Residents often abandon their cats because there’s so little pet-friendly housing. It’s a massive challenge with terrible environmental consequences: Parasites in feral cat poop contaminate the ocean, killing endangered monk seals. Caballero felt proud using her sales skills to persuade families to take the creatures home, once successfully adopting out a 20-year-old feline.

  “It’s just an amazing feeling, I come home and I’m exhausted and I’ve got cat poop all over me, but it was just such a rewarding feeling,” Caballero said.

  In February, Caballero was hospitalized after a moped accident. She was lying in her hospital bed when she learned that she was out of a job. The state of Hawaiʻi had expected the federal grant supporting her position and 130 others to be renewed at least through September, but in February the state learned that, at best, the new administration would only offer half of what had been requested. Confronted with uncertain funding, the state shut down the program.

  “I was only making $23 an hour. I’m 58 years old,” she said. “I have to laugh because that’s all I can do and that hurts.”

  Five months later, she’s still physically recovering and isn’t sure what’s next. Her rent just went up to $1,582 per month, and her disability check will no longer cover it.

  — Anita Hofschneider

• Food access

  “This is a blow to our entire food system.”

  Robbi Mixon, executive director of the Alaska Food Policy Council | Alaska

  Read more

  Three years ago, the Alaska Food Policy Council, or AFPC, partnered with a handful of other food and farming groups to apply for the Regional Food Business Center program — a new initiative launched by the Biden administration to expand and build localized food supply chains. In May 2023, it was selected by the USDA as a sub-awardee to help create one of 12 national centers established through the initiative, leading the Alaska arm of the Islands and Remote Areas Regional Food Business Center.

  Ever since, Robbi Mixon, the AFPC’s executive director, and her team have devoted countless hours to developing the center, an online hub to help farm and food ventures connect with local and regional markets. Her team had planned to give out $1.6 million in grant awards — representing a direct investment in over 50 businesses over the next three years — and use another $1.4 million for training over 1,000 individuals statewide.

  In January, their funding was frozen by the new administration, and for the last six months, their funding pot has continued to remain inaccessible. On July 15, the USDA finally announced it was shuttering the program.

  “This is a blow to our entire food system,” said Mixon. The center “was a catalytic opportunity” to build capacity for small businesses across the state, she said. “Its loss disrupts food security planning, economic development, and supply chain resilience.”

  Mixon’s team had been planning to use their funding to support the creation of fresh produce markets in rural Alaska, training to help remote communities learn how to start home-based food businesses, and grant-sourcing for those in fishing and aquaculture industries, among other initiatives.

  “Food security is national security,” she said. “Just because this funding goes away, the need certainly does not.”
  
  — Ayurella Horn-Muller

• Energy costs

  “I’ll find the money, if I have to. I’ll win the lottery and spend the money on cheaper power.”

  John Christensen, Port Heiden tribal president | Alaska

  Read more

  In Port Heiden, Alaska, home to a small fishing community of Alutiiq peoples, the diesel fuel they need to power their lifestyle costs almost four times the national average.

  “Electricity goes up, diesel goes up, every year. And wages don’t,” said John Christensen, Port Heiden’s tribal president. “We live on the edge of the world. And it’s just tough.” Christensen and his son are among those who will spend the summer hauling in thousands of pounds of fish each day to sell to seafood processing companies.

  In 2015, the community built its own fish processing plant, a way to keep more fishing income in the village. But the building has never been operational — they simply can’t afford to power it.

  The tribe planned to use a $300,000 grant to pay for studies to design two hydropower plants, which Christensen sees as a path to cheaper and cleaner energy. In theory, the plants could power the entirety of Port Heiden.

  The money was coming from Climate United, a national investment fund selected to participate in the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund, a project of the Inflation Reduction Act. Now, the fund has become a particular target in the Trump administration’s efforts to eliminate climate programs. The EPA froze all grants, calling the fund “criminal” and leaving $20 billion in limbo.

  As it awaits the outcome of its lawsuit filed against the EPA and Trump, Climate United is exploring other options, including issuing the money as a loan rather than a grant. For his part, Christensen said he has lost what little faith he had in federal funding and has begun brainstorming other ways to get his community off diesel.

  “We’ll figure it out,” he said. “I’ll find the money, if I have to. I’ll win the lottery, and spend the money on cheaper power.”

  Read more: This Alaska Native fishing village was trying to power their town. Then came Trump’s funding cuts.

  — Ayurella Horn-Muller

  Photo credit: Courtesy John Christensen

• Food access

  “Our people are hurting, and our people are hungry.”

  Sylvia Crum, director of development at Appalachian Sustainable Development | Virginia

  Read more

  In March, Appalachian Sustainable Development, a nonprofit food hub, was forced to shutter its food-box program. The program provided fresh produce to Appalachia residents in need, and income to 40 farmers who supplied that produce.

  A $1.5 million USDA grant that was supporting the program was being delayed, and the team learned they may end up being reimbursed only a portion of the money. Then, another of the local food system programs they were counting on for future funding was suddenly terminated by the USDA.

  For director of development Sylvia Crum, the situation was “heartbreaking.” But there was no other choice. “We don’t have the money,” said Crum. It costs roughly $30,000 to fill the 2,000 or so boxes that, up until March 7, the organization distributed every week.

  For decades, the USDA has funded several programs that are meant to address the country’s rising food-insecurity crisis. A network of nonprofit food banks, pantries, and hubs around the country, like Appalachian Sustainable Development, rely extensively on government funding, particularly through the USDA. Most of these programs continue to face funding freezes or have been cut altogether.

  Food insecurity has long been a widespread problem across Appalachia. Residents in parts of Kentucky, for example, grapple with rates of food insecurity that are more than double the national average. In the last year alone, a barrage of devastating disasters has magnified the issue, said Crum, causing local demand for the nonprofit’s donation program to reach new highs. Just in February, the region was hit hard by torrential rain and flash floods.

  “[This region] has really dealt with so much, with the recent hurricanes and mudslides and tornadoes. And our farmers are hurting, and our people are hurting, and our people are hungry,” Crum said. “It’s an emotional roller coaster for everybody.”

  Read more: ‘Our people are hungry’: What federal food aid cuts mean in a warming world

  — Ayurella Horn-Muller and Naveena Sadasivam

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline They lost their jobs and funding under Trump. What did communities lose? on Jul 24, 2025.

Zoe Jonick didn’t think she was asking for much when she went before the Oakland City Council with what she considered a simple request: Urge the California state legislature to vote yes on a bill requiring the state to study the feasibility of ditching Pacific Gas & Electric and embracing public power.

It didn’t seem unreasonable, given that the nearby cities of San Francisco, Berkeley, and Richmond had done exactly that in recent months. What Jonick, an organizer with the climate organization 350 Bay Area, and others backing the move wanted the city to do was push state lawmakers to support SB 332. The legislation would explore alternatives to investor-owned utilities and introduce safety and equity measures to improve service. “We’re not being prescriptive and saying what exactly a not-for-profit system would look like,” she said. 

Yet this proved to be too much for the City Council, even if dozens of residents spoke out against the utility — which employs more than 8,000 people in Oakland — during a tense council meeting last week. The legislation, which also would have urged regulators to link utility executive compensation to power reliability and grid safety, was pulled from the agenda by a procedural maneuver. “It seems like a number of the council members have not had an opportunity to meet with both sides,” said Kevin Jenkins, the council president.

It was the latest setback in a nationwide campaign to replace investor-owned utilities with publicly owned operations. Advocates argue such a move would lead to cheaper, more reliable power and greater say for residents in how electricity is generated. Despite some victories here and there — Winter Park, Florida, and Jefferson County, Washington, have flipped the switch, and some nonprofit utilities, like California’s Sacramento Municipal Utility District, are many decades old — they’re fighting an uphill battle. Voters in Maine rejected switching to public power in 2023, an effort to do so in San Diego stalled amid skepticism from city leaders, and the city council in Ann Arbor, Michigan voted down a feasibility study proposal five months ago.

Those hoping to see Oakland join the fight come from the climate and environmental justice world. People of color comprise about 70 percent of the population, and almost 14 percent of the city’s 438,000 people live at or below the federal poverty line, leaving them burdened by utility debt. Critics of the utility, known locally at PG&E, also say the for-profit model disincentivizes maintenance and upgrades. That lack of upkeep contributed to faulty equipment sparking at least 31 fires, which killed 113 people, between 2017 and 2022.

Oakland council member Carroll Fife sponsored the measure in support of Senate Bill 332, the Investor-Owned Utilities Accountability Act. Beyond calling for a feasibility study, the bill ties executive bonuses to affordability metrics and requires all utilities to publish disconnection data on their websites. California’s utility bills are the second-priciest in the nation, and Fife said people in her district have experienced six rate hikes and frequent cutoffs in the past year — even as PG&E’s CEO earned $17 million.

“When I’m hearing that one ZIP code in my district in West Oakland has double-digit shutoffs for energy costs, I get concerned,” Fife said. “There are several neighborhoods in Oakland where at least 10 percent of the population has had their power cut off and remains without access to power.”

Critics say public power doesn’t necessarily mean cleaner power: Nebraska, the only state served entirely by a public utility, gets most of its electricity from coal. They also argue that the process of transforming a large utility system into a nonprofit would be time-intensive and expensive, and that they could cost electrical workers their jobs. But those weren’t the primary concerns constituents brought to Fife in voicing their reservations: She said Oaklanders were afraid that PG&E grant funding to local nonprofits would be cut off. 

Read Next Utilities are shutting off power to a growing number of households Akielly Hu

The company, which provides power to about 16 million people throughout California, is Oakland’s second-largest employer, and it recently spent $900 million relocating to Oakland. The utility also is a big philanthropic player — it provided nearly 1,000 grants throughout the state totaling $36 million last year, and spent $3.5 million on Oakland nonprofits in particular.  Fife said nonprofit leaders she’s known for “two, three decades” said they supported her resolution but feared losing funding over it. (None of them spoke at the July 15 council meeting.) 

“The lobbyists for PG&E were telling people that I specifically was trying to push PG&E out of Oakland, that I would be responsible for a lack of charitable giving to nonprofits in my district and in the city,” she said. 

A PG&E representative, in an emailed statement, said the company “did not, and would not, suggest that we would pull our charitable support.” 

“We stand ready to continue to listen to the concerns of City Council members and citizens, and we look forward to continuing to work with city officials on tangible efforts to advance energy equity, climate resilience, and public safety.” 

The company representative did not comment on SB 332, but the company made the its thoughts clear during a Senate hearing in May: “SB 332 proposes sweeping changes without fully accounting for existing regulatory safeguards or the operational complexities of transforming the state’s energy infrastructure,” a PG&E lobbyist told lawmakers. 

PG&E’s response speaks to the vehemence with which investor-owned utilities fight to maintain their hold over energy. When advocates of public power in Maine managed to get a referendum on the ballot, the state’s two dominant utilities spent more than $40 million to oppose it, outspending its advocates 34 to 1 and handily defeating the measure.

