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Project is Overvalued, Under-Analyzed, and a Massive Blow to Ratepayers and the Environment

Dear Friends,

On behalf of our friends at California Water Impact Network, who completed this excellent work, 

We want to share a powerful new report and testimony that shares the updated costs of the Delta Conveyance Project. Prepared by the environmental economics firm ECOnorthwest, this report documents how the DCP “simply doesn’t pencil out”, said Carolee Krieger, C-WIN’s executive director.

Read C-WIN’s full press release and testimony here: C-WIN Submits Damning Testimony on the DCP
 

Continuous research highlights why we must still oppose the Delta Tunnel due to its excessive costs, environmental harm, and lack of benefits for Californians.

July 14, 2025 – FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

State of Utah Concedes that Taxpayer-funded “Stand for Our Land” Litigation and Public Relations Campaign Is Blatantly Misleading During Court Hearing – 7.14.2025 Federal Public Lands Would Be Sold Off or Privatized, Not Turned Over to the State for Management

Contacts:
Stephen Bloch, Legal Director, Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance (SUWA); (steve@suwa.org)
Grant Stevens, Communications Director, Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance (SUWA); (319) 427-0260; grant@suwa.org

Salt Lake City, UT –  Today, during a court hearing over the pending lawsuit, SUWA v. Cox, the State of Utah concedes that the taxpayer-funded “Stand for our Land” Litigation and public relations campaign, which implies that federal public lands would be turned over to the state of Utah for management, is blatantly misleading. Below is a statement from SUWA Legal Director Steve Bloch and additional information. 

“The deeply misleading nature of Utah’s “Stand for Our Land” campaign was laid bare this morning in court when the state conceded that the goal of its litigation is to force the sale of millions of acres of public lands into private ownership,” said Steve Bloch, legal director for the Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance. “Utah politicians have been spending millions of taxpayer dollars to intentionally confuse the public about the true, wildly unpopular goal of its land grab campaign: to radically reimagine the American West as a place devoid of public lands, but filled with fences and no trespassing signs. SUWA will continue to challenge these efforts and defend Utah’s widest public lands.”

Additional information: 

July 14 Hearing

At the July 14 hearing, the court heard oral argument from SUWA and the state on SUWA’s motion to amend its complaint and further its legal and factual arguments. The state opposes SUWA’s motion and argued that the case should be dismissed.

The State of Utah is currently spending millions of taxpayer dollars on a legal and media campaign with the goal of forcing the federal government to sell more than 18.5 million acres of public lands in Utah managed by the Bureau of Land Management (BLM).

In August 2024, Utah filed a lawsuit with the United States Supreme Court seeking an order (1) holding that it’s unconstitutional for the federal government to own and manage public lands on behalf of all Americans and (2) directing the United States to begin “disposing” of 18.5 million acres of BLM-managed lands in the state. In January 2025, the Supreme Court rejected Utah’s lawsuit in a one-line order. Undeterred, Utah Governor Spencer Cox has repeatedly stated his intention for the State to pursue its land grab lawsuit in federal district court.

In December 2024, SUWA sued Governor Cox and then-Attorney General Reyes in Third District Court (state court) alleging that the land grab lawsuit violated the Utah Constitution’s provision that the “people inhabiting this State do affirm and declare that they forever disclaim all right and title to the unappropriated public lands lying within [its] boundaries.”

Media campaign

In support of its dangerous lawsuit and in an effort to confuse the public, the State is spending millions of dollars of taxpayer money on a propaganda campaign – dubbed “Let Utah Manage Utah Lands” – that fundamentally misstates both the facts and goals of its unprecedented lawsuit. Recent reporting on the State’s propaganda campaign highlighted its use of AI and paid actors as part of the stagecraft to boost Utah’s message.

Legal arguments

As the State concedes in its legal filings, the public lands that are the target of its lawsuit were never owned by Utah. Instead, Native American Tribes have lived in what is present-day Utah from time immemorial and the federal government acquired all the lands comprising Utah from Mexico in 1848.

As a condition of entry to the Union, in 1896 the citizens of Utah “forever disclaim[ed] all right and title” to the unappropriated public lands within its borders. The State’s lawsuit seeks to re-write the agreement that allowed it to become a part of the United States. This language was a condition of statehood and is found in both Utah’s Constitution and the Utah Enabling Act, which led to Utah’s entry into the Union.

If successful, the State’s lawsuit will not result in public lands automatically being given to Utah but instead would start a “disposal” process which could result in the sale of millions of acres of public lands to the highest bidder.

A 2016 report by the Public Lands Subcommittee of the Conference of Western Attorneys General evaluated the same legal claims raised by Utah in its 2024 land grab filing and concluded that they are contrary to more than a hundred years of legal precedent. Hunters, anglers, and wildlife advocates have all singled-out Utah’s lawsuit as a direct threat to the future of America’s public lands.

A map of lands in the state’s lawsuit.

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The Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance (SUWA) is a nonprofit organization with members and supporters from around the country dedicated to protecting America’s redrock wilderness. From offices in Moab, Salt Lake City, and Washington, DC, our team of professionals defends the redrock, organizes support for America’s Red Rock Wilderness Act, and stewards this world-renowned landscape. Learn more at www.suwa.org.

 

 

The post State of Utah Concedes that Taxpayer-funded “Stand for Our Land” Litigation and Public Relations Campaign is Blatantly Misleading During Court Hearing – 7.14.2025 appeared first on Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance.

Here’s a quick look at what we’ve done together just in the last few months:

Breaking ground in Seville
During the recent UN Financing for Development Conference which took place during a sweltering heatwave in Seville, we called on governments to tax extreme wealth and invest in real solutions – alongside many other partner organisations. Through a variety of mediums, including a petition, webinar, video and blog post we made it crystal clear how the money could be spent to power up the transition to renewables at home and across the world along with cutting energy bills, creating green jobs and protecting communities from climate impacts.

And some HUGE news came out of the conference! A new alliance to tax the super-rich was launched by Spain and Brazil with support from South Africa and Chile [1]. Although many more countries need to join this coalition now, it marks a growing global shift towards taxing extreme wealth through international tax negotiations at the UN – and that’s super exciting!

Thanks to everyone who helped spread the message during this critical conference.

Coalition of partners making sure decision-makers hear our message loud and clear at the UN Financing for Development Conference in Seville. Photo: UN Photo / Julio Muñoz

France: The French Senate vote
In France, we pushed hard to get the Senate to pass the Zucman Tax: a 2% minimum tax on wealth over €100 million. The National Assembly approved it in February. All eyes then turned to the French Senate.

Though we narrowly lost the vote (just 30 votes short), we scored huge political wins. More than 65,000 people signed our joint petition with Oxfam and Attac and through a variety of actions, events and media coverage we showed that taxing the super-rich has strong public support, from mayors to MPs, from economists to everyday citizens. The 350 team in France is already planning more activities to keep up the pressure so… watch this space!

Fanny from 350 France speaking at a rally in Paris ahead of the vote. 

Germany: Turning up the heat on billionaires
In June, we joined with partners to take to the streets in Berlin, Nuremberg, Munich and Hildesheim. While billionaire lobbyists gathered behind closed doors, we held creative protests demanding the SPD (the centre-left party that is part of the government coalition) follow through on their promise to tax extreme wealth.

There were money-suitcases, satirical speeches, a polar bear mascot, and even a film premiere. But behind the fun was a serious demand: wealth taxes to fund the energy transition, public transport, housing and care. The pressure is building and more actions are planned.

Action in Nürnberg calling for taxes on extreme wealth. 

UK: People-powered push for fairness

We’re part of a growing coalition calling to tax the super-rich in the UK and public support is on the rise. A new poll shows that 75% of Brits want to see higher taxes on extreme wealth.

Together with partners, unions, economists, and even millionaires, we’ve joined rallies, launched open letters and pushed MPs to make pledges. We’re keeping the pressure on politicians who are rapidly running out of reasons to avoid taxing the super-rich and we’re building towards something big: a huge march in London on September 20th, part of global “Draw The Line” days of action, which we’ll share more about soon – you can sign up here to save the date.

We also just launched our TaxForce: a WhatsApp channel for people who want to take the next step in the Tax Their Billions campaign – and you can join!

350 staff joining a rally in Westminster ahead of the Spring Budget, to demand that the Government taxes the super-rich. 