Even if Oakland’s resolution is out of play for now, the city’s public-power advocates aren’t done. As SB 332 continues moving through the legislature, “We’re also building this movement from the ground up,” Jonick said. That might look like more community workshops, or more city council resolutions. Above all, it’ll look like neighbors talking to each other. “No matter what, we’re going to be pushing to build community understanding that another way is possible, and we can fight the utility monopolies’ hold on us.”

Correction: This story originally misspelled Carroll Fife’s first name, and has been updated to reflect the latest version of SB 332.

toolTips('.classtoolTips4','The process of reducing the emission of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases that drive climate change, most often by deprioritizing the use of fossil fuels like oil and gas in favor of renewable sources of energy.');

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The national fight for public power comes to Oakland on Jul 24, 2025.

Like so much of an iceberg is hidden underwater, much of a tree is hidden underground. While the trunk and branches and leaves sequester planet-warming carbon dioxide, trees and other plants have long formed subterranean alliances with mycorrhizal fungi, which intertwine with their roots to establish a mutually beneficial trade network. In exchange for helping everything from oaks to redwoods find water and essential nutrients like nitrogen, the fungi get energy, in the form of carbon that their partners have pulled from the atmosphere. 

A whole lot of carbon, in fact: Worldwide, some 13 billion tons of CO2 flows from plants to mycorrhizal fungi every year — about a third of humanity’s emissions from fossil fuels — not to mention the CO2 they help trees capture by growing big and strong. Yet when you hear about campaigns to conserve and plant more trees to slow climate change, you don’t hear about the mycorrhizal fungi. Humanity may be missing the forest for the trees, in other words, in part because without going somewhere and digging, it’s hard to tell what mycorrhizal species are associating with what plants in a given ecosystem.

Mycorrhizal fungi in Italy’s Apennine Mountains Seth Carnill

A new research project is trying to change that. The Society for the Protection of Underground Networks, or SPUN, has launched the Underground Atlas, an interactive tool that maps mycorrhizal fungi diversity around the world. It’s a resource for scientists and conservationists to better understand where to focus on protecting these species so they can keep sequestering carbon and provide other critical services in ecosystems. “We’ve known for a long time that these mycorrhizal fungi are very important in ecosystems, and that they exist all over the planet and partner with lots of different plants,” said fungal ecologist Michael Van Nuland, lead data scientist at SPUN and lead author of a new paper describing the work in the journal Nature. “But it’s been hard to match that sense of scale with large datasets or large-scale, high-resolution maps.”

To build this atlas, Van Nuland and his colleagues didn’t visit every square foot of vegetation on Earth and take soil samples, because they didn’t have to. Instead, they analyzed the DNA of mycorrhizal fungi samples from 130 countries. Because they knew the conditions where the samples were taken — local temperatures, precipitation, vegetation type, even the pH of the soil — they could teach a computer model to associate those characteristics with different species of fungi. 

SPUN

Now the system could predict what mycorrhizal species should live in a given place, even if scientists haven’t been at that exact spot to collect a sample. In the map above, brighter colors indicate a greater diversity of a group known as ectomycorrhizal fungi, which grow as sheaths around roots. Notice the glowing areas in the far north, which include boreal forests. “It is nice to see that their model recapitulates the patterns that we mostly know to expect of high diversity in those temperate boreal regions,” said fungal ecologist Laura M. Bogar, who studies ectomycorrhizal fungi at the University of California, Davis, but wasn’t involved in the research.

SPUN

The map above inverts that dynamic. It shows the predicted richness of the second group, the arbuscular mycorrhizal fungi. (You can play with the map here. To toggle between the two groups, hit the button at lower right.) Instead of encasing the roots, these penetrate them. Notice their species richness beyond the boreal forests, especially in the tropics. Interestingly, an arbuscular fungi hot spot isn’t the Amazon rainforest, but the adjacent savanna in Brazil. “When you think where the hottest hot spots on the planet for biodiversity are, most people are going to think about the Amazon rainforest,” Van Nuland said. “But for this type of mycorrhizal fungal group, that’s in the surrounding ecosystem.”

Scientists are still working out what influences the global distribution of ectomycorrhizal and arbuscular fungi. Complicating matters, though, is the fact that the two groups can overlap in the same environments. Bogar, for instance, works in Northern California with Douglas fir trees, which have ectomycorrhizal fungi, and redwoods, which have arbuscular fungi. “Even though to me standing on the ground, they both look like just really tall, beautiful trees that probably have similar ecology,” Bogar said. “From the perspective of a fungus interacting with their roots, they’re profoundly different.”

Scientists taking samples in Tierra del Fuego, Chile Mateo Barrenengoa

Globally, the researchers found that just 9.5 percent of fungal biodiversity hot spots lie within existing protected areas. If an area is deforested to make way for cattle grazing — a particularly acute problem in the Amazon — mycorrhizal fungi lose the partners they need for energy, and the planet loses a powerful symbiosis that naturally draws down carbon into soils. Without a robust population of fungi, nutrients leech out of the system, and soil erosion increases. “There are all these other cascading benefits, beyond just how much carbon physically goes into the bodies of the fungi,” Van Nuland said.

Not only do mycorrhizal fungi have to deal with humans degrading their habitats, but the climate around them is rapidly changing. Van Nuland and his colleagues included historical data in their model, which found that climates that were stable over long periods allowed unique and rare symbioses to evolve between plants and fungi. With the atmosphere now in flux — both with rising temperatures and worsening droughts — those unique symbioses may be at risk, imperiling both plant and mycorrhizal fungus. 

Equipped with the atlas, scientists might be able to better prioritize where they venture in the field to study the fungi, Bogar said. Van Nuland, meanwhile, is trying to determine the best way to conserve these essential fungi, especially the biodiversity hot spots popping up on the map. “We don’t know if the same protection strategies work for mycorrhizal fungi like they do for plant and animal biodiversity,” Van Nuland said. “We are actively researching that right now.”

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline There’s a surprising climate solution right under your feet on Jul 24, 2025.

Across Europe and beyond, trans rights are the subject of political backlash and negative media coverage. At the same time, the efforts of transgender people to claim a narrative of empowerment have largely been unsuccessful. How can we appreciate the life experience of transgender individuals in all its positive aspects without stumbling into the pitfalls of pathologisation, victimisation, or mystification?

Aria doesn’t hesitate when asked if she is happy with her choice to come out as transgender. Gender transition, says the 27-year-old woman from Brussels, is “the best thing that’s ever happened” to her, “contrary to what some people might think”.

Coming out as transgender to those close to her four years ago has enabled Aria to live her identity more freely. “I’ve regained a taste for life, so to speak,” is how she sums up her experience.

The umbrella term “transgender” refers to people whose gender identity is different from the one assigned at birth. Although they now appear regularly both on television and in legislatures, transgender people remain largely misunderstood by cisgender people – those who identify with the same gender identity as the one assigned to them when they were born.

Marion (the name has been changed) is a 31-year-old education assistant based in France who considers themself non-binary. For them, “being trans means not understanding the concept of gender in the first place, and above all not wanting to conform to it.” They also see it as a way to be themself and to feel more like themself. “I’ve gained a greater sense of balance. When I realised I was non-binary, I felt like everything became clearer, and it was very calming. It allowed me to understand and explain a lot of situations from my past and childhood, and to stop telling myself that I’m weird or abnormal.”

Mainstream media and politicians often only present a stereotyped account of trans identity. It is commonly reduced to either medical transition (which itself does not concern all transgender people) or to questions of discrimination and access to the law. Much less attention is paid to the concrete reality of the existence of trans people and the intimate experience it represents. Indeed, public figures all too often use hateful and dehumanising rhetoric to call into question the right of transgender people to exist.

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READ & ORDER Discrimination on the rise

In recent years, Europe has seen a campaign against trans rights. On 16 April, the UK Supreme Court ruled that the legal definition of a woman is based on biological sex. Although it was argued that transgender rights were still protected under the Equality Act 2010, some organisations pointed out the far-reaching implications of the decision, warning that trans women’s access to single-sex services and spaces could be jeopardised.

The Supreme Court’s ruling, hailed by prime minister Keir Starmer’s Labour government for bringing “clarity” (although it is still considered by some to be extremely vague in its application), was the culmination of an intense lobbying campaign by the trans-exclusionary feminist organisation For Women Scotland.

Such a decision is especially significant as it comes amid an ongoing culture war that has seen highly public controversies like the publication of the Cass review, which criticised the National Health Service’s medical assistance to trans youth, or the scandal surrounding the boxer Imane Khelif. High-profile individuals like Elon Musk and J. K. Rowling, who use their wealth and influence to attack gender minorities across the globe, have weighed in on the “debate on gender”. At the same time, the media sometimes repeats far-right talking points uncritically, thus playing a fundamental role in a political backlash with very real consequences for trans people.

In Hungary, a law introduced in 2021 barred organisations from sharing LGBT-related information with minors in schools and the media. In 2024, the French Senate adopted a bill banning hormone treatments for under-18s and strictly controlling puberty blockers. The government disapproved of the text, and it is still unclear whether Parliament will examine it.

And things are no better across the Atlantic: executive orders signed by Donald Trump banned trans people from the military and women’s sports.

Across Europe, transgender people are also facing increasing insecurity. In 2023, 14 per cent of LGBTQIA+ people surveyed by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) said they had been physically or sexually assaulted because of their gender identity or sexual orientation in the five years preceding the survey – three percentage points more than in 2019. If we only consider the statistics related to transgender people, this rate rises to 20 per cent (compared to 17 per cent in 2019).

Across Europe, transgender people are also facing increasing insecurity.

As the FRA summed up its findings, “overall, the survey results show that LGBTIQ people, and in particular trans and intersex groups, continue to experience hate-motivated violence and direct and indirect discrimination and victimisation, despite the protection afforded by EU law.” Moreover, for several years now, there have been habitual (and growing) attacks on the rights of LGBTQIA+ people by actors on the right and far right, jeopardising the gains made in the fight for trans rights.

In its annual report for 2024, the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA) reports a sharp increase in hate speech against LGBTQIA+ people, particularly by public figures and institutions. The report reveals a paradox: on the one hand, public acceptance of sexual and gender minorities is slowly but surely increasing in Europe, and some governments are facilitating changes in civil status. On the other hand, access to healthcare, family recognition, freedom of association, and housing are becoming more complex issues for LGBTQIA+ people. ILGA also notes an increase in “scare tactics around sex education […] with the far right and other actors instrumentalising children in anti-LGBTI arguments and sowing division amongst young people and parents”.

For Aria, this growing insecurity is cause for worry. Even though she has not personally been attacked for being trans, Aria acknowledges that she could face harassment or abuse in the future. At the same time, she thinks that the increasing publicity of the debate on trans rights (and what some falsely depict as a “trans epidemic”) is what is fuelling the backlash: “It seems that for people, because it’s more publicised, trans identity is new and that a lot of people are trans, but that’s not true,” she says. “It’s a small minority, which we have to defend. A minority that has the right to exist.”

Marion also confesses to being scared. “Not for myself […] but for my loved ones; and I think we always worry more about others than we do about ourselves. In the same way, the decline in abortion rights in some countries has worried me a lot, but it seems far away because in my immediate circle I only have people who are safe, and the danger doesn’t seem to be in my daily life.” Still, they perceive a growing threat: “I feel like things are getting worse,” they say, pointing to “a really bad backlash; and I feel sorry for trans people in countries where it’s getting really horrible. Selfishly, I’m crossing my fingers that it stays as far away from [France] as possible.”

Fighting back

Despite the challenges discrimination has brought to the LGBTQIA+ community, it has also served as a powerful motor for defiance and civic engagement. For instance, in Hungary, where Viktor Orbán’s governing Fidesz party has long made the suppression of gender minority rights a centrepiece of its ongoing power grab, people responded to the banning of Pride by organising the largest pro-LGBTQIA+ march in the country’s history. Over 100,000 people took part in the event in open defiance of the ban.

Aria says she would like to protest, but a physical disability prevents her from doing so. And for her part, Marion remains confident. “Even if politicians try to isolate us and ruin our lives, I think we can fight back, and that’s also important: not staying alone, not leaving people alone.” Marion tries to communicate this resolve in their work as a teaching assistant in a French high school, making sure that the young queer people under their responsibility “feel heard and know that they have the right to exist, and that it is beautiful and wonderful to be yourself and to be surrounded by people who care about you. And that it’s okay to be different from what society wants us to be.”

For Marion, the fight for the rights of gender minorities has already led to positive change: “I feel that even if what is visible publicly, like the media or political decisions, is transphobic, there is an improvement in the perception of non-queer people.”

Beyond their collective benefits, grassroots movements by LGBTQIA+ people can also be individually empowering. A 2023 study looking at the psychological consequences of such collective efforts found that “activism […] may facilitate the development of resilience in LGBTQ+ people.” Coming together and standing up for one’s rights may promote “identity affirmation […] or the positive regard toward one’s identity”, thus promoting “LGBTQ+ identity development […] and wellbeing”.

Still, there is a long way to go before sexual and gender minorities are fully accepted in Europe, and the victories that some activists have won often come at a great cost. The challenges that come with activism can also be mentally harmful. Frustration, anxiety, and direct attacks are commonplace.

Pathologisation and self-determination

The first European country to allow transgender people to change their civil status was Sweden in 1972. At the time, this change could only be made on the condition of having undergone gender-affirmation surgery.

When states authorise the modification of a person’s legal gender, it is often linked to a psycho-medical vision of the lives of transgender people. To be recognised as a transgender person under the law means ticking a number of boxes: having received a psychological diagnosis, hormonal treatment, surgery, or even sterilisation.

Despite scientific consensus – which is for many people the only factor that lends legitimacy to trans identity – on the fact that being trans is a natural and healthy expression of human diversity, transgender people are often portrayed as mentally ill, their feelings ignored and their right to self-determination called into question. This has pushed more and more activists to call for trans experiences to be depathologised. Only eight European countries allow gender self-determination: Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Ireland, Luxembourg, Malta, Portugal and Spain. By contrast, two European countries prohibit altogether any change of civil status: Bulgaria and Hungary.

But what is often absent from discussions on protecting the rights of transgender individuals is the potential to create positive change for society as a whole. “I think society has a lot to gain from including and understanding trans people”, Marion argues. “There is so much dysfunction and misery associated with the gender binary. To stop viewing gender as two boxes could help prevent people from suffering because of their gender. I’m talking mainly about women here, who experience sexism on a daily basis, but more generally about all people who experience patriarchy.”

For Marion, understanding trans identity means understanding that gender is not binary – and that no one has to fit into “one of the two boxes that society forces us into”.

“On top of that, society always wins when it stops discriminating and becomes more open and welcoming”, they continue. “In any case, I’m not interested in a world that isn’t.”

While trans people’s stories have gained in subtlety since the early 2010s, they remain steeped in the weight of suffering.

“A story told by others”

In public discourse and in the media, much of the debate on trans rights is rife with familiar, well-rehearsed clichés, and transgender people have found it hard to claim a grand narrative focusing on the experiences and individualities of the people concerned. “In 2015, over 96 per cent of transgender people surveyed were somewhat dissatisfied or not at all satisfied with the way the subject was covered in the media,” says Arnaud Alessandrin, a gender sociologist at the University of Bordeaux. Although they are more visible in the media today, trans people still feel that the discourse concerning them remains stigmatising and discriminatory even when it is not openly hateful, he notes.

And when trans identity does get people talking, it is rarely done in a way that trans people would approve of. “We’ve noticed that what interests us most is the political dimension of trans identity,” says Alessandrin, pointing to issues such as access to the law, change of marital status, etc. This is also visible in stories that have an “embodied dimension”, meaning that they delve into the “biographical account of a celebrity, his or her life story”. Personal stories are often structured as life journeys, featuring a before-and-after narrative of transition. Such a “sensational” approach, Alessandrin adds, leaves little room for more intimate issues, such as schooling for trans people or their relationship with ageing. Still, he notes that these subjects have started to get more attention than in the past.

“Trans identity is a story told by others,” the researcher says. And when this tale is told to the general public by cisgender people, it cannot escape the subjectivity of the person recounting it. “This storytelling is often accompanied by familiar language, such as ‘the wrong body’, ‘suffering’, and the idea of ‘mourning’.” These words were not necessarily used by the transgender people interviewed in Alessandrin’s study.

While trans people’s stories have gained in subtlety since the early 2010s, they remain steeped in the weight of suffering: the psychological pain, the medical burden, or the impact of discrimination. These are all legitimate considerations, but they may hinder more positive interpretations of transition. “We’re more interested in the question of discrimination and suffering than in the actual experience of discrimination, which is what can lead to feelings of indignation and then to militancy; something that has been little explored,” says Alessandrin.

This dispossession of the narrative goes hand in hand, the researcher argues, with a “polarisation” of trans identity. “Transgender people are [either victims] or heroic, courageous, beautiful, subversive,” he says. “We end up attaching a subversiveness to people who didn’t ask for it.”

In her essay Whipping Girl: A Transsexual Woman on Sexism and the Scapegoating of Femininity (2020), author and activist Julia Serano criticises what she calls the “mystification of trans people”. She defines this as a process consisting of “so strongly endorsing the idea of a taboo nature attributed to ‘sex change’ that we lose sight of the fact that transsexuality [this term employed by Serano is itself controversial today] is quite real, tangible and often commonplace for those of us who experience it directly”. For this American thinker, “there’s nothing fascinating about transsexuality. For many of us, it’s simply a reality.” In her view, making transgender people a subject of mystery only serves to emphasise their “artificiality”: the gender assigned at birth is imagined to be “natural” in contrast to the illusory one in which trans people live their day-to-day lives.

But how can we create an understanding of trans identity as a positive affirmation of self when, as Arnaud Alessandrin mentions, media narratives about transgender people sideline the day-to-day issues and realities they experience?

“We rarely talk about the intertwined dimension of subjectivity”, Alessandrin laments. Not all experiences fit into a standard media canon. “The best way to combat this is to give a voice to trans people in the plural”, he concludes. “To understand this subjectivity, this multiplicity”.

For centuries, the Native people of North America used controlled burns to manage the continent's forests. In an e360 interview, ecologist Lori Daniels talks about the long history of Indigenous burning and why the practice must be restored to protect against catastrophic fires.

Read more on E360 →

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CLEARWATER, Minn. (July 23, 2025) — The National Audubon Society is proud to announce the Thousand Hills Lifetime Grazed Farm, located near Clearwater, Minnesota, and owned and operated by Matt...

On this episode of The Beautiful Idea, we speak with several authors and organizers, marking six months into the second Trump administration coming to power. During our multiple discussions, we look at the recent deployment of the military into Los Angeles, CA, the ramping up of ICE raids and arrests across the US, and the passing of the Republican so-called “Big Beautiful Bill,” which ear-marks billions for war and the deportation machine, while cutting taxes on the ultra-wealthy and corporations, and slashing social services, health-care, and food assistance for the poor. Already, which has lead to rural hospitals being threatened with closure as food banks struggle to keep up with demand.

In this episode you will hear from:

• Silky Shaw, the executive director of the Detention Watch Network, and author of Unbuild Walls: Why Immigrant Justice Needs Abolition, from Haymarket Books. Shaw talks about the rapid acceleration of deportations under Trump and the construction of new detention facilities, such as the newly built concentration camp, Alligator Alcatraz.
• Jessica Pishko, author of The Highest Law in the Land: How the Unchecked Power of Sheriffs Threatens Democracy, breaks down the interplay between police and ICE, as well as the brutal violence deployed by law enforcement during recent demonstrations in Los Angeles.
• Kristian Williams, author of Our Enemies and Blue: Police and Power in America, takes on the role of counter-insurgency in the Trump administration, the weaponization of fascist spectacle, and the growth of conspiracy theories within protest movements.
• Vicky Osterweil, author of In Defense of Looting and a member of Collective of Anarchist Writers (CAW), breaks down the recently passed Republican budget bill, and talks about its potential impact in our communities and ways in which we can push back.

As anger continues to build in the streets, we hope this discussion shines a light on the contours and context of the building social war being waged against poor and working people across the US.

MUSIC: 

Intro music by Breakaway and Seaside Tryst

Filastine & Nova – Requiem 432

Neurosis – The Doorway

Photo by Dan Seddon on Unsplash

by Mark Olalde / Pro Publica

Josh Dini, left, and Gary McKinney, a member of a group opposing the Thacker Pass lithium mine in northern Nevada, pass Sentinel Rock on a 2024 prayer ride to raise awareness of mining’s impacts on the environment and cultural resources. Credit:David Calvert/The Nevada Independent

Ka’ila Farrell-Smith grew up in a community that was deeply involved in the fight for Indigenous rights, protesting broken treaties and other mistreatment of Native American people. Members of the movement, she said, understood that law enforcement agencies were surveilling their activities.

“I’ve been warned my entire life, ‘The FBI’s watching us,’” said Farrell-Smith, a member of the Klamath Tribes in Oregon.

Government records later confirmed wide-ranging FBI surveillance of the movement in the 1970s, and now the agency is focused on her and a new generation of Indigenous activists challenging development of a mine in northern Nevada. Farrell-Smith advises the group People of Red Mountain, which opposes a Canadian company’s efforts to tap what it says is one of the world’s largest lithium deposits.

Law enforcement agencies, including the FBI, have for years worked alongside private mine security to surveil the largely peaceful protesters who oppose the mine, called Thacker Pass, according to more than 2,000 pages of internal law enforcement communications reviewed by ProPublica. Officers and agents have tracked protesters’ social media, while the mining company has gathered video from a camera above a campsite protesters set up on public land near the mine. An FBI joint terrorism task force in Reno met in June 2022 “with a focus on Thacker Pass,” the records also show, and Lithium Americas — the main company behind the mine — hired a former FBI agent specializing in counterterrorism to develop its security plan.