Trump’s Gas: We won’t be blackmailed

President Trump is using trade threats to pressure Europe into buying more dirty, fracked gas from the US, what we call “TrumpGas”. It’s as bad for the climate as coal and comes with a price tag of pollution, human rights violations and environmental devastation. Together with our sister organisation in the Netherlands Fosseilvrij NL, we’re pushing back against the EU’s plan to purchase more gas that will only lock in further climate disasters.

Just this week, in the Netherlands, people “donated their farts” to protest TrumpGas, and they were delivered to the US consulate by a Dutch drag queen with three giant balloons! Check out the video if you’re finding this hard to believe! The deadline for the EU to accept Trump’s gas deal was extended until August 1 and the campaign will continue. You can sign the petition here.

 

Eyes now on COP30

The latest UN climate talks in Bonn made little progress. Political divisions and delays meant that key issues were left unresolved including taking forward the agreement to phase-out of fossil fuels and scaling up renewable energy at the scale we need. But civil society held the line. Together, we reminded governments that promises to triple renewables and end fossil fuel expansion must be kept. Now, all eyes turn to the big UN Climate Talks (COP30) in Belém, Brazil – and we’ll be ready. Digital action?

Photo from action led by 350, in collaboration with Indigenous communities and international partners at Bonn. 

A warning from Brussels
In a worrying twist, the far-right ‘Patriots for Europe’ bloc has taken control of the EU Parliament’s negotiations on climate targets [2]. They openly want to dismantle the Green Deal and stop Europe from achieving climate neutrality. We can’t let this happen. The climate crisis demands bold, united action not backsliding into fossil-fuelled nationalism. This is a dangerous moment, but also a call to action. There’s more leadership needed from countries like France and Germany who need to ensure the EU stands firm for the full and fair phase out of fossil fuels especially at COP30.

This is what people-power looks like. And we’re only halfway through the year.

Thank you for being part of this. We can’t wait to take even bolder action with you in the months ahead.

Sources
[1] Spain and Brazil push global action to tax the super-rich and curb inequality (United Nations)
[2] Patriots for Europe look to derail signature EU climate policy with key parliament file (Euronews)

The post Tax Their Billions: How it’s going in Europe appeared first on 350.

A ‘solution’ of governments and industry to the common practice of burning off methane pollution and other air pollutants at oil and gas facilities is seemingly less efficient than claimed. The result is continued pollution and potential harm. Where there’s drilling, there’s fire…but, also, sometimes, just gushing pollution.

Picture this: you move into a home in Northern Colorado, much like the one pictured above, lured to the state by work or by the promise of outdoor fun and mountain vistas. First, you discover that those fabled mountain views are sometimes obscured by a thick haze, which you learn is really harmful smog, for weeks on end. Smog forms when pollutants such as volatile organic compounds (VOCs) are released from oil and gas facilities. Cities in Colorado such as Denver and Fort Collins rank among the worst in the USA for air quality because of smog’s prevalence in the region. 

Then, you start to pay more attention to the oil and gas well pad in your neighborhood. Living next to this facility did not bother you too much at first, as you never observed any flames or pollution from the equipment on the facility. Plus, you read that Colorado banned routine venting and flaring at oil and gas facilities in order to protect people like you from air pollution. But, the more you look at the large cylinders on the well pad, the more you notice ripples of heat, like you see from pavement on hot days, emerging from the openings at the top. You wonder: “What have I been missing?”

The answer, unfortunately, is that you are living next to a facility where flaring occurs in equipment known as enclosed combustion devices (ECDs). This flaring can have negative impacts on both local air quality and the climate. 

What is Flaring?

Flaring is the process of burning methane gas, a potent greenhouse gas, and other harmful VOCs, at oil and gas facilities to “destroy” these compounds rather than release them directly into the atmosphere. “Destroying” in this case is a misnomer, as it really means converting it into another greenhouse gas, carbon dioxide. This process is not perfect, meaning that some methane and VOCs still escape to the atmosphere. 

More on that later…

“Routine flaring,” which has been banned by states like Colorado and countries like Colombia and has been ordered to be phased out in other countries such as Ecuador, is the practice of burning methane gas produced along with oil that an operator is not capturing to sell. 

Oftentimes, even though methane gas is a product with a market value, it is cheaper and more convenient for an operator (especially in remote regions like the Ecuadorian Amazon) to simply burn it. But what is convenient for an operator is often harmful for communities, as they suffer the consequences of the pollution from routine flaring. This is why governments around the world are passing laws and rules to prohibit this practice.

However, even after routine flaring is prohibited, many facilities in places like Colorado still flare during drilling and fracking, and in the case of maintenance activities or emergencies. It is also done to destroy methane gas and other VOCs from other polluting equipment like storage tanks, where these gases evaporate off of the crude oil and wastewater. This is especially true of large facilities associated with the transmission and refining of oil and gas such as compressor stations and gas plants, where flares are used to burn off excess gases and therefore “control” pollution.

In other words, wherever there is oil and gas activity, there is likely to be flaring, even if “routine flaring” is prohibited.

Pollution from Flares

Whether routine or not, flaring traditionally occurs in elevated flares. These are tall stacks where the combustion process occurs at the top and is exposed, meaning there are often visible flames. The flames from these flares are a source of concern for community members who live near facilities and are a constant reminder of the impact oil and gas activities have on their health, their neighborhoods, and the climate.

This design also means that the flame is exposed to the elements, and it is not uncommon for these types of flares to be inefficient at burning methane gas and other VOCs, or for the flare to become unlit. In both cases, the flare ends up releasing gases to the atmosphere that it should be burning.

When we look at an inefficient, elevated flare with one of our OGI cameras (which are designed to visualize hydrocarbon compounds like methane and other VOCs that are otherwise invisible to the naked eye), we can see the pollutants that are not being destroyed by that flare and are instead being released into the atmosphere.

Here is an example from Colorado:

And from New Mexico:

Enclosed Combustion Devices as a More “Efficient” Solution

Recently, in states like Colorado and New Mexico, as well as in the Ecuadorian Amazon, the oil and gas industry has been replacing traditional, elevated flares with enclosed flares or enclosed combustion devices (ECDs). These flares enclose the flame to protect it from the elements, and therefore theoretically allow for greater control and more efficient burns. The presumption, based primarily on manufacturer’s technical documents, is that ECDs are oftentimes 95-98% efficient, meaning they burn 95-98% of the methane gas and other VOC compounds routed to them and only a small percentage of the total gas escapes to the atmosphere. But, very little independent testing has been done to ensure that ECDs are as efficient as manufacturers or operators claim.

ECDs also conveniently hide most visible evidence of flames or combustion from community members, many of whom therefore do not always recognize that ECDs are actually flares. 

When adoption of ECDs coincides with a heavily publicized ban on routine flaring such as in Colorado, or with a court decision to eliminate flaring in close proximity to vulnerable communities such as in Ecuador (en español), it becomes much easier to convince the public that flaring has been curbed or eliminated entirely. And with flaring “visibly” eliminated, oil and gas operators can more easily present themselves as having addressed some of the health and climate impacts associated with their industry.

The truth is not so convenient.

Years of evidence gathered using our OGI cameras to observe emissions from ECDs in states like Colorado demonstrates that concerning pollution due to inefficient combustion in ECDs is a common occurrence. In Colorado, we documented 352 emissions events at oil and gas facilities from 2022-2024. Of those 352 events, 98 were pollution from inefficient ECDs.

More troubling is that the presumption that ECDs are efficient is oftentimes referenced by operators to refute our evidence of pollution. They rarely provide data to actually demonstrate that the equipment is as efficient as advertised. They merely claim it is, while claiming that our evidence is therefore nothing to worry about.

You decide for yourself:

If these videos of pollution seem remarkably similar to the videos of pollution from the inefficient, traditional flares that were shared above, that is because they are.

It is important to note however that we cannot use these videos to claim that these ECDs are not 95-98% efficient because videos of pollution alone cannot tell us how much pollution is actually occurring. But for that exact same reason, operators cannot refute these videos by simply stating the ECDs are operating efficiently. 

The Truth about Flaring

Whether flaring is occurring as a result of routine flaring or as a result of a maintenance activity, it is a source of pollution.

Whether flaring is occurring in a traditional, elevated flare, or an ECD, there is commonly pollution associated with inefficient combustion.