“We’re out there doing ceremony and they’re surveilling us,” Farrell-Smith said.

“They treat us like we’re domestic terrorists,” added Chanda Callao, an organizer with People of Red Mountain.

All told, about 10 agencies have monitored the mine’s opponents. In addition to the FBI, those agencies include the Bureau of Land Management, Humboldt County Sheriff’s Office, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Nevada State Police Highway Patrol, Winnemucca Police Department and Nevada Threat Analysis Center, the records show.

Andrew Ferguson, who studies surveillance technology at the American University Washington College of Law, called the scrutiny of Indigenous and environmental protesters as potential terrorists “chilling.”

“It obviously should be concerning to activists that anything they do in their local area might be seen in this broad-brush way of being a federal issue of terrorism or come under the observation of the FBI and all of the powers that come with it,” Ferguson said.

The FBI did not respond to requests for comment. The Bureau of Land Management, which coordinated much of the interagency response, declined to comment. Most of the law enforcement activity has focused on monitoring, and one person has been arrested to date as a result of the protests.

Mike Allen, who served as Humboldt County’s sheriff until January 2023, said his office’s role was simply to monitor the situation at Thacker Pass. “We would go up there and make periodic patrol activity,” he said.

Allen defended the joint terrorism task force, saying it was “where we would just all get together and discuss things.” (The FBI characterizes such task forces, which include various agencies working in an area, as the front line of defense against terrorism.)

In this May 2022 email, an FBI special agent invites Nevada’s Humboldt County Sheriff’s Office to a joint terrorism task force meeting focused on Thacker Pass. Credit:Records obtained by Siskiyou Rising Tide and Information for Public Use. Highlighted and redacted by ProPublica.

Tim Crowley, Lithium Americas’ vice president of government and external affairs, said in a statement: “Protestors have vandalized property, blocked roads and dangerously climbed on Lithium Americas’ equipment. In all those cases, Lithium Americas avoided engagement with the protestors and coordinated with the local authorities when necessary for the protection of everyone involved.”

Crowley noted that Lithium Americas has worked with Indigenous communities near the mine to study cultural artifacts and is offering to build projects worth millions of dollars for the Fort McDermitt Paiute and Shoshone Tribe, such as a community center and greenhouse.

But individuals and the community groups opposed to the mine don’t want money. They worry mining will pollute local sources of water in the nation’s driest state and harm culturally significant sites, including that of an 1865 massacre of Indigenous people.

“We understand how the land is sacred and how much culture and how much history is within the McDermitt Caldera,” Callao said of the basin where Thacker Pass is located. “We know how much it means to not only the next generation, but the next seven generations.”

First image: Construction at Lithium Americas’ Thacker Pass mine near Orovada, Nevada
David Calvert/The Nevada Independent

A Familiar Conflict

Indigenous groups are increasingly at odds with mining companies as climate change brings economies around the globe to an inflection point. Greenhouse gas emissions from burning fossil fuels are contributing to increasingly intense hurricanes, heat waves, wildfires and droughts. The solution — powering the electrical grid, vehicles and factories with cleaner energy sources — brings tradeoffs.

Massive amounts of metals are required to manufacture solar panels, wind turbines and other renewable energy infrastructure. Demand for lithium will skyrocket 350% by 2040, largely to be used in electric vehicles’ rechargeable batteries, according to the International Energy Agency.

The U.S. produces very little lithium — and China controls a majority of refining capacity worldwide — so development of Thacker Pass enjoys bipartisan support, receiving a key permit in President Donald Trump’s first administration and a $2.26 billion loan from President Joe Biden’s administration. (Development ran into issues in June, when a Nevada agency notified the company that it was using groundwater without the proper permit. Company representatives have said they are confident that they will resolve the matter.)

Many minerals needed to produce cleaner energy are found on Indigenous lands. For example, 85% of known global lithium reserves are on or near Indigenous people’s lands, according to a 2022 study by researchers at the University of Queensland in Australia, the University of the Free State in South Africa and elsewhere. The situation has put Indigenous communities at odds with mining industries as tribes are asked to sacrifice land and sovereignty to combat climate change.

Luke Danielson is a mining consultant and lawyer who for decades has researched how mining affects Indigenous lands. “What I fear would be we set loose a land rush where we’re trampling over all the Indigenous people and we’re taking all the public land and essentially privatizing it to mining companies,” he said.

If companies or governments attempt to force mining on such communities, it can slow development, noted Ciaran O’Faircheallaigh, a professor emeritus of Australia’s Griffith University and author of “Indigenous Peoples and Mining.”

“If there are bulldozers coming down the road and they are going to destroy an area that is central to people’s identity and their existence, they are going to fight,” he said. “The solution is you actually put First Peoples in a position of equal power so that they can negotiate outcomes that allow for timely, and indeed speedy, development.”\

Environmental activists Will Falk, left, and Max Wilbert led early opposition to the mine, after which the Bureau of Land Management fined them tens of thousands of dollars for the cost of monitoring them. Credit:David Calvert/The Nevada Independent

“We’re Not There for an Uprising”

Most of the documents tracing law enforcement’s involvement at Thacker Pass were obtained via public records requests by two advocacy groups focused on climate change and law enforcement, Siskiyou Rising Tide and Information for Public Use. They shared the records with ProPublica, which obtained additional documents through separate public records requests to law enforcement agencies.

Given the monitoring of mining’s opponents highlighted in the records, experts raised questions about authorities’ role: Is the government there to support industrial development, protect civil liberties or act as an unbiased arbiter? At Thacker Pass, the documents show, law enforcement has helped defend the mine.

Protests have at times escalated.

A small group of more radical environmentalists led by non-Indigenous activists propelled the early movement, setting up a campsite on public land near the proposed mine site in January 2021. In June 2022, a protester from France wrote on social media, “We’ll need all the AR15s We can get on the frontlines!” Tensions peaked in June 2023, when several protesters entered the worksite and blocked bulldozers, leading to one arrest.

That group — which calls itself Protect Thacker Pass — argued that its actions were justified. Will Falk, one of the group’s organizers, said that, in any confrontation, scrutiny unfairly falls on protesters instead of companies or the government. “As a culture, we’ve become so used to militarized police that we don’t understand that, out of the group of people gathered, the people who are actually violent are the ones with the guns,” he said.

Falk and another organizer were, as a result of their participation in protests, barred by court order from returning to Thacker Pass and disrupting construction, and the Bureau of Land Management fined them for alleged trespass on public lands during the protest. The agency charged them $49,877.71 for officers’ time and mileage to monitor them, according to agency records Falk shared with ProPublica. Falk said his group tried to work with the agency to obtain permits and is disputing the fine to a federal board of appeals.

“None of us are armed. We’re not there for an uprising,” said Gary McKinney, a spokesperson for People of Red Mountain, which parted ways with Falk’s group before the incident that led to an arrest.

McKinney, a member of the Duck Valley Shoshone-Paiute Tribe, leads annual prayer rides, journeying hundreds of miles across northern Nevada on horseback with other Native American activists to Thacker Pass. He described the rides, intended to raise awareness of mining’s impact on tribes and the environment, as a way to exercise rights under the American Indian Religious Freedom Act, which protects tribes’ ability to practice traditional spirituality. Still, the group feels watched. A trail camera once mysteriously appeared near their campsite along the path of the prayer ride. They also crossed paths with security personnel.

Beyond the trail rides, the FBI tracks McKinney’s activity, the records show. The agency informed other law enforcement when he promoted a Fourth of July powwow and rodeo on his reservation, and it flagged a speech he delivered at a conference for mining-affected communities.

“We’re being watched, we’re being followed, we’re under the microscope,” McKinney said.

The records show security personnel hired by Lithium Americas speaking as if an uprising could be imminent. “To date, there has been no violence or serious property destruction, however, the activities of these protest groups could change to a more aggressive actions and violent demeanor at any time,” Raymond Mey, who joined Lithium Americas’ security team for a time after a career with the FBI, wrote to law enforcement agencies in July 2022.

Mey also researched protesters’ activities, sharing his findings with law enforcement. In an April 2021 update, for example, he provided an aerial photograph of the protesters’ campsite. Law enforcement agencies worked with Mey, and he pushed to make that relationship closer, seeking “an integrated and coordinated law enforcement strategy to deal with the protestors at Thacker Pass.” The records indicate that the FBI was open to him attending its joint terrorism task force.

Mey is not licensed with the Nevada Private Investigators Licensing Board, which is required to perform such work in the state, according to agency records.

Mey said that he didn’t believe he needed a license because he wasn’t pursuing investigations. He said that his advice to the company was to avoid direct conflict with protesters and only call the police when necessary.

“We Shouldn’t Have to Accept the Burden of the Climate Crisis”

The battle over Thacker Pass reflects renewed strife between mining and drilling industries and Indigenous people. Two recent fights at the heart of this clash have intersected with Thacker Pass — one concerning an oil pipeline in the Great Plains and the other over a copper mine in the Southwest.

Beginning in 2016 and continuing for nearly a year, a large protest camp on the Standing Rock Indian Reservation sought to halt construction of the 1,172-mile Dakota Access Pipeline. Members of the Indigenous-led movement contended that it threatened the region’s water. The protest turned violent, leading to hundreds of arrests. Law enforcement eventually cleared the camp and the pipeline was completed.

Law enforcement agencies feared similar opposition at Thacker Pass, the records show.

In April 2021, Allen, then the local sheriff, and his staff met with Mark Pfeifle, president and CEO of the communications firm Off the Record Strategies, to discuss “lessons learned” from the Dakota Access Pipeline protests. Pfeifle, who helped the Bush administration build support for the second Gulf War, had more recently led a public relations blitz to discredit the Standing Rock protesters. This involved suggesting using a fake news crew and mocking up wanted posters for activists, according to emails obtained by news organizations. Pfeifle sent Allen presentations about the law enforcement response at Standing Rock, including one on “Examples of ‘Fake News’ and disinformation” from the protesters. “As always, we stand ready to help your office and your citizens,” he wrote to the sheriff.

The department appears not to have hired Pfeifle, although Allen directed his staff to also meet with Pfeifle’s colleague who worked on the Standing Rock response.

Around July 2021, the Humboldt County Sheriff’s Office held a meeting “to plan for the reality of a large-scale incident at Thacker Pass” similar to the Dakota Access Pipeline protests. Police referred to the ongoing protests on public land at Thacker Pass as an “occupation.”

Allen said he didn’t remember meeting with Pfeifle but said he wanted to be prepared for anything. “We didn’t know what to expect, but from what we understand, there were professional protestors up there and more were coming in,” he said.

Pfeifle didn’t respond to requests for comment.

Members of People of Red Mountain have also traveled to Arizona to object to the development of a controversial copper mine that’s planned in a national forest east of Phoenix. There, some members of the San Carlos Apache Tribe oppose the development because it would destroy an area they use for ceremonies. (In May, the Supreme Court handed down a decision allowing a land transfer, removing the final key obstacle to the mine.)

On these trips, Callao and others have frequently found a “notice of baggage inspection” from the Transportation Security Administration in their checked luggage. She provided ProPublica with photos of five such notices.

An agency spokesperson said that screening equipment does not know to whom the bag belongs when it triggers an alarm, and officers must search it.

To Callao, the surveillance, whether by luggage inspection, security camera or counterterrorism task force, adds to the weight placed on Indigenous communities amid the energy transition.

“We shouldn’t have to accept the burden of the climate crisis,” Callao said, “We should be able to protect our ancestral homelands.”

World Food Program USA launched a new campaign that will leverage the arts and the power of Gen Z to mobilize a new generation of anti-hunger advocates. 

Through custom artwork Fill the Silence is highlighting the futures that are unlocked when communities have access to nutritious food—and the potential that is lost when it’s inaccessible. A series of pieces by artists Brandon Breaux and Indie184 serve as anchors of the campaign. They convey eight stories of people facing food insecurity around the world, while remaining hopeful and action oriented.

The works are designed to change the dominant narrative around hunger, which advocates say is no longer inspiring action. “Dire photos and desperate pleas—nothing seems to shock or move us anymore. The world’s hunger crisis is blurred in our minds and getting tuned out,” says Brandon Rochon, a World Food Program USA Board Member. 

With the campaign, the organization hopes to encourage a “mindset shift” in Americans, says Jessamyn Sarmiento, World Food Program USA Chief Marketing Officer. “We want them to see the limitless potential of the hungriest people and understand the critical, doable, available solutions that can make a difference,” she tells Food Tank.

World Food Program USA aims to convert new attention into action, raising funds to support families around the world who are experiencing hunger. They also hope to recruit members for the Zero Hunger Generation, a new program for grassroots advocates passionate about creating a world where everyone is nourished. 

The Campaign comes at a time when funding for food aid is on the decline, which the World Food Programme says they have been forced to scale back and even halt some operations. Reduced assistance “could amount to a death sentence for millions of people,” the organization says. And according to an analysis in Nature, the cuts for global nutrition funding could result in an additional 369,000 child deaths each year that would have otherwise been preventable.

“We are at an inflection point in the global hunger crisis,” Sarmiento tells Food Tank. “There’s a rising tide of interest in global hunger issues—and because of the news coverage around funding cuts, more people are talking about it than ever before. We’re leaning into this elevated awareness to harness it and mobilize action.”

World Food Program USA wants to show that hunger is a human-made crisis, with solutions available to solve it. And they believe Gen Z will play a critical role in sharing this message.

“Our research shows that global hunger is the number one issue that Gen Z cares about,” Sarmiento says. “They have a vested interest in improving this world they will inherit and one day lead. Gen Z is also a tremendous influence with other generations; they have the passion and charisma to persuade others to take on the mission of creating a hunger-free world.” 

Articles like the one you just read are made possible through the generosity of Food Tank members. Can we please count on you to be part of our growing movement? Become a member today by clicking here.

Image courtesy of Indie184 for World Food Program USA

The post Fill the Silence: A New Campaign Brings Fresh Solutions to Tackle the Hunger Crisis appeared first on Food Tank.

July 23, 2025 – FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

SUWA Statement on Utah’s Third District Court Decision in SUWA v. Cox – 7.23.25 During court hearing over case, the State of Utah conceded that taxpayer-funded “Stand for Our Land” litigation and public relations campaign is blatantly misleading 

Contacts:
Steve Bloch, Legal Director, Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance (SUWA); (steve@suwa.org)
Grant Stevens, Communications Director, Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance (SUWA); (319) 427-0260; grant@suwa.org

Salt Lake City, UT –   Today, Utah’s Third District Court dismissed a lawsuit, SUWA v. Cox, filed by the Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance (SUWA) in December 2024. During a July 14, 2025 court hearing over the lawsuit, the State of Utah conceded that the taxpayer-funded “Stand for our Land” Litigation and public relations campaign, which implies that federal public lands would be turned over to the state of Utah for management, is blatantly misleading. Below is a statement from SUWA Legal Director Steve Bloch and additional information. 

“We’re disappointed with today’s decision but grateful that the true intent of the state’s lawsuit has been made clear: to force the sale of millions of acres of public lands to the highest bidder and not to acquire these lands for the state, as its deliberately misleading media campaign suggests,” said Steve Bloch, Legal Director for SUWA. “It’s our position that with the repeated statements made by Governor Cox – doubling down on the state’s intent to refile its lawsuit in federal district court – Judge May had what he needed to proceed with our case and conclude that Utah’s constitution prohibits the state from bringing a lawsuit like this in the first place. We’ll review today’s decision and consider potential next steps, including refiling this case if the state brings its lawsuit in federal district court.”

Additional information: 

Utah’s Supreme Court Filing

In August 2024, Utah filed a lawsuit with the United States Supreme Court seeking an order (1) holding that it’s unconstitutional for the federal government to own and manage public lands on behalf of all Americans and (2) directing the United States to begin “disposing” of 18.5 million acres of BLM-managed lands in the state. In January 2025, the Supreme Court rejected Utah’s lawsuit in a one-line order. Undeterred, Utah Governor Spencer Cox has repeatedly stated his intention for the State to pursue its land grab lawsuit in federal district court.

SUWA v. Cox 

In December 2024, SUWA sued Governor Cox and then-Attorney General Reyes in Third District Court (state court) alleging that the land grab lawsuit violated the Utah Constitution’s provision that the “people inhabiting this State do affirm and declare that they forever disclaim all right and title to the unappropriated public lands lying within [its] boundaries.”

July 14 Hearing

At the July 14 hearing, the court heard oral argument from SUWA and the state on SUWA’s motion to amend its complaint and further its legal and factual arguments. The state opposed SUWA’s motion and argued that the case should be dismissed.

The State of Utah is currently spending millions of taxpayer dollars on a legal and media campaign with the goal of forcing the federal government to sell more than 18.5 million acres of public lands in Utah managed by the Bureau of Land Management (BLM). Learn more in this quick video. 

Media campaign

In support of its dangerous lawsuit and in an effort to confuse the public, the State is spending millions of dollars of taxpayer money on a propaganda campaign – dubbed “Let Utah Manage Utah Lands” – that fundamentally misstates both the facts and goals of its unprecedented lawsuit. Recent reporting on the State’s propaganda campaign highlighted its use of AI and paid actors as part of the stagecraft to boost Utah’s message.

Legal arguments

As the State conceded in its legal filings, the public lands that are the target of its lawsuit were never owned by Utah. Instead, Native American Tribes have lived in what is present-day Utah from time immemorial and the federal government acquired all the lands comprising Utah from Mexico in 1848.

As a condition of entry to the Union, in 1896 the citizens of Utah “forever disclaim[ed] all right and title” to the unappropriated public lands within its borders. The State’s lawsuit seeks to re-write the agreement that allowed it to become a part of the United States. This language was a condition of statehood and is found in both Utah’s Constitution and the Utah Enabling Act, which led to Utah’s entry into the Union.

If successful, the State’s lawsuit will not result in public lands automatically being given to Utah but instead would start a “disposal” process which could result in the sale of millions of acres of public lands to the highest bidder.

A 2016 report by the Public Lands Subcommittee of the Conference of Western Attorneys General evaluated the same legal claims raised by Utah in its 2024 land grab filing and concluded that they are contrary to more than a hundred years of legal precedent. Hunters, anglers, and wildlife advocates have all singled-out Utah’s lawsuit as a direct threat to the future of America’s public lands.

A map of lands at risk in the state’s Supreme Court lawsuit.

###
The Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance (SUWA) is a nonprofit organization with members and supporters from around the country dedicated to protecting America’s redrock wilderness. From offices in Moab, Salt Lake City, and Washington, DC, our team of professionals defends the redrock, organizes support for America’s Red Rock Wilderness Act, and stewards this world-renowned landscape. Learn more at www.suwa.org.

The post SUWA Statement on Utah’s Third District Court Decision in SUWA v. Cox – 7.23.25 appeared first on Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance.

El Tratado global de plásticos: Una oportunidad histórica 

En marzo de 2022, la Asamblea de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente tomó la decisión de encomendar la elaboración de un primer Tratado Global de Plásticos, una norma internacional legalmente vinculante destinada a reducir la contaminación por plásticos en todo el mundo que cubra todo el ciclo de vida del plástico. La crisis provocada por el plástico es cada vez mayor y tiene un impacto devastador en el medio ambiente, la salud humana, los derechos humanos, la justicia ambiental, los derechos de los pueblos indígenas, la biodiversidad y el clima. Se necesitan acciones globales urgentes para abordar esta crisis. Como se ha demostrado en numerosos estudios, el plástico se encuentra en todas partes, no sólo en los ecosistemas y la atmósfera, sino también en los alimentos que comemos, el agua que bebemos e incluso en el interior de nuestro cuerpo. Para que el Tratado Global sobre Plásticos sea eficaz a la hora de revertir el aluvión de contaminación plástica, es necesario que existan mecanismos y soluciones para abordarlo dentro de los límites planetarios y climáticos. Este tratado es una oportunidad para hacer las cosas bien. Tiene el potencial de ser uno de los acuerdos medioambientales más importantes de la historia.

 Para más información: https://www.no-burn.org/unea-plastics-treaty/. 

La próxima ronda de negociaciones o Comité Intergubernamental de Negociación (INC) para el tratado sobre los plásticos (INC-5.2) tendrá lugar en Ginebra, Suiza, del 5 al 14 de agosto. Las negociaciones se celebran bajo los auspicios del Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente (PNUMA)

Las negociaciones se pueden seguir en línea aquí

Agenda INC-5.2 

Las negociaciones adoptarán dos formas oficiales: sesión plenaria (retransmitida en directo en el sitio web del PNUMA) y grupos de contacto, de carácter confidencial según las reglas de Chatham House. Habrá cuatro grupos de contacto, dos de los cuales se reunirán en paralelo en un momento dado. Las negociaciones están dirigidas por el Presidente, el Embajador Luis Vayas Valdivieso de Ecuador, y son negociadas por los países de las Naciones Unidas, llamados Estados Miembros. Este es el texto que los Estados Miembros negociarán en el INC-5.2 (ver los comentarios de GAIA aquí).