Wherever oil and gas activity exists, flaring is likely to exist for one reason or another, even if the flames are hidden from plain sight.

The oil and gas industry still spends as much – if not more – time downplaying or concealing their polluting activities than actually addressing them. We are going to continue to make sure they do not get away with it.

The post Flaring in Plain Sight appeared first on Earthworks.

RNs at Ascension Saint Agnes Hospital in Baltimore, Md., gave notice to their employer today that they will hold a strike for one day on July 24 to protest the Ascension management’s refusal to address RNs’ deep concerns about patient care, safe staffing, and high staff turnover during contract negotiations.

In recent years, the European Union and its member states have introduced measures to protect farmers from the unfair practices of large-scale retailers. But in Italy, as in the rest of the European single market, the reality remains one of reckless bargaining and a value chain that funnels wealth upwards, leaving exploited farmers scrambling to stay afloat.

In the back of a large agricultural warehouse, amidst loaded pallets, moving forklifts and empty crates stacked against the walls, Carmine* receives us in a small, bare-walled office lit by a cold neon light. Carmine is the chief operating officer of a company that produces and markets fruit and vegetables. As we talk, he opens a drawer and pulls out a thick folder full of papers and contracts.

“In here we have the framework agreement that we signed with a large retail chain,” he says, flipping through the pages from memory, like one who knows every comma of every clause. He stops at a line highlighted in yellow. “See, 10 per cent invoice discount. It’s there in black and white.”

He says this with a tone that wavers between resignation and matter-of-factness. The figure, he explains, is the “ristorno”, or rebate: a portion of the turnover that agricultural suppliers have to return to the large-scale retail trade (Grande Distribuzione Organizzata, GDO) at the end of the year. Officially, the rebate is justified as a contribution for flyers, advertising, logistical support, or the opening of new stores. But for people in the industry the meaning is far more straightforward: “that 10 per cent is the tribute you pay to work with them. To get access to their shelves. If you don’t accept it, you’re out.”

This practice is not the exception, but rather the firmly established rule, which everyone knows about but never openly denounces. “On average it’s 10 per cent, but there are chains that demand 12, 13, even 14 per cent. It depends on your bargaining power.”

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READ & ORDER

The ristorno is the hidden margin deducted by the large-scale retail trade at the end of the season. And it’s only the tip of the iceberg. What Carmine shows us is the hidden face of the relationship between large retail chains and those who work the land: an opaque system consisting of forced discounts, unilaterally determined scrap rates, digital bargaining systems to get the lowest price, impossible delivery schedules, and relentless inspections that can invalidate entire shipments for the most trivial reasons.

The result is that farms are now on their last legs. Margins are shrinking, costs are rising, and in many areas – even those that have always been highly suited to agriculture – farms are starting to close down. This investigation is the result of months of work that included dozens of interviews conducted throughout the Po Valley, in particular the large fruit and vegetable district of Emilia-Romagna and Veneto, where there are producers and cooperatives that also buy produce from other parts of Italy, and sign contracts with retail chains.

Today, in these once fruitful lands, the climate has changed. Not just because of the increasingly extreme weather, but also because the numbers have stopped adding up. Many younger people have given up on taking over the family business. Others resist, but they often find themselves at a crossroads. “Sometimes you ask yourself if it wouldn’t be better to just leave the fruit on the tree rather than harvest it at a loss”, confides a producer with 40 years of farming behind him. 

Everyone talks in whispers. Everyone requests anonymity. Obtaining interviews, in this environment, means first and foremost listening and reassuring. Confidentiality is a necessary condition. It’s not just fear: it’s a question of survival. In a system where a simple email can be enough to lose a contract, raising your voice can put you out of business.

The process of selection and control in fruit distribution. Romagna, June 2025. ©Michele Lapini Structural windfall

Behind the orderly crates of peaches and courgettes, behind the neat and tidy supermarket shelves, there hides a reality of uneven bargaining, forced compromise and slashed margins, where those who work the land are often the lowest link in a chain that only moves wealth upwards.

Not even the consumer benefits from this tight and often cut-throat bargaining. The so-called ristorno gives them no advantage. The price at which the product is sold comes from a given price list, and is not the producer’s discounted price. The citizen, in short, pays as if there were no discount. And so the circle is closed. The producer, already beaten down by rising costs and suffocating demands, accepts the discount to avoid being locked out of the system. The consumer, ignorant of these dynamics, continues to pay the full price. And at the top, large-scale retailers earn a net profit, which many in the sector do not hesitate to define as a “structural windfall” – a systematic gain created from a power imbalance.

“It’s a system that only moves value upwards”, says Carmine, closing the folder. “The agricultural side of things has become an accounting anomaly, an underpaid supplier who is always under pressure. But as long as the fruit arrives and looks good on the shelves, no one asks any questions.” 

Millions changing pockets

Carmine’s company draws a six-figure turnover with large-scale retail trade. Applying the 10 per cent rebate to this sum, as well as the turnover of thousands of other suppliers, a mountain of money passes every year from the pockets of the producers to those of the retail chains. 

This is not some marginal deviation or aggressive commercial strategy practiced by only the most unscrupulous chains. The “entry tax” for a seat with the major distributors is the general rule, grudgingly accepted by all the producers interviewed. Every contract we had a chance to view included it, from low-cost chains like Eurospin and MD, to more traditional chains like Conad and Carrefour.

“The rebate is not up for discussion”, confirm all the operators. “At most you might manage to negotiate one or two percentage points, but all the brands use it,” says Carmine. “We always have to take into account this 10 per cent deducted at the end of the year. And the numbers don’t always add up.”

Aerial view of crates used to transport fruit. Romagna, June 2025. ©Michele Lapini A law with no teeth 

Carmine’s claims are backed up by a recent report by Italy’s Institute of Services for the Agricultural and Food Market (ISMEA), the public body that monitors the prices of agricultural products. According to the report, out of every 100 euro spent by the consumer, only 7 end up in the hands of the farmer as net profit. “Logistics and distributors now take the largest cut of the final value”, the ISMEA report states. “The agricultural stage, on the other hand, continues to be penalised.”   

Precisely in order to rebalance this distortion in the market, in 2019 the European Union approved a directive against unfair commercial practices in the agri-food sector. The directive introduced two lists: a black list, which bans certain practices outright, and a grey list, which allows specific practices only when formalised in writing. Among the practices that are banned outright are last-minute cancellations of orders of perishable goods, and the unilateral modification of contracts. However, many of the most common demands of the large-scale retail trade are greylisted, and these are now legal when formally recognised. And thus the mechanism continues to function as before.   

In 2021, Italy implemented the European directive with law 198, and took it even further: the law bans electronic reverse auctions and below-cost sales, and entrusts the supervision of compliance to the Central Inspectorate of Quality Protection and Fraud Repression (ICQRF), a body of the Ministry of Agriculture, which can also receive anonymous complaints. Progress, in theory, but an illusion in practice.

“The devil is in the details,” declares the director of another fruit and vegetable company. “These practices that increase our hardship, such as the ristorno or compulsory promotions, are on the grey list. So for now we are not only forced to accept them, but we also have to sign contracts that enshrine their legitimacy. It’s even worse than that: we are self-certifying the reduction of our profits.”

A fruit stall with promotions. Parma, June 2025. ©Michele Lapini

The disproportionate relationship between the damage incurred by agriculture and the efficacy of the regulatory response can also be seen in the numbers. Lawyer Gualtiero Roveda, an expert in agri-food law, puts it in severe terms: “the European directive and law 198 that implements it are a band-aid for the mortally wounded.” You only have to look at the numbers: according to ICQRF data, between 2023 and 2024 the penalties imposed for unfair practices amounted to a total of just 665,000 euros. “A laughable figure”, says the lawyer, “when compared to losses estimated at more than 350 million euros per year for the entire Italian agricultural and food supply chain.”

Speaking of the mortally wounded, agricultural businesses are gasping for breath. Sometimes they change crops, and sometimes they simply shut down. “Every year hundreds of farmers decide to give up because they’re in the red,” explains Roveda. According to an investigation conducted among farmers by Agri 2000 Net, an agricultural services company, 30,000 farms are at risk of closure in Emilia-Romagna alone. The majority of those surveyed said that poor profitability was the reason they would consider shutting down.