De acuerdo con la Nota de Escenario que el Presidente ha publicado recientemente, el flujo de las negociaciones puede ser el siguiente:

• 5 de agosto: Sesión plenaria de apertura
  • 10:00 a.m. – Breve sesión plenaria de apertura, sin declaraciones orales por parte de los Estados Miembros (con la posibilidad de enviarlas previamente a través del portal en línea), posible espacio de 30 minutos para intervenciones de observadores (declaraciones de la sociedad civil).
  • Las cuestiones de organización se abordarán aquí: Reglamento interno, adopción de la agenda.
• 5-8, 11-14 de agosto: Grupos de contacto
  • El grueso de las negociaciones se dividirá en cuatro «Grupos de contacto», cada uno de los cuales negociará diferentes grupos de artículos del texto del tratado.
• 9 de agosto: Sesión plenaria de “Balance”.
  • Los presidentes de cada Grupo de Contacto presentarán un breve informe sobre sus avances.
• 10 de agosto: Consultas informales
  • Consultas informales entre los miembros (sin reuniones formales).
• 14 de agosto: Plenaria de cierre

Otra oportunidad para alcanzar un tratado sobre plásticos sólido 

A continuación se resumen los últimos avances en las negociaciones previas al INC-5.2. Para obtener un resumen de los resultados del INC-5, consulte nuestro informe. Para obtener más información sobre los resultados de las INC anteriores, consulte nuestro archivo de noticias.

Somos la mayoría

Al término del INC-5 en Busan, Corea del Sur, a finales del año pasado, quedó claro que, aunque era evidente que se necesitaba más tiempo para negociar las disposiciones del tratado, los países ambiciosos superaban ampliamente en número y aislaban al pequeño grupo de países que buscaban debilitar el texto final del tratado. En un momento especialmente emotivo, Juliet Kabera, de Ruanda, leyó una declaración en nombre de más de 85 países en la que se hacía hincapié en su compromiso común con un tratado jurídicamente vinculante que consagrara los objetivos de reducción, la eliminación gradual de los productos químicos nocivos, una transición justa y un mecanismo financiero equitativo. A continuación, instó a todos los presentes en la sala que apoyaban un tratado ambicioso a ponerse de pie, y el 90 % de los asistentes se levantaron y aplaudieron. Fue un momento muy emotivo en la sala y un recordatorio de la determinación de la mayoría. Hasta la fecha:

• 103 países firmaron en apoyo de una Declaración sobre los polímeros plásticos primarios.
• 85 países firmaron la declaración «Standing Up for Ambition» (Defendiendo la ambición).
• 94 países firmaron una Declaración sobre productos plásticos y sustancias químicas preocupantes.
• 100 países firmaron  una propuesta de texto para adoptar un objetivo de reducción de la producción de plásticos.
• 151 países apoyan una propuesta para un mecanismo financiero específico y equitativo.

Lea la respuesta de GAIA al anuncio del INC-5.2

Ministros de Medio Ambiente unidos en la UNOC: «La llamada de atención de Niza para un tratado de plásticos ambicioso»

En la Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre los Océanos celebrada en Niza (Francia) en junio, los ministros de Medio Ambiente y representantes de 96 países (la mayoría de los Estados miembros de las Naciones Unidas) reafirmaron su compromiso de garantizar un tratado de plásticos sólido en una declaración coordinada por Francia titulada «El llamado de Niza para un tratado ambicioso sobre los plásticos».

Los líderes de la sociedad civil aplaudieron la reafirmación de la declaración sobre la necesidad de un tratado que establezca un objetivo mundial para la reducción de la producción de plásticos, la eliminación gradual de los productos plásticos más problemáticos y los productos químicos peligrosos, y que incluya mecanismos de seguimiento y presentación de informes para garantizar que los países cumplan sus objetivos, así como margen para reforzar los compromisos en función de los nuevos conocimientos científicos y los impactos sobre la salud y el medio ambiente.

Otra mención destacable en la declaración es el llamamiento a adoptar prácticas estándar de toma de decisiones, en caso de que no se alcance un consenso. Esto aísla aún más a los pocos países obstruccionistas que han insistido en la toma de decisiones por consenso como táctica para paralizar las negociaciones y debilitar la ambición del tratado final (véase aquí para más detalles).

Aunque la declaración no recogió varias demandas de la sociedad civil, en general las organizaciones sin fines de lucro acogieron con satisfacción la declaración como un punto de partida, y no un máximo, de ambición en las negociaciones.

Lea la respuesta de GAIA a la publicación del llamado de Niza.

Preparando el escenario: el proceso de negociaciones

A continuación se resumen las medidas de procedimiento que están en juego en las negociaciones del INC-5.2.

La tiranía del consenso frente al voto por la democracia

En anteriores INC, un punto conflictivo central ha sido el intenso debate sobre el Reglamento, concretamente el artículo 38 (1), que establece las normas de votación. Un pequeño grupo de países, entre ellos Arabia Saudí y Rusia, han utilizado lo que podrían haber sido cuestiones de procedimiento rutinarias como herramienta para socavar un tratado sólido, y proponen un poder de veto total sobre el texto del tratado, abogando por el consenso exclusivo, sin posibilidad de votación si no se alcanza dicho consenso.Las disposiciones sobre votación son una herramienta de negociación clave que puede ayudar a llevar a las partes más obstructivas a la mesa de negociaciones. En el  INC-2 de París, se dedicó mucho tiempo a discutir las Reglas de Procedimiento, lo que llevó a los negociadores a alcanzar una tensa tregua, en la que se adoptó provisionalmente una disposición sobre votación y se añadió una declaración interpretativa a la regla 38. Esto se ha convertido en un tema controvertido que los Estados miembros han evitado abordar, ya que los países más intransigentes siguen insistiendo en que solo haya consenso.

Sin embargo, a medida que los países se han ido mostrando más decididos a que el INC-5.2 sea el último INC y a alcanzar un tratado firme como resultado, la convocatoria de una votación parece ser la única salida al estancamiento del consenso, permitiendo que sea la voluntad de la mayoría la que dicte el tratado resultante, en lugar de la de unos pocos obstinados.

Esto va en contra de la norma establecida en otras negociaciones internacionales, como el exitoso Convenio de Minamata sobre el mercurio, y esencialmente permite que un solo país demore aún más o incluso pueda bloquear por completo la capacidad de la comunidad internacional de lograr que se consagre un tratado racional. 

¿Estará presente la sociedad civil?

Según un informe del Centro para el Derecho Ambiental Internacional (CIEL), 220 lobistas de la industria química y de los combustibles fósiles se registraron para asistir al INC-5, formando el grupo más numeroso, incluso más grande que cualquier delegación nacional u organización de la sociedad civil. Además, obtuvieron un acceso amplio a representantes gubernamentales de todo el mundo, incluso desde dentro de las propias delegaciones de sus países.

Mientras que la industria que se beneficia de la crisis del plástico ha tenido vía libre en las negociaciones, el acceso de la sociedad civil se ha visto severamente limitado, e incluso los propios países, especialmente los del Sur Global, han sido marginados mediante prácticas excluyentes, como la falta de servicios de interpretación adecuados en las salas de negociación. En el INC-5, la sociedad civil fue físicamente excluida de las negociaciones, en violación de nuestros derechos y de la práctica habitual. 

Cuestiones clave a tener en cuenta en el INC-5.2

A continuación se resumen los posibles problemas conflictivos en las negociaciones del INC-5.2.

La batalla sobre la producción de plástico

Un punto clave de tensión en las negociaciones hasta ahora es la inclusión de recortes ambiciosos y vinculantes de la producción de plásticos en el tratado final. La gran mayoría de los países (más de 100) que participan en el proceso de negociación se han mostrado abiertos a incluir objetivos de reducción de la producción en el tratado, tal y como se refleja en el artículo 6, opción 2, del borrador del texto del presidente. Sin embargo, una pequeña pero poderosa minoría, compuesta principalmente por países productores de combustibles fósiles, ha intentado sabotear las conversaciones con tácticas de obstrucción y argumentando que la contaminación por plásticos sólo comienza en la fase de eliminación.

Una de esas tácticas es cuestionar la definición de dónde empieza el “ciclo de vida”, a pesar de los numerosos antecedentes en política ambiental internacional, que dejan claro que el “ciclo de vida” empieza en la extracción. Los Estados miembros ya se han comprometido a elaborar un tratado que abarque todo el ciclo de vida del plástico. 

La otra es debilitar el texto sobre la reducción del plástico utilizando los términos “economía circular” y “circularidad” como eufemismos, señalando un énfasis en las medidas posteriores únicamente (gestión de residuos), en lugar de llegar a la raíz del problema. Hay pruebas contundentes de que el plástico como material no es “circular” e inevitablemente se convierte en residuo.  Esta minoría afirma que el plástico sólo se convierte en contaminación en la fase de eliminación, a pesar del consenso científico y de las protestas de millones de personas de todo el mundo cuya tierra, aire y cuerpos están siendo envenenados por esta industria. El plástico no se convierte en contaminación, el plástico es contaminación desde el momento de la extracción de los combustibles fósiles. 

¿Se consagrará la transición justa en el tratado?

Una transición justa en el marco del tratado debe promover un cambio sistémico que respete los derechos humanos y permita a las comunidades más afectadas a lo largo del ciclo de vida del plástico -en particular los recicladores y los Pueblos Indígenas- vivir y trabajar con dignidad, libres de los daños de la industria del plástico. Una transición justa debe ser verdaderamente inclusiva, desde la toma de decisiones hasta su aplicación, y permitir a las comunidades afectadas definir su propia visión de un mundo sin plástico, y garantizar que ninguna comunidad se vea afectada por los sistemas futuros. 

Específicamente, el tratado debe mantener un artículo dedicado a la transición justa, así como mantener su mención en el preámbulo y en los objetivos. Una Coalición por una Transición Justa, formada por un grupo diverso de actores afectados, entre las que se incluyen Pueblos Indígenas, comunidades de primera línea y recolectores, ha acordado por unanimidad que es necesario reducir drásticamente la producción de plástico para proteger sus vidas y su derecho a un trabajo seguro y digno.

Para más información, consulte las Recomendaciones de la Alianza Internacional de Recicladores en la Sección II, Parte 12, sobre la transición justa.

¿Quién paga la cuenta? Un mecanismo financiero adecuado para su propósito 

Un tratado sobre plásticos será tan sólido como lo sea su financiamiento; para garantizar su implementación efectiva, los países en desarrollo deben tener acceso a recursos adecuados. Esto implica un mecanismo financiero específico que incluya contribuciones obligatorias de los países con mayores niveles de riqueza y producción de plásticos, con el fin de apoyar a los países de ingresos más bajos para cumplir con el acuerdo, especialmente a los pequeños Estados insulares en desarrollo del Pacífico. Este fondo debe contribuir a reparar injusticias históricas, canalizando recursos desde los países más responsables de la producción y exportación de plásticos hacia los países que han cargado con los mayores costos, particularmente en el Sur Global, y financiar una transición justa.

Ha habido gran impulso en torno a una propuesta del Grupo de África, GRULAC, Islas Cook, Fiyi y los Estados Federados de Micronesia para la organización de un mecanismo financiero específico centrado en la equidad, propuesta que ha sido respaldada por más de 150 países.