“To break this vicious circle, there needs to be intervention in the asymmetrical relationship between agriculture and retail distribution,”continues Roveda. “Those who produce are in a position of weakness. They are fragmented, and often have little voice in the capital. The retail chains are in a position to impose one-sided conditions. And now they can do it with perfectly legal practices.”

Retail chains are in a position to impose one-sided conditions. And now they can do it with perfectly legal practices.

A silent bloodbath

In the silence of his office, amidst files and folders full of documents, Mirko – director of a large fruit and vegetable company – greets us with a dry gesture and shows us a chart. It is a simple but ruthless diagram illustrating the development of peach and nectarine production between 2006 and 2024.

“Look here”, he says, pointing to the figures. “In Emilia-Romagna we’ve lost 70 per cent of the cultivated land and 69 per cent of the quantity produced. In Veneto it’s even worse: minus 73 per cent of the cultivated land, and minus 69 per cent of the quantity produced.” He rests his head against the back of his chair, as if to catch his breath. “There was a silent bloodbath. And there was just one reason: we couldn’t get adequate prices. In the end, many ended up ditching the farm because they couldn’t make a living.”

Mirko takes a blank sheet of paper and draws a kind of freehand profit and loss table. “Let’s say that in the supermarket a peach is sold for two euros per kilo. At that point I have to set a selling price of one euro per kilo. But that euro is the gross price, from which I have to subtract everything: transport, processing, packaging. And also the compulsory 10 per cent ristorno for the GDO.” Then he stops and lowers his gaze. “At the end of the chain, if all goes well, the farmer is left with 30 cents. From two euros.” Finally, he adds, almost to himself: “and with those 30 cents we have to run a farm.”

A fruit and vegetable stall with promotions. Parma, June 2025. ©Michele Lapini Global market, local losses

When we buy a peach, a head of lettuce, or a bunch of grapes at the supermarket, we rarely ask ourselves where it comes from, who grew it, picked it, sorted it, and with what margins. The agri-food supply chain is long and fragmented, with several invisible but crucial steps. The product starts in the field and arrives, in most cases, at a cooperative or producers’ organisation. There it is packaged, selected for size and quality, and finally offered to large retailers. It is the cooperative or producers’ organisation that sits at the negotiating table with the GDO.

“Price negotiation takes place online, and sometimes it is settled by phone,” says Guido, director of a large cooperative in the Emilia-Romagna region. “There are several levels: first there are negotiations with the national retail chains, then the regional buyers may want to reopen negotiations. It is a process of continual renegotiation.” The price lists are normally weekly, but they can also change three times in a single week, depending on the season and product line. “The price is determined by the market,” he adds. “But in this market, those who sell are almost always in a position of weakness. Especially when it’s fresh products that perish quickly. Those who have the power to stock or reject these goods also have the power to dictate conditions.”

The “market”, moreover, has to be understood in the global sense, because Italian supermarkets don’t only buy from Italian producers. “Sometimes they can call us to say that the Spanish product costs less. Or the Greeks are offering a consignment at a lower price. The message is clear: either you accept these conditions, or you’re off the shelf.” It’s a subtle but continual form of pressure, which fundamentally undermines the principle of reciprocity that should regulate commercial relations.

Dumping on the European scale

In some cases, the game is even more sophisticated. A legal but economically and socially devastating international dumping mechanism is created. “An Italian brand might call a Spanish supplier for a promotion on peaches,” Mirko explains. “The Spaniard gladly accepts, because an increase in demand in Italy allows him to raise prices on the German or French markets. The price in Italy, on the other hand, goes down.” The result? The Italian producer, who in theory should be favoured in the domestic market, finds himself out of the game. Or he is forced to agree to prices that don’t even cover production costs.

Irrigation of farmland in the Parma province. June 2025. ©Michele Lapini

“It’s all perfectly legal, even if deeply immoral”, he adds, showing a photo of a Eurospin fruit stand where Spanish peaches are being sold for 1.69 euros per kilo, exactly half the price of Italian peaches in the same supermarket. “The supply chain has become a European battlefield, but without any common rules. There are no limitations to cross-border procurement, nor instruments that offer genuine protection to producers.”

Thus, beneath the reassuring surface of shiny fruit displayed on supermarket stands, there hides a silent war made up of pressures, implicit extortion, and unequal negotiation. And those who grow the food we eat are often the weakest link in a chain that keeps getting longer, more complex, and more opaque.

Those who grow the food we eat are often the weakest link in a chain that keeps getting longer, more complex, and more opaque.

An overcrowded supply chain

“The disparity is in the numbers. For the 7000 people selling fruit and vegetables to the GDO, we have 25 retail chains. As a sector, we have our responsibilities too”, concludes Mirko. “If we were able to join up, to really come together, we would clearly have more contractual strength.”

But hyper-fragmentation also exists upstream. The retail chains also suffer from it, though in a different way. “There are too many points of sale,” says Mario Gasbarrino, the managing director of the Decò group, with years of experience with the upper echelons of large-scale retail trade. “In my view, at least 3000 supermarkets ought to close.”

Gasbarrino is not looking for shortcuts. He recognises the distortions in the supply chain, the questionable mechanisms, the continual pressures. The ristorno, he explains, “has always existed” in purchasing dynamics. Paradoxically, however, the practice has been dwindling for all products except fruit and vegetables, where it continues to grow. Gasbarrino also admits that the negotiations are often “muscular”. But the point, he says, is even larger. “We are in a deep crisis. Sales are falling, wages are stagnant. In this context, it’s a continual war, all against all. And when the horse won’t drink, there is nothing that can be done. It’s kill or be killed.” 

A brutal snapshot, but one that does not apply to everyone equally. Some large-scale retail chains are floundering: the French multinational Carrefour, after years in the red, is considering pulling out of Italy. Auchan, also a French company, left in 2019. Overall, however, the sector is holding strong, and even growing. This is confirmed by an analysis conducted by Area Studi Mediobanca: between 2019 and 2023, the largest retail chains recorded billions in profits. Eurospin leads the ranks with 1.56 billion euros, followed by VéGé (1.33 billion) and Selex (1.28 billion).

At this point, an unavoidable question arises: how much of these profits are derived from what Gasbarrino calls “muscular negotiations” with suppliers? How much extra margin has been snatched from an agricultural supply chain that is in increasingly dire condition, especially when it comes to perishable goods? On this point, Gasbarrino is clear. “Fresh fruit and vegetables are the most critical sector, and yet it’s all topsy-turvy. You plan promotions two months in advance, when you don’t even know if the products will be there. It’s absurd. Fresh products, by their very nature, should not be part of such promotional logic.” 

Promotions: a lose-lose game

“The promotions are a real disgrace”, confirms Walter from the other side of the barricade. Walter is a farmer in the Emilia-Romagna region with 30 years of experience and owner of a major fruit and vegetable company in the region. Sales, he explains, have become one of the most insidious traps in the supply chain. “They are no longer intended to get rid of excess produce, as they used to be. Now they are run by the supermarkets according to a logic of pure marketing, rather than agricultural considerations. They are only used to attract clients to the point of sale. And it’s us who pay the price.”

The concept of promotion has been turned on its head: from an instrument that supports the producer in times of surplus, it has become a commercial mechanism that serves the interests of the retailers. “If the retail chain decides that the apricots should go on sale for 1.29 euros per kilo, then you just have to accept it. And often you will have to sell below cost. No one asks about your margin. They only ask if you can deliver. And the response has to be yes.”

In the large warehouse of his farm, where the summer fruit season has just started, Walter moves between machines and automated production lines. The fruits are calibrated one by one, passing on rollers that measure their diameter to the last millimetre. “Each retail chain has its own specifications: there are those that only want peaches from 65 to 72 millimetres. 64 or 73 are no good. The market doesn’t want them. Even if they are perfect, even if they taste the same.”

An orchard in Romagna. July 2025. ©Michele Lapini

After calibration, the fruits are sorted manually. Female workers watch the fruit pass one by one: one small blemish, one crack, and the fruit is rejected. “It’s called commercial waste, but in many cases it’s still good fruit. And it’s up to us to find a place for it elsewhere, perhaps in industry, at ridiculously low prices. Or just throw it away.”

But the real paradox, says Walter, comes later, at the packaging stage. “We can’t even choose who we work with. They impose their own choice of firms that we have to buy our trays, labels, and cartons from, even if they cost more than the market price, even if we pay them more than we’d pay if we arranged it all ourselves. It’s all imposed on us. And we know that a cut of these costs end up in the coffers of the retail chain, as a kind of guaranteed percentage.”

It’s a subtle but pervasive form of control. “We’ve become packers for third parties. They provide the specifications, choose the materials, dictate the schedule. Our autonomy stops at the orchard.”

And yet, Walter points out, all of this happens in total silence. “The consumer doesn’t know. All they see is a nice price. They don’t imagine that behind the 1.29-euro tray there are hours of work, kilos of discarded fruit, imposed materials, hidden mark-ups, and an agriculture sector that is increasingly struggling to survive.”

And so the producers continue to suffer in silence, hoping that circumstances in the market might swing to their favour. “If by chance there’s a shortage of produce, prices go up. At that point we too can adapt: we sink the knife into the butter. But we only get to handle this knife one week a year, if we’re lucky,” says Walter.

The non-compliance trick

Different area, same script. We are in the Bologna province, amid greenhouses and industrial warehouses converted for agricultural logistics. Corrado has been growing vegetables for three generations. His warehouse is abuzz: he is preparing pallets of lettuce to be loaded onto a truck bound for a large retailer. “90 per cent of my turnover depends on large-scale retail trade,” he says in a neutral tone, as if it were a simple fact and not some kind of complaint.

For Corrado too, the main problem is the asymmetry in the balance of power. “When we sign an agreement, for us it is law. For them, it’s a reversible option.” Corrado recounts a recent episode involving a contract that was closed through his cooperative with a large national retailer for 10 pallets of aubergines, with an agreed price of 60 cents per kilo. Nothing out of the ordinary. Until the buyer found another supplier willing to sell for 50 cents. “At that point he decided he no longer needed my product.”

And the contract? “He sent back seven pallets, on the grounds of non-compliance. It was just a pretext. The produce was perfect, we all knew it. But they can afford to behave like that. And we cannot.”

Empty fruit crates in front of the Agri-Food Centre of Bologna (CAAB), where producers meet distributors. ©Michele Lapini

This behaviour is in fact one of the commercial practices blacklisted by law 198, which implements the European directive on unfair practices. In theory, Corrado was entitled to report everything to the ICQRF. But he didn’t do so. He didn’t even give it much thought.

“Do you remember Peron?” he asks, crossing his arms. Fortunato Peron, a well-known pear seller from the Cesena province, a few years ago reported the supermarket chain Coop Italia to the Antitrust Authority for breach of contract. He won. But after that, no one ever called him. “He went out of business. Cancelled. Our sector has a long memory and thin skin. If you go against the retailers, you’re finished.”

The paradox of the agri-food supply chain is this: those who grow the food, those who harvest it by hand, are the ones who earn the least. At the bottom of the chain, agricultural producers have become the weak link, crushed between rising costs and prices imposed from above. And so the system fuels a war between the lower ranks: the large cooperatives and producers’ organisations, under pressure from retailers, end up shifting the burden onto individual farmers, especially the smallest ones, who have no voice or bargaining power. Rebates, extra costs, lost earnings: it all flows downstream, where there’s no room to plan ahead. Then there’s the fact that accounts, in most cases, are settled at the end of the year, when it’s already too late.

If the producer falls, so does everything else.

The disaster accountant

We are in the middle of Romagna: the acrid smell of cut grass mingles with the sweeter smell of freshly picked peaches. Andrea is a young farmer, in his early thirties. After studying agriculture he chose to stay on the farm with his father. “I didn’t want to be a technician, I wanted to be a farmer. But today, more than a farmer, I’m a disaster accountant.”

He speaks calmly, with a firm voice, without a hint of self-pity. Like a man who realised long ago that the rules of the game are not his to design. “The problem is always this: the price. Every week the cooperative sends us the price list. And we accept it. There’s no alternative. What can we do, stop harvesting? The fruit ripens, and if it’s not picked it has to be tossed out. And tossing it out hurts even more.”

Of the large retailers, he knows only their reflection. “I’ve never seen a buyer. I don’t even know what they look like. We bring the products, they tell us if it’s alright. And then we wait for the transfer. And the rebate, which arrives later, is like a deferred tax. Sometimes they deduct the only margin we thought we had. It’s not a surprise any more, it’s a sentence foretold.”

When asked if he has ever thought of quitting, Andrea thinks for a moment. “I’ve never thought of giving up, but I have stopped fooling myself. My grandfather used to say that the land gives you everything you need. Today it only gives you survival. And without another income in the family, or a little luck, you go under.”

Then there’s a word that is often repeated among the producers: dignity. They hardly ever talk about profits, growth, or operating margins. They talk about staying afloat, about being able to work without being subjected to a fresh imposition every day. “All we ask is to be treated as a part of the supply chain, not as its servants”, says Andrea. “Because if the producer falls, so does everything else.”

*All the names of the agricultural producers interviewed have been changed at their request, and all identifying details have been omitted.

Stefano Liberti is a 2025 Bertha Challenge Fellow. This is the second article in a four-part investigation coordinated by Internazionale with the support of the Bertha Challenge fellowship. The Italian version of this article is published by Internazionale.

Translated by Ciarán Lawless | Voxeurop

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Plastic is a growing crisis with devastating impacts on the environment, human health, human rights, environmental justice, the rights of Indigenous Peoples, biodiversity, and climate. Global actions to address this crisis are urgently needed. As numerous studies have demonstrated, plastic has been found everywhere, not only in ecosystems and the atmosphere but also in the food we eat, the water we drink, and even inside our bodies. For the Global Plastics Treaty to be effective in reversing the tide of plastic pollution, mechanisms and solutions to address it need to exist within climate and planetary boundaries. This treaty is an opportunity to get it right and open a path for comprehensive national policies to regulate plastic production and consumption. It can potentially be one of the most significant environmental agreements in history.

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GAIA Africa Hosts Media Briefing to Mobilise African Journalists in Support of an Ambitious Global Plastics Treaty GAIA Africa…

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Plastics Crisis: Challenges, Advances and Relationship with Waste Pickers

Negotiations must include the recognition of the historical work of those who have recovered more materials and in the most efficient way: the waste pickers.

ENG ESP PT Rommel Cabrera/GAIA, 2019. Waste pickers collecting separated waste from households. Tacloban City, the Philippines.

Overview of the Plastics Treaty/Tratado sobre plásticos

Plastic pollution does not respect borders. It is in the air we breathe, the food we eat, the water we drink, and even in our bodies. A new binding legal instrument, covering the entire lifecycle of plastic, is required to tackle this planetary crisis.

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The Plastic Waste Trade

Top exporters such as the United States, Germany, the UK, Japan and Australia are placing a disproportionate toxic burden on the environment and communities in importing countries. A Global Plastics Treaty can enact stricter measures on the waste trade to prevent environmental injustices.

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Plastic and Waste Pickers/Recicladores

Plastic takes up a large percentage of the waste handled by waste pickers. Consequently, they are one of the most vulnerable occupation groups that stand to be impacted by the global plastics treaty. The treaty must establish the legal frameworks required to improve working conditions for waste pickers.

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Toxics and Health

Plastic contains toxic chemicals that leach into our food, water, and soil. Out of about 10,000 chemicals used as plastic additives, few have been widely studied, let alone regulated. A treaty must address plastic’s toxic burden.

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Plastic and Climate Change/Los plásticos y el cambio climático

Plastic is a significant contributor to climate change throughout its lifecycle. By 2050, emissions from plastic alone will take up over a third of the remaining carbon budget for a 1.5 °C target. A plastics treaty must impose legally-binding plastic reduction targets.

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Chemical “Recycling” and Plastic-to-Fuel

Faced with increasing pressure from lawmakers and civil society to reduce plastic production and greater awareness of the limits of mechanical recycling, the petrochemical industry has been peddling chemical “recycling” and “plastic-to-fuel” as a primary solution to plastic pollution. However, after billions of dollars and decades of development, these approaches do not work as advertised. A plastics treaty stands to be undermined if it embraces these industry-backed false solutions.

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Waste Incineration and Burning Waste in Cement Kilns

Burning waste emits climate pollution and other toxic chemicals, and is the least energy-efficient and most costly method of energy production. A plastics treaty must adopt a moratorium on new incinerators and encourage a roadmap to phase out all existing incinerators by 2030.