Existe un debate sobre si el tratado debe financiarse con fondos públicos o privados, especialmente por parte de los países donantes. El problema de dejarlo en manos del sector privado es que este tendría control sobre a dónde va el dinero y quién lo recibe, lo cual constituye un proceso altamente antidemocrático que antepone las ganancias al bienestar social. Otra amenaza es la posible inclusión de mecanismos financieros ampliamente desacreditados y promovidos por la industria, como los créditos plásticos o la “compensación”. Los créditos plásticos han demostrado repetidamente que no reducen realmente la contaminación por plásticos. Incluirlos en el financiamiento del tratado solo otorgaría a las empresas una licencia social para seguir contaminando. (Ver un artículo académico reciente que resume la evidencia contra los créditos plásticos y los vincula con los fracasos de los créditos de carbono).

Además de un fondo específico, una tasa sobre los polímeros podría servir como un poderoso mecanismo financiero, así como también eliminar los subsidios a la producción de plásticos, los cuales actualmente ascienden a 30 mil millones de dólares anuales solo en los 15 países principales productores de polímeros plásticos.

Detengan las chimeneas

GAIA ha monitoreado la creciente promoción de la quema de residuos en hornos de cemento. y otros incineradores, los créditos de plástico, y el “reciclaje químico” en el contexto del tratado (a veces bajo la bandera del propio Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente), todo influenciado por la industria y con la amenaza de socavar los objetivos del tratado de erradicar la contaminación por plásticos. 

Posibles resultados del INC-5.2

A continuación se resumen los posibles resultados del INC-5.2, entendiendo que nadie tiene una bola de cristal y que las negociaciones siempre pueden tomar rumbos inesperados.

Mejor resultado posible: Lograr un tratado sólido

La sociedad civil mantiene la esperanza de que el INC-5.2 concluya con un texto acordado para un tratado de plásticos sólido, que pueda ser ratificado antes de fin de año. Este texto debería consagrar las prioridades que se enumeran a continuación y contar con un mecanismo financiero adecuado. El tratado también debe incluir disposiciones que permitan añadir y modificar el texto mediante anexos en futuras reuniones de implementación (COP), para reflejar los últimos avances científicos sobre los impactos sociales y ambientales de la contaminación por plásticos. Las COP también deben permitir votaciones sobre estos anexos, y establecer que los países que ratifican el tratado entren automáticamente en vigor a menos que opten por excluirse (modelo de “opt-out” en lugar de “opt-in”), para asegurar una adopción más amplia.

Analistas de políticas predicen que romper el estancamiento del consenso mediante votación será esencial para lograr un tratado de plásticos ambicioso.

Para más información sobre las rutas hacia un tratado efectivo sobre plásticos, consulte nuestro resumen de políticas.

Buen resultado: Avanzar en la mayor parte del camino

Existe la posibilidad de que los negociadores finalicen la mayor parte del texto del tratado, y solo se requieran reuniones adicionales para resolver temas menores antes de su ratificación.

Resultado intermedio: Sin texto acordado, se convoca a otro INC

Uno de los posibles resultados es que los Estados miembros y la presidencia decidan que se necesita más tiempo para resolver puntos críticos del texto del presidente, lo que llevaría a un INC-5.3, INC-6 u otras reuniones posteriores al INC-5.2. Podría ser razonable dar más tiempo a los negociadores para llegar a un acuerdo, siempre que cambien las condiciones procedimentales, de modo que los Estados miembros no repitan las mismas dinámicas esperando resultados diferentes. En particular, si los Estados miembros finalmente solicitan una votación en el INC-5.2, rompiendo el bloqueo que ha generado la insistencia en el consenso hasta ahora, entonces nuevas negociaciones pueden justificarse, ya que se darían en un contexto diferente.

Mal resultado: Un tratado débil

Si la mayoría de los Estados miembros decide ceder ante unos pocos países que insisten en un tratado débil (sin estas prioridades), las consecuencias para el clima, la salud humana y la justicia ambiental serían devastadoras. Sin embargo, incluso en este peor escenario, aún hay esperanza. Un grupo de Estados miembros ambiciosos podría decidir formar una “Coalición de voluntades” y desarrollar un proceso de tratado fuera del PNUMA, que podría derivar en un tratado mucho más fuerte. Si suficientes países de ingresos altos y socios comerciales ratifican ese tratado, se generaría presión para que otros países también se adhieran posteriormente, para evitar barreras comerciales y económicas. Así, la universalidad podría alcanzarse con el tiempo bajo condiciones más sólidas. Ya existe un precedente para este enfoque en otros procesos de tratados (ver capítulo 5 de nuestro resumen de políticas). Esta ruta está lejos de ser perfecta y podría enfrentar desafíos relacionados con financiamiento y acceso de la sociedad civil a las negociaciones, pero sigue siendo una opción posible si las conversaciones actuales fracasan.

También es importante destacar que, incluso si las negociaciones del tratado de plásticos no culminan en un acuerdo sólido, el trabajo de la sociedad civil ya ha salido fortalecido: gracias a la articulación del movimiento, la producción de investigaciones científicas clave que respaldan las negociaciones, las relaciones construidas con líderes gubernamentales, la mayor visibilidad de la crisis del plástico, y la comprensión global de que el plástico es contaminación —y que mientras no se regule ni se reduzca su producción, no habrá una solución real a esta crisis.

Objetivos generales del tratado

Instamos a los gobiernos a que garanticen que el instrumento emergente incluya:

• Objetivos obligatorios para limitar y reducir drásticamente la producción de plástico virgen, acorde con la escala y gravedad de la crisis de contaminación por plásticos, y alineada con los límites planetarios. Ello incluye, entre otros, la eliminación de plásticos de un solo uso y otros productos y aplicaciones de plástico no esenciales, innecesarios o problemáticos, incluidos los microplásticos agregados intencionalmente. Este sistema debería estar respaldado por medidas para evitar que aquellos países que no son partes en el tratado socaven estos acuerdos.
• La prohibición del uso de químicos tóxicos en todos los plásticos vírgenes y reciclados basados en grupos de productos químicos, incluidos los aditivos (p. ej., retardantes de llama bromados, ftalatos, bisfenoles), así como polímeros notoriamente tóxicos (p. ej. PVC). 
• Objetivos legalmente vinculantes, con plazos determinados y ambiciosos para implementar y ampliar la reutilización y la recarga a fin de acelerar la transición, dejando atrás los plásticos de un solo uso. En consecuencia, el tratado debe rechazar las soluciones falsas, y los sustitutos lamentables, así como soluciones tecnológicas contaminantes e ineficaces como el “reciclaje químico”, la incineración, la conversión de residuos en energía y el coprocesamiento de RDF rico en plástico en hornos de cemento, el comercio internacional de residuos, créditos de plástico y otros sistemas que perpetúan la situación actual y apoyan la producción continua de plástico y la contaminación provocada por los plásticos en detrimento del clima, la salud humana y la salud ambiental.
• Una transición justa hacia medios de vida más seguros y sostenibles para los trabajadores y las comunidades en toda la cadena de suministro de plásticos, incluidos aquellos en el sector informal de residuos; y el abordaje de las necesidades de las comunidades de la primera línea afectadas por la producción, incineración y quema al aire libre de plástico. Este enfoque requiere respeto por los derechos humanos y los derechos de los pueblos indígenas, y el debido reconocimiento del conocimiento tradicional y la experiencia de los pueblos indígenas y tribales originarios de las tierras afectadas, así como de las comunidades locales, los recolectores y los recicladores del sector formal para resolver la crisis.
• Las disposiciones que responsabilizan a las corporaciones contaminantes y a los países productores de plástico por los profundos daños a los derechos humanos, la salud humana, los ecosistemas y las economías que surgen de la producción, utilización y eliminación de plásticos.  Las disposiciones también deberían proporcionar soluciones basadas en la ciencia, incluidos los conocimientos tradicionales y la ciencia tribal. 
• Del mismo modo, el tratado también debería establecer requisitos jurídicamente vinculantes, armonizados y accesibles al público para asegurar la transparencia de las sustancias químicas en materiales y productos plásticos durante todo su ciclo de vida. 
• Los contaminadores deben mantenerse fuera del proceso del tratado. Las reuniones INC deberían resultar en un tratado que limite la influencia de entidades con conflictos de interés (como los productores de plásticos) en el trabajo en curso de la Conferencia de las Partes (COP) para un eventual tratado.
• La toma de decisiones por votación en las COP permitirá fortalecer el tratado con el tiempo.

Referencias clave 

GAIA “Wrap-Up” Report on the Outcome of INC-5 Informe de GAIA sobre los resultados del INC-5

GAIA’s Pathways to an Ambitious Plastics Treaty policy paper Documento de políticas de GAIA: Rutas hacia un tratado ambicioso sobre plásticos

GAIA’s Comments on the Chair’s Draft Text  Comentarios de GAIA sobre el borrador del presidente

Artículo académico sobre los créditos plásticos

Academic paper with the scientific argument for plastic production reduction  Artículo académico con el argumento científico para la reducción de la producción de plásticos

Todos los recursos de GAIA relacionados al Tratado de plásticos

Contacto para los medios

Camila Aguilera | Camila@no-burn.org | +56 9 8913 6198

The post Guía de prensa: Tratado mundial contra la contaminación por plásticos INC-5.2 first appeared on GAIA.

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Job Title: Resilience Manager, Marin County
Job Location: Remote, significant in person activities in Marin County
Projected Position Start Date: ASAP
Job Classification: Full Time, Exempt
Hourly Pay Rate or Annual Salary: $78,000 – $86,000
Reporting To: Jordan Grimes, State and Regional Resilience Manager

About this Opportunity:

Greenbelt Alliance is looking for a collaborative and community-focused leader to join our team as the Resilience Manager for Marin County. This role will primarily focus on bringing together housing, climate, and environmental advocates to tackle some of the biggest challenges facing the County: rising housing costs, climate-related risks like flooding and wildfires, and outdated land use policies that make both problems worse.

The Resilience Manager will work directly with community partners, local advocates, and public agencies to educate and empower local residents and strengthen community infrastructure. This work will focus on accelerating existing efforts in Marin County to work together on a proactive vision for the future to increase housing affordability while maintaining protections for Marin’s incredible natural areas, and investing in nature-based infrastructure to reduce risks from climate-related hazards.

We are looking for someone familiar with Marin County and passionate about effective communications, housing access and affordability, climate resilience, and a vision for growth that centers people and nature. While experience and familiarity with these topics, as well as land use planning, advocacy, and community engagement are desired. We ncourage interested applicants to apply even if they don’t have existing expertise in all of these areas.  