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Burning Waste in Cement Kilns

Burning plastic in cement kilns results in toxic emissions, threatening the health of workers, communities and the environment, especially in low-income countries in the Global South. Widespread burning of waste in cement kilns would also worsen the already devastating carbon footprint of the cement industry. A plastics treaty must phase out burning plastic waste in cement kilns.

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Plastic Neutrality and Credit

The global plastics treaty provides an important opportunity to officially discourage or ban the use of plastic credits before they become widespread. Doing so would avoid the incredible amount of regulatory oversight needs —both in the private and public sectors— to organize and
manage international plastic credit markets. The collective efforts could be better spent on reducing plastic production rapidly.

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Zero Waste Finance

A transition from a plastic-reliant economy toward a circular zero waste economy requires effective mobilization and allocation of financial resources. Public and private finance have distinct and intersecting roles to play in supporting and scaling up innovations for waste prevention, redesign, alternative delivery and reuse systems as well as improving existing waste collection and recycling systems.

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Extended Producer Responsibility

Extended producer responsibility (EPR) policies seek to improve the environmental and social performance of products by holding producers and brand owners accountable for the entire lifecycle of their products. The global plastics treaty must embed well-designed EPR policies in it, guiding producers to prioritize upstream solutions.

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Bioplastics

The global Plastics Treaty must focus on plastic reduction and reuse, instead of substituting a plastic single-use item for a bio-based, biodegradable, or compostable one.

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The new global agreement on plastic pollution will require financial resources to achieve its objectives. There are costs associated with implementing and complying with new legally binding controls at the global level. New, additional, stable, accessible, and adequate financial assistance have to be made available to developing countries and economies in transition to comply with and implement the new legally binding agreement which is a priority area for the Africa Region. As such, for the 3rd part of the Global Plastics Treaty Webinar Series, we learned about what the existing financial landscape looks like to address plastic pollution and what lessons can be learned from funding mechanisms developed for existing MEAs (Multilateral Environmental Agreements) and much more….

Watch GAIA Africa Global Plastics Treaty Webinar Series | Part 2 The Zero Draft

In this Global Plastics Treaty webinar held on September 21, we learned more about what the Zero Draft is, what GAIA & BFFP’s analyses have been thus far about the Zero Draft and how you can use the Zero Draft in your advocacy efforts. GAIA’s Global Policy Officer Sirine Rached and BFFP’s Global Policy Officer Semee Rhee led the discussion.

Watch GAIA Africa Global Plastics Treaty Webinar Series | Part 3 How the Global Plastics Treaty Came About and Why It Matters?

This is the first part of this series held on 14 September 2023 with our esteemed speakers Ana Rocha, GAIA’s Director of Global Plastics Program and Merrisa Naidoo, GAIA/BFFP’s Africa Plastic Campaigner who presented to us a general overview of the plastics treaty, how it came about and why it matters.

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Yury Sergeev, a longtime employee of Bellona working from our Vilnius office, has been found guilty by Russian authorities for violating the country’s sweeping “undesirable organizations” law—despite having lived outside Russia since 2022.

Sergeev said he was informed of the verdict via the court’s online portal. The verdict likely stem from his continued work with Bellona, which was labeled “undesirable” by Russia’s Ministry of Justice in 2023—a move that effectively criminalized the group’s operations and associations both inside and outside Russia.

Information regarding the particulars of the court’s decision are unclear and are likely to remain so—but it’s fair to surmise that Sergeev has been found guilty of working with an environmental organization that Russia consider “destabilizing” to the foundations of its government.

“I knew the risks when I relocated and continued working for Bellona,’ said Sergeev.  “The Russian regime will not stop its repressive machine—if this case exists, it means our work matters.”

Bellona founder Frederic Hauge described the verdict as “prosecution by red tape,” part of a decades-long pattern of Russian legal harassment against the organization.

“Even now, operating beyond Russia’s borders, the authorities in Moscow continue to perceive us as a threat,” Hauge said. “This case may seem minor, but it’s part of a much larger and more troubling legacy of repression.”

A Longstanding Campaign of Intimidation

Since relocating to Lithuania following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Bellona’s staff has continued its mission: promoting environmental transparency and nuclear safety in the post-Soviet space. The group’s designation as “undesirable” in Russia came shortly thereafter, effectively banning its work and criminalizing contact with its members—even in personal contexts.

Despite the seemingly petty nature of the verdict, the consequences could be severe. If Sergeev refuses to pay the resulting fine—as he and Bellona intend—it could escalate into criminal charges, potentially jeopardizing his residency status abroad.

“Even absurd charges like these can interfere with visa renewals, citizenship applications, or travel,” said Hauge. “Russia is effectively trying to weaponize bureaucracy to silence its critics—even those who have fled.”

A History of Harassment

Bellona is no stranger to Russian state repression. Some 30 years ago, Russia’s security services began a campaign of harassment against Bellona’s office in Russia, which culminated in the prosecution of Bellona’s Alexander Nikitin for treason.  Nikitin was eventually acquitted, marking the first time in Russian history that a defendant won against the FSB. That prosecution was led by Alexander Gutsan, now a top Kremlin official and Putin’s envoy to Northwest Russia—where the current case against Sergeev originated.

“Isn’t it interesting that the charges against Yury originated in the region where our old friend Gutsan now represents Putin’s administration?” Hauge asked. “It might be that he has a bit of a grudge.”

Alexander Nikitin (left), Frederic Hauge (middle) and Lawyer Ivan Pavlov following Nikitin’s acquittal in 2000.

Bellona’s long work within Russia also faced routine harassment, our former offices in Murmansk and St Petersburg being declared “foreign agents,” in 2015 and 2017, respectively.  This designation carries with it onerous reporting procedures and subjects NGOs to heightened scrutiny by authorities who are often anxious to find wrongdoing.

Sergeev Responds: ‘Let Them Accuse Me’

In a personal statement, Sergeev emphasized his resolve and the importance of Bellona’s work:

“Environmental protection in Russia has always been met with surveillance, harassment, and intimidation. That’s the cost of doing something meaningful under authoritarianism. I’ve made my choice—and I have no regrets.”

He added: “We knew it was only a matter of time before someone — one of us who had relocated and kept working — would be targeted under this administrative article.”

Escalating Legal Risks Under Russia’s ‘Undesirable Organizations’ Law

The case against Sergeev stems from Russia’s 2015 law targeting so-called “undesirable organizations”—a vaguely worded statute that criminalizes nearly any form of cooperation or contact with targeted NGOs, including online sharing or personal correspondence.

Under Article 20.33 of Russia’s Code of Administrative Offences, individuals can be fined simply for participating in the activities of these organizations or disseminating their materials—even outside Russian territory. The punishments then escalate to criminal charges under yet another article—Article 284.1 of Russia’s Criminal Code, which imposes significantly harsher penalties, which can include prison sentences of up to six years.

“These laws are deliberately vague, and that’s the point,” said Bellona founder Frederic Hauge. “They allow Russian authorities to target anyone they choose with a shifting definition of illegality. Today, it’s Yury. Tomorrow, it could be any Russian citizen who has ever visited our website or forwarded a link.”

About Bellona

Founded in 1986, Bellona is an international environmental NGO with offices in Europe and a long history of advocating for environmental transparency, sustainable energy, and post-Soviet nuclear safety. Bellona relocated its Russian operations to Lithuania in 2022 in response to Russia’s unlawful full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

The post Russia Targets Bellona Vilnius Staffer with ‘Prosecution by Red Tape’ appeared first on Bellona.org.

By NBC Montana Staff Large swathes of green algae have become a common sight across several Montana rivers this summer, raising questions about what’s causing the blooms and how recent legislative changes could make matters worse. … “We saw a really unfortunate attack on our defensible clean water standards in this last legislative session.” Said …

The post Montana’s rivers run green as lawmakers repeal key water protections appeared first on Montana Environmental Information Center - MEIC.

The National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) Gender Structure is calling on its members and also its staff in all nine regions to kindly make donations to victims of the floods which recently devastated parts of the Eastern Cape.

At least 90 people died and over 10 000 people have been affected as a result of heavy flooding in the OR Tambo District Municipality in the Eastern Cape. The floods have displaced hundreds of families; damaged homes and settlements; and destroyed infrastructure and caused power cuts. At least four NUMSA members have lost family members as a result of the floods.

We are humbly requesting support for the victims of the flood. We are kindly requesting that all donations be made to the nearest NUMSA Regional or Local office.

Some of the items we are requesting are:

• Tinned food and dry goods such as beans, fish, rice, maize meal, pasta etc
• Sanitary items such as sanitary towels and toothpaste
• Baby food and diapers
• Clothes
• Shoes

We are kindly requesting that comrades use union meetings including LSSC’s and RSSC’s, and REC’s to donate so that we can help as much as possible. Any money which is donated can be given to the Regional office closest to the members.

We will be grateful for any contribution and any assistance will be highly appreciated.

The items received will be handed over to the Umtata Local on the 17th of July because they were heavily affected.

The gender structure wishes to thank trade union the South African Industrial Commercial and Allied Workers Union (SAICWU) our sister union within SAFTU for making a donation. President Rendani Munyai personally handed over clothes and shoes for families devastated by the floods. This is truly socialism and Ubuntu at work. We are deeply grateful to the union for heeding the call.

We also want to call on the public as a whole not to forget the people of the OR Tambo District. Even though this issue is no longer being reported on, the suffering of the community continues. If possible, we urge the public to reach out to organisations in the OR Tambo District to help those families whose lives have been devastated by the floods.

ENDS.

Issued on behalf of NUMSA by:

Puleng Phaka

NUMSA 2nd Deputy President

0617629266

For more information, please contact:

Phakamile Hlubi-Majola

NUMSA National Spokesperson

0833767725

phakamileh@numsa.org.za

NUMSA Head Office number: 0116891700

NUMSA Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/NumsaSocial

NUMSA Twitter account: @Numsa_Media

NUMSA Website: https://numsa.org.za/

PDF DOWNLOAD: The NUMSA Gender Structure is calling on the public not to forget the flood victims in the Eastern Cape who still need our support

The post The NUMSA Gender Structure is calling on the public not to forget the flood victims in the Eastern Cape who still need our support appeared first on NUMSA.

In 1994, the entire Gualala River watershed was listed on section 303(d) of the federal Clean Water Act as impaired for excessive sedimentation / siltation. Excessive sediment in the Gualala River watershed impairs Beneficial Uses associated with the Gualala River’s salmonid fishery and habitat.

In 2001, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) established a Total Maximum Daily Load (TMDL) for sediment in the Gualala River Watershed, supported by the Gualala River Watershed Technical Support Document for Sediment (TSD), which was developed by North Coast Regional Water Quality Control Board (North Coast Water Board) staff.

Pursuant to section 13242 of the California Water Code, North Coast Water Board staff have developed the Action Plan for the Gualala River Sediment TMDL (Action Plan) and Staff Report Supporting the Gualala River Sediment TMDL Action Plan (Staff Report) – see below.

The Action Plan and Staff Report reference and summarize key components of the Gualala River Sediment TMDL and the TSD. The Action Plan and Staff Report provide an implementation strategy to achieve the TMDL load allocations through various measures to manage sediment sources and attain water quality standards.

The Action Plan and Staff Report were published by the North Coast Water Board on July 11, 2025. Public comments on the Action Plan must be submitted by Monday, August 25, 2025 at 5 pm.

A Public Workshop on the Action Plan will be held at the Water Board’s office, 5550 Skylane Blvd, Suite A, Santa Rosa, CA 95403 on Thursday or Friday, August 14-15, 2025 at 9 am. A Public Hearing on the Action Plan will be held at the Water Board’s office on Thursday or Friday, December 4-5, 2025 at 9 am. Following the public hearing, the Water Board will consider adoption of the Action Plan.

Action Plan

Draft Action Plan for the Gualala River Sediment TMDL

Staff Report

Draft Staff Report Supporting the Gualala River Sediment TMDL Action Plan

• Appendix A: Gualala River Total Maximum Daily Load for Sediment
• Appendix B: Gualala River Watershed Technical Support Document for Sediment
• Appendix C: Gualala River Sediment TMDL Action Plan California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) Draft Environmental Checklist
• Appendix D: External Peer Review Exemption for Gualala River Sediment TMDL Action Plan
• Appendix E: Gualala River Watershed Monitoring Data Assessment

How to submit comments

Written comments must be received no later than 5:00 PM on August 25, 2025. Please send comments by selecting from the following methods:

• Email up to 15 megabytes to NorthCoast@waterboards.ca.gov and use the subject heading “Draft Gualala River TMDL Action Plan”
• Follow electronic submittal guidelines for comments greater than 15 megabytes
• Fax to 707-576-2069
• Mail or Hand Deliver to:
  • North Coast Regional Water Quality Control Board Attention: Draft Gualala River TMDL Action Plan 5550 Skylane Boulevard, Suite A Santa Rosa, CA 95403-1072

See the Notice of Public Comment Opportunity for more information.

A blog by Michelle Ueltschi, CCAN’s Carol Brantley Environmental Justice Fellow

As I approached the Chesapeake City Hall, heart pounding, I had no idea what to expect. The closest I’d ever been to a City Council meeting was watching Leslie Knope on Parks and Recreation! Entering the chamber, I was immediately shocked. A sea of Chesapeake residents, all wearing bright red and proudly sporting “No Data Center” stickers, took me by surprise.

I knew the council was voting on the data center that night, but I had no idea how much the community was strongly united against it. But my real focus was the first agenda item of the night: the proposal for a Chesapeake compressor station that would bring more toxic pollution to our community. 

Why the Dangers of This Compressor Station Hit Close to Home

Virginia Natural Gas (VNG) is proposing to build a new compressor station in a residential neighborhood in Chesapeake. Compressor stations are facilities placed along natural gas pipelines to boost pressure and keep gas moving over long distances. These stations release toxic air pollutants and greenhouse gases, including methane and cancer-causing gases like benzene. This compressor station is planned to be located within five miles of a school where my mom works, making it a very personal issue for me.

As I’ve been talking to people about this project while canvassing and at festivals, I’m inspired by the passion and energy Chesapeake residents have shown in fighting to protect our community. I’ve heard stories from longtime residents longing for the preservation of their rural communities.

I’ve listened to grandparents recount stories of their childhoods, sharing how they have seen the city become more polluted, storms getting worse, and that they fear the future for their families. During these conversations, CCAN and other organizations gathered hundreds of signatures from Chesapeake residents telling the city council that they do not want this project built in their community. 

A Landmark Victory: Chesapeake City Council Rejects Polluting Projects

That night, after hours of testimony and debate, the Chesapeake City Council made a landmark decision: they voted to deny Virginia Natural Gas’s sweeping rezoning request! This request would have paved the way for the compressor station and the data center. Its rejection was a huge win for residents, civic leagues, and environmental groups that raised environmental justice concerns about pollution, safety, and the disproportionate burden these projects would place on already disadvantaged communities. 

I thought we had won that fight. I celebrated, closed my research tabs, and shifted my focus to other priorities. But the next morning, I received an email: Virginia Natural Gas had requested a reconsideration from the City Council. Suddenly, we were back at square one. I was confused and angry; why does one company get endless opportunities, while we have to block every single door just to stay safe? 

Nevertheless, we got back to work. With only a month to act, our coalition put together a bold plan to urge the City Council to stand firm and listen to the voices of Chesapeake residents who oppose this project.

Join Us to Protect Chesapeake’s Future

Here’s the bottom line: the only way we can ensure this project does not harm our communities is to pack the city council chamber on July 15th at 6:30 PM. We need to show the city council how many of their constituents are against this project, and remind them we are watching their vote closely. 

Before the meeting, at 5:15, CCAN will be holding a mini rally to prepare residents to speak out against the project. We will be providing shirts, coaching residents on how to address their representatives, and we will have free snacks! Can you make it out to the mini rally or the city council meeting on July 15th? Sign up here to let us know you’re coming and bring a friend!

We’ve beat this thing before. Let’s beat it again!

RSVP Here to Attend the Rally and Hearing

About the Author: Michelle Ueltschi (she/her) has been working in Hampton Roads, Virginia as a Carol Brantley Environmental Justice Fellow for the summer of 2025. She has recently graduated from Columbia University with a degree in sustainable development.

As a Hampton Roads native, Michelle found her passion for the environment at a young age and spent many years in high school advocating for the local environment and working to protect her hometown of Virginia Beach.

Now, after finding her passion for climate justice at Columbia, Michelle is bringing the knowledge and experience she gained in New York City back to the Chesapeake Bay!