Key Responsibilities:

• Leading advocacy efforts with robust stakeholder involvement that result in integrating equity, climate, and housing considerations into land-use policies, development proposals, policy campaigns, and other relevant efforts.
• Design and implement education and outreach strategies that reach diverse communities on the connections between housing affordability, climate risks, and environmental protections, and innovative solutions that help address these multiple challenges
• Build and strengthen partnerships across the county with cross-sectoral stakeholders, including community-based organizations, residents, local leaders, and agency partners 

You’ll be a great fit for the role if you have:

• 3-4 years of experience in any of the following: advocacy, community-based projects, housing policy, conservation, environmental science, climate change, land use,  planning, or related fields.
• Knowledge, experience, and/or interest in politics and/or policy advocacy, a plus.
• Knowledge of Marin County.
• Demonstrated ability to build strong relationships with diverse stakeholders, forging working partnerships, navigating political landscapes with diplomacy, and cultivating new audiences.
• Excellent communication and critical thinking skills.
• Enjoy collaborating with a talented, fast-paced, and supportive team.
• Pride yourself on having great attention to detail.
• Bring a passion for supporting organizational excellence in our mission to ensure the Bay Area is resilient to a changing climate.

Benefits:

• 100% Employer-Paid Health Insurance, Dental Insurance, and Vision Insurance policies. Life insurance policy also provided.
• 50% Employer-Paid Insurance policies for dependents.
• Generous Paid Time-Off package, including Vacation Days, Sick Days, and Floating Holidays. As many as 14 paid holidays off, including Winter Break.
• Professional development and training opportunities.

How to Apply:

Applications for this position will be considered on a rolling basis; however, priority consideration will be given to applications submitted by August 13. Please allow several weeks for a response as we are reviewing applications. Be sure to attach both a cover letter and a professional resume as PDF documents to your application.

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Work Authorization:

At this time, Greenbelt Alliance is unable to offer assistance to noncitizens or nonresidents in obtaining employer-sponsored work visas. All employees must have existing authorization from the federal government to work lawfully in the United States of America. Authorization would include US citizenship, US permanent residency (“green card”), or any other type of unexpired work authorization visa issued by the federal government.

Equal Employment Statement:

Greenbelt Alliance is an equal opportunity employer that does not discriminate on the basis of race, religion, disability, sex, gender expression, nationality, ethnicity, sexual orientation, or any other category. We strongly encourage people of color, LGBTQIA+ persons, people of different levels of physical ability, people with diverse national and class origins, and all qualified persons to apply for this position. Learn more about our nondiscrimination policy here.

Greenbelt Alliance encourages candidates of all abilities to apply to this position! In the case you may require any kind of special accommodation in order to complete the application or hiring process, please contact us at accessibility@greenbelt.org.

About Greenbelt Alliance:

Greenbelt Alliance’s mission is to educate, collaborate, and advocate to ensure the Bay Area is resilient to a changing climate. We envision a region of healthy, thriving communities made up of lands and people that are safe during climate disasters, and where everyone is living with nature in new and powerful ways for generations to come. Together, we are working toward a future where people and nature don’t merely survive, but thrive. We focus on data-driven and innovative policy solutions fostering much-needed regional collaboration to plan and invest in resilient communities, leveraging our expertise to realize a climate-resilient Bay Area.

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Descripción de la imagen: El interior de un autobús, iluminado en azul por la noche, con algunos pasajeros mirando hacia otro lado que no sea la cámara.

En el contexto actual de intensificación de los ataques contra las personas marginadas y los bienes públicos, Pittsburghers for Public Transit se solidariza con nuestras comunidades de inmigrantes y refugiados, muchos de los cuales dependen del transporte público como medio principal para ir al trabajo, asistir a la escuela, comprar alimentos, acceder a la atención médica y asistir a sus lugares de culto. Nos organizamos para oponernos a la intimidación, las detenciones crueles e ilegales, las desapariciones y las acciones discriminatorias contra nuestros amigos y vecinos que buscan, y merecen, seguridad y refugio.

Para fortalecer el conocimiento y la comunidad, compartimos un recurso de una de nuestras organizaciones asociadas, la Campaña Nacional por la Justicia en el Transporte, sobre qué hacer si se encuentra con agentes de inmigración al usar el transporte público. Por favor, comparta ampliamente estos recursos. El texto a continuación también está disponible como PDF descargable.

Si agentes de inmigración abordan su tren o autobús, usted tiene el derecho a: 

• Guardar silencio
• Rehusarse a que revisen sus pertenencias, diciendo “No les doy permiso de revisar mis cosas”, o en inglés, “I do not consent to a search”.
• Preguntarle a los agentes de inmigración por qué lo están parando
• Grabar video
• Informar a otros sobre sus derechos
• Si tiene documentos de inmigración válidos, puede enseñarlos. Pero nunca enseñe documentos falsos. 

NO es necesario:

• Contestar preguntas sobre su ciudadanía o su estatus migratorio, y no firme ningún papel, sin hablar con un abogado.

Toda información que le dé a los agentes de inmigración puede ser utilizada en su contra para deportarlo.

The post Conozca Sus Derechos si Encuentra Agentes de Inmigración en el Tránsito Público appeared first on Pittsburghers for Public Transit.

Image Description: the interior of a city bus, lit up blue at nighttime, with a few riders looking away from the camera.

In our current climate of intensifying attacks on marginalized people and public goods, Pittsburghers for Public Transit stands in solidarity with our immigrant and refugee communities, many of whom rely on public transit as a primary means to go to work, attend schools, buy groceries, access healthcare and attend places of worship. We are organized in opposition to intimidation, cruel and unlawful detainment and disappearances, and the discriminatory actions taken against our friends and neighbors who are seeking – and deserve – safety and refuge. 

To build community knowledge and strength, we are sharing a resource from one of our partner organizations, the National Campaign for Transit Justice, on what to do if you encounter immigration agents while using public transit services. Please share these resources widely. The below text is also available as a downloadable PDF.

If immigration agents board your bus or train or are patrolling a transit station, you have the right to:

• Remain silent
• Refuse a search of your belongings by saying, “I do not consent to a search”. 
• Ask agents why they are stopping you
• Record video
• Inform others of their rights
• Provide valid immigration papers if you have them (never provide false documents)

You do NOT need to:

• Answer any questions about your citizenship or immigration status, or sign any documents, without the advice of a lawyer

Any information you volunteer to immigration agents can and will be used against you to deport you.

The post Know Your Rights on Public Transit appeared first on Pittsburghers for Public Transit.

Image details: Flyer for PPT’s summer party reads “PPT’s Summer Party east dance connect build our campaigns” with PPT logo It’s been a huge year for our movement for transit justice. Celebrate our wins, plan our next moves, and (most importantly) have fun with neighbors and friends! Wednesday, August 13, 5:30pm-8:30pm
Olympia Park Shelter House
1010 Virginia Ave
Pittsburgh, PA 15211
Pay What You Can – No One Turned Away For Lack of Funds! RSVP Here to Party with Us!

The event will be a casual indoor/outdoor, mid-year celebration of the transit victories by PPT members in 2025! This is our movement’s biggest, most important year to date–we’ve massively scaled up our statewide campaign, deepened the ties in our local community, and won some big wins. It’s time to kick back, relax, and enjoy each other’s company for a night!

This is a free event, but your optional paid contribution will help us feed the crowd, hire a DJ, and (of course) continue our work to win expanded, equitable transit service for everyone!

What to expect: 

The picnic will be on August 13 at the indoor facility at Olympia Park in Mount Washington, from 5:30pm to 8:30pm. It is a casual and fun family friendly event, with indoor and outdoor activities for kids and adults. Olympia Park has a playground and we will provide art supplies and games. We’ll also have activities indoors that include party games, fun campaign strategy activities, a DJ with great tunes, and dancing. Attendees should not feel obligated to attend the entire event.

Food:

Vegetarian, vegan and gluten-free options will be available, along with water and non-alcoholic drinks. While the food is complimentary with registration, please RSVP so that we can have a count of how many people to expect.

Getting there:

The party will be held at the City’s “Olympia Park Indoor Shelter House”. Address: 1010 Virginia Ave, Pittsburgh, PA 15211. The 40 Mount Washington-Duquesne Heights bus stop is a quarter mile, or about 5 minute walk. The Duquesne Incline is a 10-15 minute walk or roll. Entrance for parking is on Virginia Ave, turn into the park across from Olympia Street. There are reserved handicap parking spots closer to the shelter, and there is other parking available on Hallock St. If you need help with transportation, you can try to find another PPT Member who can help by posting in the PPT Facebook Group

Volunteer!

This is a community event, and we need volunteers to help make it a success! Can you help us by signing up for a volunteer shift? There are lots of different roles available, and don’t worry–you’ll still be able to eat dinner, dance, and hang out if you take on a shift.

Volutneer to help at the party! Accessibility: 

The distance from the 40 Mount Washington Bus stop the Olympia Park facility is about a quarter mile on a slight grade. Take care when using a manual mobility device. Some games and activities will take place outside of the building in grass. The bathrooms are indoors and have an accessible stall, but do not have an access button. There will be a DJ playing music inside the facility, which could be loud, but we will do our best to play it at a volume that is comfortable for all attendees. Attendees should be ready for variable mid-August weather and lighting. There will be interpretation in both ASL and Spanish, upon request.

COVID procedures:

Our event will be indoors with areas to socialize outdoors and areas surrounding it. The health and safety of our members is important to us. Masks are not required, but will be provided to everyone. We encourage everyone to take an at-home COVID rapid test before arriving. Please stay home if you are feeling sick or have come into contact with someone who has COVID-19.

RSVP Here to Party With Us!

The post PPT Summer Party Gunna Party Hard – Join us! appeared first on Pittsburghers for Public Transit.

Nurses represented by CNA/NNOC are today shaming Kaiser Permanente, one of the country’s largest health care systems, for their decision to suspend some gender-affirming care services for patients under 19.

Three workers are still trapped underground following accidents at Newmont’s (NYSE, ASX: NEM; TSX: NGT) Red Chris mine in northwestern British Columbia, a company spokesperson said. Newmont has suspended operations.

A collapse, or fall of ground incident, on Tuesday morning affected the access way to the underground work area of a non-production project at the copper-gold mine, the spokesperson said in a statement sent to The Northern Miner on Wednesday.

Three business partner employees, who were working more than 500 metres beyond the affected area, were asked to move to a self-contained refuge station before the access way was blocked by a collapse. Contact was made with the workers, who confirmed they had safely entered a refuge bay, which contains food, water and ventilation sufficient to support an extended stay.

Shares in Newmont, the world’s largest gold miner by production and market capitalization, fell 0.4% on Wednesday afternoon in Toronto to C$83.83 apiece, valuing the company at C$68.3 billion.

Communication cut

A second collapse then cut off communication with the workers, and Newmont halted operations.

“With the support of industry, we are working to assemble specialist teams from nearby mine sites to respond to the situation,” the spokesperson said. “Newmont is actively assessing all methods and technologies available to restore communication and safely bring our team members to surface. Our priority remains on ensuring the safety of the three individuals and of the emergency response teams supporting this effort.”

Red Chris, in production since 2015, is a joint venture owned and operated 70% by Newmont and 30% by Imperial Metals (TSX: III). The mine is about 80 km south of Dease Lake and 1,050 km north of Vancouver.