The post Standing Strong for Chesapeake: How Community Voices Are Defeating Polluting Projects appeared first on Chesapeake Climate Action Network.

A Deadly Storm as a Bellwether for Climate Change

For three days from July 4, a tropical storm brought a deadly deluge to a region of central Texas known as Hill Country, which is considered one of the deadliest places in the US for flash flooding. The worst of it happened in Kerr County, including, tragically, in summer camps with many children. 

Fueled by remnants of Tropical Storm Barry, torrential rainfall surged the river by 25 to 30 feet in under an hour. At times, the water rose one inch every 25 seconds. At the time of writing, more than 100 people are dead, including more than 35 children, with 170 people still missing.

Unfortunately, this is not new. Central Texas – especially the Hill Country – is known as “Flash Flood Alley” due to steep terrain, shallow soils and intense rainfall and has flooded nearly once every decade over the past 100 years.

Even so, it’s getting worse with climate change, and events like this will become more common in this region and elsewhere. Humidity and heat are rising in the Gulf, bringing more moisture. Meanwhile, drought dries out soil, making it less absorbent. When rain does fall, it floods faster and more violently. A new UN report calls worsening droughts “a slow-moving global catastrophe.”

The Need to Be Prepared

But it’s not just about climate change. It’s about emergency preparedness. The region has poor cell service, so warnings from the National Weather Center can sometimes not get through. For years, Texas debated a $1-million flood alert system for Hill Country to prevent disasters just like this. But it was never funded, despite the area’s 50,000 residents and thousands of young campers.

Meanwhile, the Trump Administration is taking aim at every possible agency involved in emergency preparedness, with mass budget cuts and layoffs at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, which runs the National Weather Service, the Federal Emergency Management Administration, and more. US National Weather Service budget cuts meant that a veteran warning coordination meteorologist for the region retired early this spring. His role was to work with local communities to help them prepare for events like this, to get the national weather alerts to the community members in need. But he was not replaced, leaving a critical gap just months before the flood. 

In times like this, I often turn to books for advice and understanding. Here are a few recommendations for your own reading. And then, once you’re fired up to do something, join CCAN as an Action Member to plug into your local climate movement.

Books to Deepen your Understanding

The DelugeBy: Stephen MarkleyPublisher: Simon & SchusterYear: 2023

The Deluge is a climate thriller. And it is a political epic. And it is so much more.

At nearly 900 pages, spanning a range of decades and characters, it showcases a world responding too slowly to environmental breakdown. There are scientists desperately lobbying for reform, activists risking their lives for visibility and ordinary people watching the weather change everything, including a truly terrifying — and too real scene of a wildfire in downtown Los Angeles.

Markley shows how systemic failure creeps forward through inertia, denial and political dysfunction. Stephen King called it this generation’s Grapes of Wrath.

Choice quote:

As bureaucrats have rediscovered again and again from time immemorial, getting people to do what is in their best interest is often more difficult than unleashing their worst natures.

The Ministry for the FutureBy: Kim Stanley Robinson
Publisher: Orbit
Year: 2020

Sometimes, though I wish it weren’t the case, a crisis is needed to catalyze action. The Ministry for the Future by Kim Stanley Robinson opens with a harrowing heatwave in India that kills millions yet leads to the formation of an international agency under the UN, nicknamed the “Ministry for the Future.” Its mandate: to advocate for future generations and protect life on Earth.

What follows is a fascinating mix of fiction and speculative policy, as Robinson explores economic restructuring, geoengineering, climate migration, eco-terrorism, and radical diplomacy. The novel follows a mosaic of voices—scientists, refugees, central bankers, insurgents, bureaucrats—as the world shifts from a state of emergency to one of sustainability.

The novel doesn’t shy away from collapse, but insists that coordinated global action is still possible—even if it’s messy, compromised, and contested. The Ministry for the Future reads like a hybrid of climate fiction and future history, and has become a touchstone for policy thinkers and climate advocates alike. It doesn’t just ask what might happen. It asks what we’re willing to do.

Choice quote:

As bureaucrats have rediscovered again and again from time immemorial, getting people to do what is in their best interest is often more difficult than unleashing their worst natures.

TimefulnessBy: Marcia BjornerudPublisher: Princeton University PressYear: 2018

How fast are things changing? To get some perspective, it’s worth going back to the beginning of time. Or at least, the beginning of the earth.

In clear yet gorgeous prose, geologist Marcia Bjornerud introduces readers to the idea of “timefulness” — a sense of planetary history that extends far beyond human timescales. She argues that modern society is “chronically short-sighted,” and that our inability to grasp deep time has left us blind to the consequences of our actions, particularly when it comes to environmental stewardship.

The book blends field stories, geological insight and philosophical reflection, making complex concepts easy to understand. She doesn’t offer doom; she offers perspective.

Choice quote:

It is also not the “end of nature” but, instead, the end of the illusion that we are outside nature. Dazzled by our own creations, we have forgotten that we are wholly embedded in a much older, more powerful world whose constancy we take for granted. As a species, we are much less flexible than we would like to believe, vulnerable to economic loss and prone to social unrest when nature—in the guise of Katrina, Sandy, or Harvey, among others — diverges just a little from what we expect.

The UnmappingBy: Denise S. RobbinsPublisher: MareasYear: 2025

Yes, I’m including my own book in this list. But writing it really did help me work through my personal experience of what climate change feels like, and I hope it can do the same for others. My debut novel explores life in a state of emergency through a surreal phenomenon known as “the unmapping”. At 4 am in New York City, all the city’s buildings mysteriously swap places. The Empire State Building ends up on Coney Island and K-town bars are in Queens. The next night, it happens again. It’s a disaster that breaks down the utility grid and leads to thousands of people becoming lost.

The story follows two workers at the city’s Emergency Management Department, tasked with holding the city together as the crisis escalates. As attention slowly turns to stopping the unmapping, the book’s characters navigate a restructured landscape in search of loved ones, safety and meaning.

Many believe it’s a bizarre side effect of global warming, an era when the highly improbable becomes disturbingly routine. I wrote this surreal story with the hope that it would allow the reader to experience how climate change feels. With Texas waters rising at 25 inches per minute, nothing feels stable and everything familiar has become strange — it seems quite possible that the laws of physics will change beneath our feet.

As climate emergencies grow more frequent, the role of emergency workers becomes more vital. In the book, the workers confront the limitations of the systems in place and work to improve them. Ultimately, their job is about saving lives. The real-life decision by Texas officials to forgo a flood warning system that could have saved lives only reinforces the story’s relevance.

Choice quote:

It is hard to say when things started turning around for the better. Is it possible to pinpoint a particular moment when everyone stopped running around trying to live in a broken world and started instead trying to fix it?

What’s Next

YOU can get involved to stop climate change where you live. Join CCAN as an Action Member today. 

Join the Climate Movement

 

Photo at top from Flickr user Richard Masoner with a Creative Commons license

A version of this post was initially published on “This Week, Those Books,” which links the big international story to the world of books. Their aim is to provide crucial context —  from fiction and non-fiction  —  to the shouty, doomscroll news cycle. Read it here.

The post Texas’s Deadly Floods: Failure to Warn appeared first on Chesapeake Climate Action Network.

Alaska’s Tongass is the world’s largest temperate rainforest and a sanctuary for wildlife. The Trump administration’s plan to rescind a rule banning roads in wild areas of national forests would open untouched parts of the Tongass and other forests to logging and development.

Read more on E360 →

Nurses at Research Medical Center in Kansas City, Missouri, are speaking out against the planned end of their hospital’s labor and delivery, neonatal intensive, and obstetrics emergency care services. Recently announced by HCA, nurses say these service shutdowns will leave patients with fewer options for essential health care for new parents and babies.

Nurses at University Medical Center New Orleans in New Orleans, La., are moving forward with their strike to protest LCMC Health’s retaliation against nurses for their union activity and patient advocacy.

For the first time, solar was the largest source of electricity in the EU last month, supplying a record 22 percent of the bloc's power.

Read more on E360 →

The Yanomami people in Venezuela are engulfed in a full-blown health crisis. #

Of all the hummingbirds in the Americas—which is to say, every last one of the family’s 350-plus species—birders in the United States are lucky enough to have regular chances at seeing 15...

The post Green Hydrogen Production Pathways for India appeared first on RMI.